EARLY
RA1 K. L. BAKU A BAHADUR, B.L.,
.£ y it&li-sh c<J. by t h e Author*
EARLY
HISTORY OF KAMARUPA
wtff wtw rsnwn
TRICHUR OCH«N A7-
UUMWM
By
RAI K.L. BAKU A BAHADUR, B.L.,
DKIPTV COUUMklONRl: Ml RUHR!
AM>*XI>IUN 'AMirl. IUi.\ui: \K V KKOU
rKOV|>CUL COIX COMMITTER. •*
Published by (he Author.
SHILLONG
1933 .
.. vm'i rffiwfl*
TRIO- UR °
EARLY
HISTORY OF KAMARUPA
< nri'Ki: i'l.ATK >rai. ok tiik kauaui «*a kimss
, /:» tl.l |» .1 rk Mat-- '-0.1. -/
EARLY
HISTORY OF KAMARUPA
FROM TriE EARLIEST TIMES TO THE END
OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY.
By
RAI K. L. BARUA BAHADUR, B.L.,
uxrnr coaocanosn. ama***-^. nmaur. kImamztx
4XCUKDUAK AAMITL BOX 0*A*T ucuiar
i>»otuiczai com c oMMiim a mam •».
Published by the Author.
SHILLONG.
1933 .
Printed by Re*. Fr. FOGUA S.C
At Tbt Do. Beeee bdu.tr>.] Scbo.1 Pr«.
SHILLONG.
To the unfading memory
of
MY BELOVED PARENTS.
PREFACE.
This book xi*ns at presenting, as far as possible,
a connected history ot the old kingdom known as
Prlgjyotisha or Kimarupa from the earliest times
till the death of the Koch king Narcftriyan towards
the end ol the sixteenth century. It may therefore
be called the history of Kimarupa during the pre-
Ahotn period. The materials on which a full
chronological record of this long period can be
attempted are by ro means ample but they are at
least not less numerous than those now available for
compiling a historical account of the neighbouring
province of Bengal during the same early period.
About 1000 yenrs before the Christian era the
greater p:.rt of lower Bengal was probably under
the sea while the greater part of northern Bengal
was included in Prlgjvotisha. Allusions to the,
smaller kingdoms in Bengal, then above the sea,
are therefore rare in the oldest Aryan records but
PrSgjyotisba, which was then a powerful kingdom,
is often mentioned in the epics and the Puranas,
The Arvan wave extended to Kimarupa directly
from Videha and Magadha long before lower
Bengal became either habitable or fit for Aryan
occupation. Kimarupa was therefore Aryanized
long before central and lower Bengal. The Maga-
dha empire was founded by Chandra Gupta in the
fourth century B. C. About this time, or after,
the whole of northern Bengal, to the south of tho
II
Jalpaiguri district and west of the Trisrota, was
absorbed in the Mauna empire together with the
Tamralipd region in the south west. The Mourya
empire of Asoka undoubtedly included northern
Bengal between the Teesta (Karatoya) and the
Kosi, fer within this area stupas erected by Asoka
were lound by Yuan Chwang in the seventh century
A. D. This area continued to be included in the
Magadba empire at least till the sixth century
A. D. During the tule of the Imperial Guptas
this stretch was known as Pundravardhana. To
the east and north of Pundravardhana Kimarupa
continued as an indepcndant kingdom ruled over
by an indigenous line of kings who traced
descent from Naralta, Btugadatu and Vajradatta
who were heroes meutioucd in the epics. Front
epigraphic records, so far brought to light, it is
possible to trace an almost unbroken genealogy of
these kings Irom about the middle ol the fourth
century A. D down to the twellth century or a
period of nearly nine hundred years. Very few of
the old Hiudu kingdoms in India can present such
unique genealogical records covering such a long
period. No less than twelve copper plate inscrip,
tions, inscribed seals and rock-inscnptions recorded
by various kings of Kamarupa dunug this period
have been discovered and deciphered. Epigraphic
records left by tbc famous Gupta emperor Samu-
dra Gupta, Yasodharman, k.ng of Malwa, who
was a famous conqueror, Adityasena, who belonged
to the line of “Later Guptas of Magadha", Jaya-
deva, a well-known king of Nepal and some of the
Pila kings and Sena kings of Bengal provide use-
Ill
ful material for the history of Kamarupa during
this period. The Raghuvangsa of K&lidasa, the
very valuable accounts of the Chinese writers, the
Harsha-Charita of Binabhatta, the Rija-tarangini
ol Kahlan and the translations Irom Tibetan
records, recently made available, also throw
valuable light.
The local cpigraphic records constitute, however
the most important foundation on which a reliable
frame-work of history can be based. These can be
enumerated as follows in chronological order:-
(i) The Nidbanpur copper-plate inscription ol
Bh&skara-vurma-Deva (Circa 610 A. D.) discovered
and deciphered by Pandit Padmanath Bhatta-
charya Vidyavinod and published m Epigraphia
Indies*, Vols XII and XIX. One plate of this
inscription is still missing.
(a) The Nalsnda clay-seal of Bhfiskaravarman,
(circa 643 A. D.) deciphered by Mr. K. N. Dikshit
and published in the Journal of the Bihar and
Orissa Research Society, Vol. VI (1920).
(3J The Hiyungthal copper-plate inscription of
Harjara-varma-Deva (circa 825 A. D.) discovered
and deciphered by Pandit Padmanath Bhatta-
charya Vidyavinod and published by him in his
"Kimarupa dSsanlvalP*. Only the middle plate
of this inscription has been discovered.
(4) The rock-inscription of Harjara-varma-Deva
near Tezpur (dated 510 Gupta era equivalent to
828 A. D.) deciphered by M. M. Pandit Haraprasad
dsstri and published in the Journal of the Bihar
and Orissa Research Society, December 1917.
( 5 ) The Tezuur copper-plate inscription ot Vana-
IV
mSla-Varma-Deva (circa 854 A. D.) deciphered by
Pandit Kamalakanta and published in the Journal
of the Asiatic Society of Bengal Vol. IX, I 84 °-
(6) The Nowgong copper-plate inscription of
BalavarmaDeva III (circa 883 A. D.) originally
deciphered by the late M. M. Pandit Dhiresivara
Bhuttacbarya Kaviratna and published in the
'Assam”. It was subsequently re-deciphered by
Dr. Hoernle and published in the Journal of the
Asiatic Society of Bengal (No. t of 1897).
(7) The Bargaon copper-plate inscription of
RatnapAla-varma-Dcva (circa 1025 A. D.) decipher-
ed by Dr. Hoernle aod published in the Journal of
the Asiatic Society of Bengal (Part I ol 1898).
(8) The Sualkiichi copper-plate inscription of
Ratnapila-varmaDeva ( area 1026 A. D. )
deciphered by Dr. Hoernle and published in the
Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, (part I
of 1898).
(9) The Gauhati copper-plate inscription of
IndrapSla-varma-Deva ( circa 1038 A- D. )
deciphered by Dr. Hoernle and published in the
Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal (part I
of 1897).
(10) The Guakuchi copper-plate inscription ol
IndrapIla-varma-Deva ( circa 1051 A. D. )
deciphered by Pandit Padraanath Bhattacharya
Vidyavinod and published by him in his "Ksma-
rupa Sisanavali”
(11) The first copper-plate inscription ofDhar-
mapila-varma-Deva (circa 1092 A. D.) collected
by the late Hem Chandra Gosain, deciphered by
Pandit Padmanath Bhattacharya Vidyavinod and
published in his “Klmarupa 6&sanavali".
(ia) The second or Putf)abhadrd copper-plate
inscription of Dfurmapila-varma-Deva (area 1 1 to
A. D.) deciphered by the late Hem Chandra
Gossain and published by Pandit Vidyavinod in
his “Kamarupa tSlsanavali”
(13) The rock-inscription in North Gaubati
dated 1 127 Saka equivalent to 1205-06 A. D.
relating to the defeat of Mahammad-i-Bukhityar in
Kftmarupa. Col. Gurdon read a paper ou this
inscription in 1918. A photograph of this inscrip-
tion also appears in Pandit Vidyavinod s "Klma-
rupa iSfcanavali". This inscription was referred to
by me in my paper on the “Earlier Muhammadan
invasions of KAmarupa" read in the anniversary
meeting of the Kftmarupa Anusandhan Samiti
during Z932.
General Jenkins collected and forwarded to the
Asiatic Society of Bengal the inscription of Vana-
ni&la and another said to have been recorded by
Dharmaplla in the thirtysixth year of his reign.
The Society published the text of the VanamSla
inscription but the one said to have been recorded
by Dharmapftla was not published at all and it is
not traceable now. Probably it was one of the
Dharmapftla inscriptions now published by Pandit
Vidyavinod. All the inscriptions deciphered by
Dr. Hoerale were sent to him by Sir Edward Gait
who was then Secretary to the Chief Commissioner
ol Assam and was collecting materials for his
"History of Assam” which was actually published
after he left Assam. Pandit Padmanath Bhatta-
v;
charya Vidyavinod recovered the oldest and the
most valuable of all the copper-plate inscriptions,
viz, that of Bhfc>karavarman as well as the stray-
plate of llarjaravarman. He has also published for
the first time the text of the Guakuchi grant of
Indrapala and of both the Dharmapala grants. The
pcrseverence with which he searched for and re-
covered nearly all the lost plates of Bbttskaravar-
man's grant is indeed beyond all praise. It was
the late Pandit Hem Chandra Gossain who
coilecteu both tire Dbarmapftla iuscripiions and
deciphered one of them. For a decipherment of
the rock-inscription of Harjaravarman, through the
late Pandit Haraprasad Ssistri, we are indebted to
the efforts ol Co.. P. R. Gurdon who also, for the
first time published the translation of the text of
the Nortb-Guub..ti (Kanai borosi) rock-inscription.
The find of so many valuable epigraphic records,
soon after the publication of «l*e first edition of
Gait's History of Assam, was in no small measure
due to the interest in historical research created by
the foundation ol the Klmarupa Anusandban Samiti
through tbo cflorls mainly of the late Mahama-
hopadhyaya Pandit Dbireswara Kaviratna, Pandit
Vidyavinod and Rai Bahadur Kali Quran Sen. all
backed by the strong support of Col. Gurdon who
was instrumental in securing lor the Samiti official
recognition and financial assistance.
While, therefore, there exist quite a good number
of epigraphic records which enable us to piece
together an almost uninterrupted chronicle of the
Kimarupa kings from the lourth down to the
tweilth century A.D. it is rather surprising that
VII
we have not been ab!e to find a single coin minted
by any of the numerous kings prior to NarnirSyan,
the Koch king o! tbc sixteenth century. It is not
at all likely that the Klmarupa kings did rot strike
coins. We have it on the authority of the Silimpur
inscription deciphered by Mr. R. G. Basak that
about the twelfth century the Klmarupa king
Jayaplla, who was probably tbe son of Dharma-
ptla, offered to make a tulapurveha gift of gold,
including 900 gold coins, to a Brahman named
Prahlsa. This proves that gold coins were actually
minted by these kings and, as evidenced by the
Nalanda seal of Bhl*;k irurarman, the art of impress-
ing seals on clay or molten metal was known as
early ns the seventh century. Coins of the Klma-
rupa kings, previous to the Koch rajas, buried as
treasure, cannot be looked for in the surface. They
must lie buried deep in the earth overlaid by layers
of silt deposited, during centuries, by the innunda-
tions oi the Brahmaputra. Only deep excavations
at probable sites arc likely to reveal such coins
ard other antiquities. Unfortunately no such ex-
ploration has yet been undertaken in Assam.
Further the old Hindu kings of Kftmarupa weie
supplanted by the Koch kings and then by the
Ahom kings who minted coins of their own. The
old coins of the KRmarupa kings, which were no
longer used as coins, must have therefore been
largely melted into bullion or used in ornaments.
This is another rcasou why such coins are not now
met with. The absence of numismatic evidence to
corroborate the history of tbe early period can
therefore be explained.
VII!
Although epigraphic records that have come
down to us are by no means few in number, other
memorials, besides coins, such as palaces and
temples, apart from temple images and ruins
scattered here and there, belonging to the pre-Ahom
period, are almost non-existent. Sir Edward Gait,
in his History of Assam, his assigned good reasons
for the small number of the monuments ot ancient
Kftmarupa. He writes : —
"Some of the legend? which have been mentioned
suggest that in the distant past the inhabitants of
the country which we now call Assam attained
considerable power and a fair degree of civilisation;
and this view is confirmed by the narrative of the
Chinese pilgrim Hiuen T«iang and by the copper-
plate inscription? which will be referred to in the
next chapter. This being so, the question wil 1
doubtless be asked why >o few memorials of their
time have come down to us. The reason is that
nature has vied with man in destroying them. The
Brahmaputra valley is an alluvial country, and the
impetuous, sr.ow-fed river' which debouch from the
Himalayas find so little resistance in its friable soil
that thev are constantly carving out new channels
and cutting away their banks; consequently no
buildings erected in their neighbourhood can be
expected to remain for more than a limited time,
except at a few points like Gauhati, where rock
pierces through the alluvium.
Though occurring at distant intervals, violent
earthquakes are, in Assam, quite as great a cause
of destruction as fluvial action; there are few
masonry structures which could resist a shock like
IX
that of 1897, which cot only laid in ruins the towns
of Shillong, Gaubati and Sy'het, but also overthrew
many of the monoliths, which are so marked a
leature of the Kbasi and Jaintia Hills, and broke
down most of the piers of the Sil Siko, an ancient
stone bridge, not far from Ha jo, which marks the
bed of a river that has long since left it and taken
another course. A less sudden, but almost equally
potent, cause of damage is found in the luxuriant
vegetation of the country. The pipal (ficus
religiosa) in particular is a great enemy of masonry
buidings; and once a seed of this tree has germinated
in the interstices of such a building, its downfall is
only a question of time. Owing to this cause, many
neve of the more recent Ahom palaces and temples
rre already in a state of decay.
Of the damage done by man, it is necessary only
to mention the way in which religious real led the
early Musalman invaders to break down Hindu
temples, and the widespread havoc wrought by the
Burmese in a spirit of wanton mischief.
The ruins which still survivo represent only an
inconsiderable fragment of the buildings that were
once in existence, but more will doubtless come to
light when the jungle which now covers so vast an
area in Assam comes to be removed to make wnv
for the extension of cultivation".
1 am afraid Sir Edwrad Gait has not fully
enumerated the instances of damage done by man
even within living memory. While a scbool-boy,
I noticed the digging up of the foundations of an
old fortification in the eastern part of Gauhati
town and the breaking of the carved and chiselled
X
stones tor road-metal. Though a boy I then
wondered why such nicely carved stones dug out
were ruthlessly broken into fragments. I now
realize that the remains of the fortification then
exposed probably Belonged to the citadel named
“Sri Durjaya" or the “impregnable" bv RatnapBla
in the eleventh century A. D. No one in
authority then intervened to stop the destruction.
Again when the great earthquake of 1897 destroy-
ed the Silsiko “an ancient stone bridge" as record-
ed by Sir Edward Gait himself, no one in authority
then raised his little finger to prevent the people of
Barpeta and other places from taking away the
stones of the piers and the platform, though, at
that time, the Deputy Commissioner of Kamrup
was Col. Gurdon, an officer having keen interest in
historical research and preservation of ancient
monuments and the Chief Secretary to the Govern-
ment of Assam was Sir Edward Gait himself, the
author of the History of Assam. Mr. N. K. Bhatta-
sali in his recent paper on Mahamrnad Bukhtiyar's
invasion referring to this stone bridge, makes the
following observation:-
"It is very much to be regretted that the Govern-
ment of Assam did not attempt to restore this
priceless monument of antiquity soon after it was
shaken by the earthquake. Attempts should even
now be made to see if the monument can be
restored and the Assam Council should vote the
expenditure”.
In any civilized country this would undoubted-
ly be done but in Assam it has not yet been
possible to spend even ten thousand rupees to
XI
erect a house to stock the ancient relics already
collected by the KSmarupa Anusandhan Samiti.
What Sir Edward Gait anticipated in the last
paragraph quoted above from his book has
however materialized. Numerous remains ot
ancient sculpture and architecture have been
discovered in Assam since he left the province.
01 the various epigraphic records enumerated
above all, except the clay-seal of Bh&skaravarman,
the stray-plate of Harjaravarman, the Guikuchi
inscription of IndrapAla and the two inscriptions
of DliirmipUi were available when the second
edition of Gait s history of Assam was published,
but only 14 pages have been devoted in that book
for the history of tnc period from the fourth to the
twellth century A. D. On the other hand 23 p-.ges
have been devoted to the history of the rule of the
Koch kings who flourished for a comparatively
brief period during the sixteenth and the seven-
teenth centuries. Sir Edward Gail has however
treated the Abom period very fully and his book
is really a connected history of Assam during the
rule of the Abom kings. The necessity of a book
giving a fuller treatment to the history of the pre-
Ahom period has always been stressed and the
materials so far collected justify an attempt in this
direction. When I set myself to this task, however,
I had no idea that Pandit Vidyavinod was engaged
in a work more or less of similar scope in Bengali.
His KSmarupa Siisanavali publishes the text and
Bengali translations of all the inscriptions with
copious notes and he has also given a chronology
of the K&marupa kings in his introduction entitled
XII
Kamarupa Rljavali. He has not, however,
attempted to present a detailed history of the
period which is actually covered by the inscriptions
published in his book. Students of history must,
however, bo indebted to him for publication, in
one volume, of all the old inscriptions. He has
also taken great pains to correct the readings of
most of these inscriptions.
The early history of Kamarupa is very interest-
ing. There was hardly any other Hindu dynasty
in northern India that ruled uninterruptedly for a
period of eight hundred years like the dynasty of
Pushyavarman. Conquerors like Samudra Gupta,
Yasodharman, Mahasena Gupta and Yasovarman
could no doubt defeat the Kamarupa kings in
battle, but they could not include Kamarupa
within their teiritories. The repeated early
Musalman invasions were succesfully repulsed by
the kings of KSmarupa which remained an
independent kingdom till the last unconquered
even by the Moghuls. The Ahom kings who
succeeded the Koch kings became themselves
Hindus and erected numerous Hindu temples.
The extent of their kingdom was no doubt reduced
and it came to be known as Assam, but even that
small kingdom, with its limited resources, success-
fully resisted all Muhammadan invasions and
continued to be independent till the advent of the
British in 1826.
The kingdom continued to be known as Klma-
rupa till the end of the Koch rule. I have,
therefore, included in this book an account of the
kings of Kamata and the Koch kings till the death
of Naranfirayan. The history ol the kingdom of
XIII
Kamata, which lasted nearly 250 years, is,
however, dark. The kings of Kamata were
probably the suzerains over a number of Bhuyan
chiefs who actually ruled the country. These kings
have left no epigraphic record for us. In my
attempt to prepare a chronological list of these
kings, therefore, I have been left, more or less, to
conjecture. Some of my conjectures may be
unfounded and if any one can present a more
reliable history of this period, I shall be the first
to congratulate him. Babu Nagendranath Basu,
has, in his "Social History of Kftmarupa" tried to
piece together a history of this period from the
records of several well-known Kayastha families
of Kamarupa, but bis otherwise praiseworthy
attempt has been vitiated by his eagerness to
prove the Bengali origin of the Kayastha Bhuyans
of Assam. He seems to have overlooked the fact
that the inscription of BhEskaravarman proves the
existence of Kayasthas in Kamarupa in the begin-
ning of the seventh century, long before the period
assigned to Adisur. Further, practically tbe whole
of tbo country now known as northern Bengal was,
in the old days, included in KEmarupa and the
Bengalis of northern Bengal, of tbe present day,
were KBmarupis some centuries back. Many
Kayastha and Brahman families, originally settled
in western Kamarupa ( northern Bengal )
subsequently migrated into the modern Assam
Districts of Kamrup and Goalpara as then- family
histories show and, as pointed out by Stapleton,
such an exodus actually happened when, in the
early part of the fifteenth century, Jalaluddin the
son of Raja Ganesh, with the zeal of a new convert,
XIV
began to compel the Hindus to accept Islam (i),
but lor that reason the descendants of the
immigrants from northern Bengal cannot be claimed
as Bengalis. The Aryans of the modern Assam
valley were all originally immigrants from other
parts of India, mostly from North Bihar. Even
now Missers, Sukuls, Tewaris and Tirotias
(belonging to Tfrhut) are to be found among tho
Assamese Brahmans.
For the history of the Koch kingdom there are
abundant materials. As Gait in his paper on the
“Koch kings of Kimarupa” and in bis “History of
Assam” and Mr. S. N. Dhattacbarya in his "Moghul
North-East Frontier Policy" have dealt with the
history ol K&marupa during this period rather fully,
I have treated the subject very briefly omitting
altogether the history of the kingdom after the
doath of NarnSrEyan. During the reigns of Viswa
Singha and Narnlrfiyan however gankar Dcva, the
celebrated religious reformer of Assam, flourished
and the Kimarupi literature was greatly enriched.
I have therefore added two small chapters on the
Vaisnava reformation and the growth of literal ure
towards the end.
Tho Chutia kingdom, in the extreme north-east
of Klmarupa, came into existence probably before
the Aboms entered Assam. It was after the
conquest of this kingdom that the Aboms secured
a firm footing in eastern Assam. I have therefore
added a short chapter wherein I have stated briefly
the history of this kingdom from records so far
availaable.
(1) J. P. A. S. B. vol xxi, 1930, No 2, Numismatic
Number.
XV
In the last chapter I have discussed the growth
of the Klmarupi literature. I deliberately use the
word "KSmarupi" because it was towards the end
of the period dealt with by me in this book that
the name Asam or Assam came to be applied to
the eastern portion of the A sain valley which
constituted the About kingdom. Klmarupa in-
cluded the whole of the Assam valley till at
least the accession of Dliarm ipila. A proper
discussion of this subject h been rendered possiblo
by the collection ot old pufhis and the compilation
of a descriptive catalogue - the work of my
lamented lriend, the late Pandit Hem Chandra
Gossain. The credit of placing the late Pandit
Gossain on deputation and subsequent preparation
ot the catalogue, liowrver, belongs to Col. Gurdon
and Sir Archdale E »rlc without whose active
interest in the matter the jnitku would never have
been collected. The catalogue was actually
published in 1929 by the Department of Historical
and Antiquarian Studies, Assam, with a preface by
Prof. S. K. Bbuyun. Pandit Gossain did not livo
to see it published. At the end of the book I have
added three appendices containing the English
translations of the three copper plate inscriptions
which were brought to light recently. I would
also draw the attention of my readers to the
“Addenda and Corrigenda" which adds certain
matters which might have gone into the text of the
book and wherein I have corrected certain mistakes
and misprints that inadvertently crept into the
book. For these and other unnoticed defects in
the book, which I had to compile during such
*VI
leisure as I could spare from ir.y duties as Minister
to the Government of Assam, I have to crave for
indulgence from my readers.
In conclusion it is my pleas :nt duty to acknow-
ledge the assistance which I received during
preparation of this book - assistance in the shape of
suggestions and discussions - from Pandit Padma-
nath Bhattacharya Vidyavinod, Rai Bahadur
Ananda Chandra Aganvata, Rai Bahadur Padma-
nath Gobiin Barua, Mr. H. E. Stapleton, Director
of Public Instruction, Bengal, Mr. S. C. Goswami,
Inspector of Schools, Assam Valley, Professors
S. K. Bhuyan and Rani leant a Kakati of the Cotton
College, Dr. K. M. Gupta of the Murarichand
College, Srijut Sonaram Cliaudhuri and Srijut
Sarveswar Kataki of Gauhati. Mr. Bhuyan and
Srijut Kataki bare kindly helped mo in obtaining
photographs for some of the plates in this book
and my nephew Mr. A Barali, M. A. Lecturer,
Calcutta University, has supervised the execution
of the blocks for the plates. My thanks are also
due to the General Secretary of the Asiatic
Society of Bengal and the Editor of the Journal of
the Bihar and Orissa Research Society for their
lending me certain blocks and permitting me to re-
print some plates that originally appeared in their
Journals. For similar permission I am also
obliged to the Archaelogica! Survey of India. I am
indebted to Mr. N. K. Bh.ttasali, M. A., Curator,
Dacca Museum and Mr. K. X. Dikshit, M. A. of the
Archaelogical Department, for tbeir interpretation
of some of the old sculptural and architectural
remains of ancient Kimarupa.
K. L. B.
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
„ , P a 8 e -
Chapter I
Prlflyolisha. ... ... I
Chapter II
The Pre-historie period... ... 26
Chapter III
Kimarupa in the Gupta period. ... 40
Chatter IV
Kftmarupa of Blmskaravarman. ... 56
Appendix I ... ... 91
Chapter V
The Dynasty of S&lastambba. ... 105
Chapter VI
The Dynasty of Brahmapala. ... 135
Chapter VII
A Review of Cultural and Material
Progress. 1 50
Chait’kr VIII
The Later KSmnrupa Kings. ... 190
Chapter IX
The Muhammadan Invasions. ... 201
Chapter X
The Kings of Kamata. ... ... 242
• ••
Chapter XI
Tbe Chutia Kingdom. ...
Chapter XII
The Rule of the Bhuyans.
Chapter XIII
The Koch Kingdom. ...
Chapter XIV
The Vairoava Reformation.
Chapter XV
The Growth of Literature.
Appendix II
Appendix III
Appendix IV
Addenda and Corrigenda
• • •
• • •
• • •
• • •
Page.
270
*77
270
304
3*8
33 °
33 *
335
337
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
Copper-plate seal of the Klmarupa kings- Frontis-
piece.
Facing page.
Shouldered stone implements found in Assam- 17
Seal of Bbfckaravarman found at Nalanda - 97
Nidhanpur inscription of Bhlskaravarman • 99
Ruins of H iruppeswara, Plinth mouldings - ! 23
Do Lotus carved capital - 1 25
Distant view of Hajarapukhri in Tezpur - 1 27
Ananta Slyi Vishnu, AsvakrSnta - 145
Image of Buddha found at Gaubati - 1 50
Terra-cotta votive tablet with 6gure of Buddha-i 55
Ruins of Pragjyotishpur, Panel on plinth - 163
Image of Bodh-Janardana at Gaubati - 165
Ruins of H iruppeswara; stone pillar of
Gupta typo- 168
Do Plinth mouldings • 170
General view of the Bamuni Hill ruins, Tezpur 172
Temple door-frame in Dah Parbatia - 175
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
Enlarged view of Gangl in door-frame- 176
Enlarged view of Jamuna in door-frame * 178
Broken terra-cotta plaque found in Parbatia- 180
Image of Vishnu found in Gauhati - iSa
Standing image of Vishnu from Deopani • 184
North Gauhati rock-inscription relating to
Bukbtiyar's disaster • ail
The Silslko as it existed in 1851 - 314
Narolrlyana seated on throne • 295
Carving on black schist, Bam uni iiall - 330
CHAPTER I
Pragjyotisha.
Its Extent. The country known ns Prltg-
j vo: islui, in the most anc ient times and ns KSmurtipa
in medieval times, has been mentioned both in the
HltnSynna ai d M; hfiblilr: ta. There is no doubt
that the -iimc count r> was called PiBgjvotisIn in
earlier times and Knm.rupi in later times. Of
course the extent of the kingdom varied from time
to time. The references in the Rlmlyana, as well
r.s the MahfibhSrata, indicate that the country
stretched as far as the sea and that it was also, at
least partly, a hillv country. In the KSinSvana it is
stated that the city of PiSgjvotishn was built on
a gold-crested mountain called VarSha, which was
64 yojanas in extent and which stood or abutted
on the fathomless varunSlava (sea). In the Muha-
bhSmta, Bhagadatta, the king of Prffgjyotisha, is
called dailllaya (dwelling among the mountains)
and it is also stated that his troops consisted of
KirKtas, Chinas and dwellers of the sca-coast. It
Seems that the VarSha (Boro ?) mountain, referred
2
PRAGJYOTISHA.
to in the RamSyana, was the Assam range, while
the rca referred to was the very low-lying and
water-logged country immediately to the south of
these hills which, in the old days, was perhaps con-
nected with the Bay of Bengal by the estuary of
the Brahmaputra. This was ro doubt the “eastern
sea " known to the ancients. The low-lying parts
of Sylhct and My merging are still called hftor
(sBgara). In the Bhntcrn copper-plate inreription
ofGoviuda Kc&tvadcvn, king of Srilntta (circa
1049 A. I).) , the sea or I'igora is mentioned as the
boundary of certain lands granted. (1). It is there-
fore evident that, even till comparatively recent
times, a part ofSyllvt remained u\w a vs submerged
in water pier anting the : pp«*;r. ixc of the sc.«. The
KiiRta was perhaps the generic name of the Mon-
goloid people, but the name Cluin was prob;.bly
applied particularly to the Tibetans and the
Bhutanese. Tlie dwellers of the sea-coast were
evidently t lie people living in tin* mr.rshv regions of
Sylhct, My mem mg and Tipper.'. AH these allusions
have led Pargiter to conclude that the kingdom
known as PrKgjyotisha included, at the time of the
MahSbh&rata war, the grc. tcr p.-rt of modern
Assam together with the Bengal districts of Jalpai-
guri, Cooch-Bchar, Rangpur, Bogra, Mvnionsing
Dacca, Tippcra, part of Palma and also probably
part of cast Nepal. (2) . On the other hand, we
again find from the KfiniSyxna that Amurtarajas
founded the kingdom of Prigjvotishi close to
(U Epigrapbia Indira vol. XIX pp 277 to 286.
(2) “ Ancient coonlries in Eastern India” J A 8 If,
1897, p 106.
PRAGJYOTISHA.
3
Dharmiranya. This Amurtarajas was the son
of Kufa and grand -father of the famous rishi
Viswamitra. It is stated that Viswlmitra perfor-
med his austerities on the banks of the Kausika
(modern Kosi). It seems therefore that Prlgjyotisha
included, in the ancient times, the modem district
ol Pumea in Bihar and extended, on the north-west,
as far as the Kosi. It is found from epigraphic
evidence that, about the beginning of the sixth
century A.D, the western boundary of PrSgjyotisha
was the Kosi river. Prlgjyotisha therefore touched
Vidcha(Mithila) on the west. *
It should, however, be stated here that though
there is not much difference of opinion among
orientalists as to the historicity of the conflict, as
related in the MahKbhXrata, between the Kauravas
and the Plndavas, which is assigned towards the
end of the first milienium B. C., there is much con-
troversy as to the date of the epics. European
scholars generally place both of them towards the
end of the autra period when they were regularly
• The late Mr. A. Borooah in hie Ancient Geography
of India, prefaced to the third volome of hid English-
Sanskrit Dictionary wrote that to the east of the Kausika
lay the country of the Paadraa called also Ganda and
that to the north-east of Pondra lay the important king-
dom of Kamanipa. The latest opinion however is that
the Pundms mentioned in the epics were to the south of
Magadha, (see Map Jto. 5, Cambridge History of India
Vol. I). It is |>erfaap« a mistake to associate the Pnndras
with the stretch of country which came to be known as
Pnndra Vardhana daring the Gupta period. Gauda is a
still more recent name and it was evidently to the south
of Kamanipa. To the east of Videha was ancient Pragjyo-
tisha at a time when the names Pundra vardhana, Ganda
and KiUnarupa were unknown.
4
PRAGJYOTISHA.
compiled from bardic talcs. The geographical re-
ferences as well as references to peoples, and tribes,
contained in these two epics, are not therefore
supposed, by these scholars, to possess the great
antiquity with which Indian scholars generally
clothe them. Whatever that may be, there is hardly
any doubt that kings like JarKsandha of Magadha
and Bhagadatta of Prlgjvotisha were historical
figures who ruled over powerful kingdoms during
the period to which the MahlbhKrata relates.
It is stated in the Kalika Purana that when
Naraka was ruling in Prftgjyotislu his friend BEna
was ruling in dooitpur which is identified with
modem Tezpur. It is believed by some that the
kingdom of Blna included the whole of the modern
district of Darrang and the North Lakhimpur sub-
division. The diva temple of MahKbhoirab is at-
tributed to BBna who being a pre-Aryan was a
devotee of diva. The Aryan writers give the
following genealogy with regard to Bfna and his
ancestors : —
Marichi
I
Kaiyap
I
Hirnnyakasipu
l
PrahlSd
I
Virochana
i
Bali
I
Bana.
PRAGJYOTISHA.
5
The story of the secret marriage between B&na’s
daughter Usha and Sri Krishna’s grandson
Aniruddha, the capture and confinement oi
Aniruddha and his subsequent release by Sri
Krishna is told in Kumar Harana, the well-known
Assamese poetical work. If, therefore, the story
of Bana is to be regarded as historical, it would
seem that during the time of Naraka and
Bhagadatta, eastern Assam Valley was outsido
l'rfigjyotisha but subsequently the kingdom extend-
ed towards the east even beyond the Dikhoo river.
Even if we do not assign to the epic accounts
a hoary antiquity, we can safely regard them at
teat as old as tbo Buddhist records and the Greek
accounts of the fourth century B.C. All these
confirm the supposition that about that time prac-
tically the wliolc of western Sylhct and south of
eastern Bengal and part of south-west Bengal were
under a sea though the delta was then beginning to
form. The estuaries of the Ganges and the Brah-
maputra formed this sea which was dotted with
islands called Dripas. The epic accounts give
this sea the name Lohita Sggara (estuary of the
Louhitya). The Greek accounts make mention of
islands in the estuary of the Ganges, the least
width of which river even within Magadha was
eight miles. The group of islands was very likely
known as Vanga. The Buddhist Jatakas say that
large sea-going vessels laden with merchandise
could sail even from Champa (Bhagalpur). This
shows that the sea then stretched far inland. The
southern boundary of Pragjvotisha about 1000
B.C. was therefore this sea. The western
boundary was the Kauiika river and the
6
PRAGJYOTISHA.
northern boundary was the Bhutan hills and part
o! Nepal. *
Babu Kedamath Majumdar, in his History of
My men sing, lias atte mpted to prov e, from r efer-
• In the Sabha Parva of ih. MuhAbhirata it in stated
that Bhtm, I he second Panda va, undeitook tbo conquest
of the eastern kingdoms and subdued the kings ot Pundrn,
Submit, Vanga and Tamrali|»ta as well at the mlecliha
kings near the sea-coast. It i« alxtstud that be went as
far as the Lauhitya river but there is no mention of tlm
conquest ot Pragjyotisba which is left to Arjuua to whom
was entrusted the task of subjugating tin- kingdoms on
the north. It ia stated that Arjunu first vanquished the
chiefs of Sakai dvlpa and tog. ll.cr with them attacked
Khsgudutta, king of PrtRjyotisba. who with troops consls-
ting of KiriUus, Chinas and the dwellers of the sen cost,
guvs a still resistance. After conquering Prflglyoti.hu
Arjuuu went to the north and having subdued all tbo
mountainous kingdoms proceeded to Kasluncrc. Mr.
Ramaprasad Chanda. writing m u Bengali magiuine,
wauls lo deduce from the above nooount that P.ug-
Jyotiahu cannot be identified with the kingdom known
iis K Amaru pa in later tin. ca. It seems to ns that it is now
too late In the day to dispute this identity. BbagudatU
w us u great hero and so the w riter in the Muhibharatu
made Arjuna, the hero of this epic, the conqueror of
Pmgiyotislm. The mention of Kiintus,Mlechhas and the
dwellers of the sea-coast precludes any possibility of
Pr&gjyotisba being cny where in Central Asia near the
country of the Bakas. Mr. Chanda consider* that both
Naraka and hia sou Bliaga.li.tta are not historical figures
and that the writer of BhAakanivarman’s Nidhanpur grant,
in the seventh century A.D. made Naraka and
Bhngadatta the ancestors of Pushy avarnian in order to
enhance the reputation of the dynasty and thereby made
K Amaru pa and Prflgjyotisha indent leal. Mr. Chanda’s
statement seems to be self contradictory for he himself
admits that daring the time of Kalidasa, or two hundred
years before the record of the Nidhanpur grant, KAma-
rnpa was known also as Prigjyotisba. The Viyn Parana,
which is older than Kalid&ea’s Kagbuvansa. mentions the
Prngjyotisha* as a nation living in the caite.ru pari of
India.
PRAGJYOTISllA.
7
ences in the Mrr.u-Suihita and the Mahabharata,
that in the epic age ;.t least three-fourths of modem
Bengal, including the whole of the Mymcnsing dis-
trict, was under the sea known as the hiuhilya
S'hjitra which extended, towards the north, almost
up to the submontane tracts of tl»e Himalayas and
that the Brahmaputra fell into this sea without
hiving to run a southerly course round the Garo
Hills.(t). It seems that this was not the geographi-
cal condition at least about tooo B.C. which was
probably the period of the .Mahabhffrata war.
Western Kfitn rupa or nortlicm Bengal to the cast
of Y'idchn rnd far :;outh as (Ik- Kangpur district
was then ro doubt above water. According to
local tradition, Blcfy.dntta h d a pleasure teat,
perhapsa rca-stde r«ort, in the Rangpur district.
A ub'cqiKMt Greek writer, I'lolcmy, who
wrote his Geography -om e >00 wars after Megas-
thcncs and .Arrian, give an account of tbo Gangc-
tic coast from which wc find tbit during his time,
about the middle of the second century A. I)., the
Ganges fell into the sea through live mouths. This
clearly indicates that the delta liad then formed and
the islands, comprising Vanga, that dotted the
Lohita-Slgara about tooo B.C., had then been
joined together to form a part of the southern
Bengal mainland intersected by the several
branches of the Ganges flowing into the sea.
This stretch of country, elevated above the sca-
le v cl, subsequently got the name Samatala which
was visited by Yuan Clnvang some 500 years after
Ptolemy. It is interesting to find tliat even
(1) Maimaoaingher ltihasb, Chapter I.
8
PRAGJYOTISHA.
then the country to the east of Samatata com-
prising southern Myrocn si ng, western Sylhet and
pans of Comilla and Noakhali were under the sea
which was referred to by Yuan Chwang in the
seventh century and by Albcruni in the eleventh
century A.D. Ptolemy had however very hazy
ideas about the geography of the countries to
the north of the Ganges delta particularly
of the north-eastern corner of India which
then comprised Pragjyotisha. He gives nu-
merous names of mountains, rivers, towns and
tribes of this part of India and though scholars
have tried to penetrate the disguise concealing the
original forms of names distorted by him, satisfac-
tory identifications have been rare. The Kirrhadia
mentioned by Ptolemy is to be identified with the
country inhabited by the Kirltas from the foot of
the Garo and Khasi hills to the hill-tracts of Tip-
pera along the eastern coast of the Brahmaputra
estuary. These Kiratas and Mlochhas dwelling
on the sea-coast are mentioned in the Mahibhlrata.
It is stated that in Kirrhadia the best Malabathrum
(Tczpat) was produced. Up to this day Tezpat
is grown on the southern slopes of the Khasi Hills
and a considerable trade is carried on by the people
of the district of Sylhet. Ptolemy mentions three
mountain ranges, viz. Bcpyrrhos, Maindros and
Damassa or Dimassa. There is much difference of
opinion as to the identification of these. It seems
these were names of the different portions of the
eastern Himalayas. The two rivers issuing from
the Bcpyrrhos and falling into the Ganges were
probably the Kausika (Kosi) and the Trisrota
(Teesta.) Other rivers mentioned are the Doanas
PRAGJYOTISHA.
9
which issued from the Damassa range and the
Sobanos. The Doanas has been identified as the
Brahmaputra and the Sobanos (probably the Su.
bansiri) issued from the range known as Maindros
(Mandfira or Mahendra). In the country to the
south of the mountain ranges mentioned above
Ptolemy asigns various tribes named Aminakhai,
Indaprathai, Ibcringai, Damassai, Nangaloga:, Ka-
kobai, Basanarai, Khalkitis, Koudoutai, Barrfaai
Indoi and the Doanai. The attempts made to
identify these names, some of whom are clearly of
Bodo origin, have been so far unsuccessful. The
Damassai are supposod to be the Dimasas, a branch
of the Kachans. The N’angalogai (Nangalokas or
naked men) were probably the Nagas. Koudoutai
have been identified with the Kalitas. The Barrhai
were perhaps the Barfchis and the Indoi were the
Hindus. All these surmises arc more or less un-
satisfactory and one authority has gone to the length
of identifying Alosanga with Shillong, as if a
town of that name existed in the second century,
which is of course absurd, (i) We need not
tliercforc dwell further on Ptolemy’s geography.
Yuan Chwang, the Chinese Pilgrim who visited
the kingdom about 643 A.D., recorded that after
travelling east above 900 li from Pun-na-fa-tao-nr
( Pundravardhana ) and crossing a large river he
came to Ka-mo-lu-po. The large river, which is
called Ko-lo-tu in the Tang - Shu, is undoubtedly
the Kara toys. The country was more than a
myriad li in circuit and its eastern boundarv was a
(i; Researches on Ptolemy's Geography by Col. G. E.
Gerini.
PRAG JYOTISHA.
10
scries of hills that reached the coniines of China,
thus indicating that about this time the extreme
eastern portion of the Assam Valley was included
within Klmarupa. According to the Puranic
accounts the temple of Kimlksbya was in the cen-
tre of the kingdom which extended in all directions
for one hundred Yojanas. According to ths Yogini
Tantra, which is clearly a much later work,
Klmarupa was bounded on th.* east by the Dikhoo
river, on the west bv the Kara toy! river, on the
north by the mountain Kunj t’iri and on the south
by the confluence of the LlkrhvK and the Brahm-
aputra.* It would appear from these accounts also
that, even at a later period, th - kingdom included
not only tho whole of tho Assam Valley hut also
parts of northern and eastern Bengal, part of Bhu-
tan, the Khasi and Garo Hills and the northern
portion of the district of Sylhct. In anv case it is
clear that PrKgjyotiitn or ancient KKmarupa was
u much larger kingdom than most of the other king-
doms mentioned in the MahSbbnrata and most of
the sixteen Malmjanapadascxisiiiig dining the time
of Gautama Buddlu.
The kingdom came to bo known as Klmarupa
during the Puranic times based on the legend that
Kamadcva, the God of love - the Indian Cupid -
who was destroyed bv the fiery glance of diva re-
turned to life in this country. As already stated,
the Chinese pilgrim, in the seventh century,
mentions the name of the country as Ka-mo-lu-po.
Three hundred years before Yuan Chwang, the
• Till the last century the Bralnnapntrn flowed
through the present district of Mymensing.
PRAGJYOTISHA.
II
famous prasaiti of Samudra Gupta mentions
Komarupa as a frontier kingdom of India, (i) .
The poet Kalidasa who, according to Vincent
Smith, nourished in the first part of the fifth cen-
tury also mentions Kamarupaand Prlgjyotishn as
names of the same kingdom. Rajasekhara, the
court poet of Mahipila, the Pratihar King of Kan-
cuj (910 • 940 AD), writing in the early part of
the tenth century, however mentions PrKgjyotisha
&nd not Ktimnnipa as one of the countries of
Aryavarta along with Magadha, Paundra, Tum-
ralipta and Suhma. On the other hand, tho Arab
writer Alberuni, in the eleventh century, mentions
Tit hut, Mudgagiri fMonghvr), Nepal, KSmarupa
and Bhutan among the eastern countries of India."
It appears therefore that, since the beginning ol
the Gupta period down to the tenth century,
the kingdom whs known throughout Aryavarta
both as Pi iij-jvotfcha and Kamarupa though its kings
preferred to designate'.theimclves as Lords of PrKg-
jyotisha down to tlic twelfth century. When tho
(1) Corpus Inacriptionum Indicarum Vol. Ill, page 14.
• Alberuni writes:—
“Farther on, tho country to the right is called Tilwat
C irti lit), the inhabitant* Taru (Tliaro), people of very
ick colour and flat-nosed like the Turk*. Thence you
come to the mountain* of Kiimin which stretch away as
far a* the sea”. (Albernni’a India p. 201). Quot ing
from VAju-Puniua however the Ara » writer give* a list
ot the people living in the east of India and this list
includes the Magadha*. Jflindaa, Mails*, Yngeya*,
Taruraliptaka* and PrigjyoiUhas. Again, quoting from
Variiliamihira, he mentions Khasa (Khasi*), Magadha,
Mithila, Sainatatu, Odra (Orissa) anl Pragyolisha as
countries in the east.
12
PRAGJY OTIS HA.
Mussalmaus came to Bengal, in the beginning of
the thirteenth century, they found the country to
the east of KaratoyS called KSmrud or Kffmru.
Latterly the Muhammadan historians referred to
Klmrud and Kamatl as if they were names of the
same kingdom. As a matter of lact, the capital of
the kingdom had then been removed to KamatS-
pur, on the bank of the Dhirla, the kings calling
themselves Kamateswara and the kingdom exten-
ding from the KaratoyS on the west to the Bamadi
on the cast, including also a portion of Mvmcnsing
to the east of the Brahmaputra.
The country to the east of the Baranadi canto
to bo specifically known as Sauinlra and the Ahom
kings of the time were called Rajas of SaumKrn.
In the beginning of the sixteenth century the Koch
kings rose into power and the Klmarupa of the
Kamatl kings was their kingdom. Being pressod
by the Muslim power of Bengal on the west and
the Ahom power on the east the Koch kingdom
did not long survive. Gradually when the Altoms
extended their sway westward and had to fight
with the Muhammadans, during the sixteenth and
the seventeenth centuries, the portion of Klmarupa
between the KaratoyS and the MSnas was
permanently wrested by the Moghuls and
included in Bengal. The Ahom kingdom to the
east of the Mfiuas came to be known as Asam or
Assam, after the Aboms, and the name KSniarupa
has, since then, been restricted to the present
district between the Minas and the Barnadi.
Its Capital. Tbe capital of the kingdom was
named Prlgjyotisbpur. There is a village two
miles south of modern Gauhati which is still
PRAGJYOTISHA.
>3
called "Dispur”, indicating that the site of the city
of PrSgjyotshpur was in or in the immediate vicinity
of Gauhati. PrBgjvotishpur has been taken to mean
the ''City of Eastern Astrology” (i) or Astronomy.
It is significant that to the immediate east of the
town of Gauhati there is a temple, on the crest of
a hill known as ChitrSchala, and this temple is dedi-
cated to the NavagTahas or the nine planets. It
is probable that this temple is the origin of the
name PrSgjyotishpur. It is stated in the Kalika
Parana that "here Brahma first created the stars
and hence the city is called Prlgjyotishpur - a city
equal to the city of Indra. (2)
It may be that PrSgjyotishpur was the scat ol
learning in astronomy or astrology in ancient India.
It is not definitely known whether this learning
was of Aryan or pre-Aryan origin. The temple
of Navagraha is now in the hands of professional
astrologers known as Daibagnas or Graha-bipras.*
Gait says that the name Prlgjvotishpur "is inter-
esting in connection with the reputation which the
country has always held as a land of magic and
incantation and with the view that it was in Assam
that the Tantric form of Hinduism originated "(3).
There is realy no connection between the name
PrSgjyotishpur or the temple of Navagraha with the
reputation of Kamarupa as a land of magic or
(1.) Q ait’s Ilistory of Assam p. 15.
(2.) Ealika Parana.
". Planetary worship in India is supposed to bo a
foreign importation, possibly of Magian origin (J.A.S.B.
vol. XVI 1820 So. 3 p. 74)
(3.) Gait’s History of Assam p. 15
14 PRAGJYOTISHA.
sorcery or as the supposed original centre ot
Tantrik Hinduism. It is perliaps the temple of
KlmakshyS, on the west of Gauhati, which was
associated with Tantrik Hinduism or magic and
sorcery. It is now generally recognized that the
cult of the Yoni and the Linga is of pre-Aryan
origin. The shrine of KSmSkshyS, whkhjrepresents
the Yoni, is therefore properly associated with the
pre- Aryan king Navaka wlto ri reputed to have
been the giurdinn of the slirine. Klmarupa was
not a stronghold of Buddhism when Yuan Cbwang
visited the country' in the seventh century hut
some centuries : ftcr \vc find KfmBkdiyR’a reputed
centic of the VnjravBin sytem of Buddhism,
known as the S*.h I cull, along with UdyRna,
Srihatta and Purnngiri. The very debased prac-
tices enjoined by this . tent of Tantrik Buddhism
no doubt earned for"KRmrup KttmRkshvR M the
reputation mentioned above. It was to extirpate
this system of dcbe.cd religion that Mahftpunish
Sri tJ.mkar Deva began his preachings towards the
end of the fifteenth century. During the next cen-
tury he and his associates Sri Msdhava Deva, a
Kay as t ha, and Sri Damodara Deva, a Brahman,
with the help of their followers, succeeded in sup-
rcssing the "B;;uddha” rites and spreading the
new Vaisnava tenet f.;r and wide.
It is not known bow long Pragjyotishpur or
modem Gauhati contimi.-J to be the capital of the
kingdom but it seems that some time after the
death of Bhfiskaravurrum the KSniarup.i capital
was removed to modem Tezpur which was then
called either Haruppetwara or Hatapeswara. In
the rock inscription of Harjaravannan, which has
PRAGJYOTISHA.
15
not yet been satislactorily deciphered, the word
has been read as HSruppeswara but in the
stray copper-plate of Haijnravarman, found r.nd
deciphered bv Pandit Vidyavinod, the reading is
Hfitapeswara. The large tank known to this day
as Hajarnpukhri, in Tezpur, is still associated with
the name of Harjaravarman. Hlruppeswara or
HStapeswara evidently continued as the capital at
least from the reign of Harjaravarman in the early
part of the ninth century till the extinction of the
Sslastambha dynasty about the end of the tenth
century when the capital was transferred to Sri
DurjayX by RrahmapBLi. His son RatnipHla
strcngtltcned this city and mined it DurjayK or
"impregnable'*. Judging from the fact tint the two
copper plate in-criptions of RitnapS'. 1 have been
found at Bargaon and Sualkuchi, not hr from
Gauhati, ami a similar grant of IndrapRla, the
grandson of RatinpXla, Ins been found in Gauh iti
itself, it can be assumed with some degree of
confidence that DurayjS was built near old
PrBgjyotishpur on the bank of the Louhitya.
About the end of the eleventh century the
capital of DharmapKh, the great-grandson of
IndrapBla was at " Kfimarupanagar *. Some would
identify Kffmarupana^r with Kamatfipur or Kan-
gur hut such identification is not bared on good
grounds. As we shall show later, the expedition
of Muhammad-i-Bukhtiyar, in the beginning of the
thirteenth century, approached North Gauhati and
his army was destroyed not far from that place
while numismatic finds prove tint the expedition
led by Sultan Mughis-ud-din proceeded as far ::s
Gauhati or North Gaubati towards the middle ol
l6 PRAGJYOT1SHA.
the thirteenth century-. The KSmarupa capital
had not till then been removed to Kamat&pur.
In the middle of the twelfth century Vaidyadeva
issued his land-grant, known as the Kamauli grant,
from Hangshakonchi. As the suffix Konchi or
Kuchi occurs in the names of numerous villages in
the Klmrup district it is almost certain that Hang-
shakonchi or Hihkuchi was a town within that
district. It will appear therefore that the capital
continued to be somewhere within the present
district of Klmrup until after the middle of the
thirteenth century when it was removed to Kamatl-
pur. At that time the eastern boundary of Kftma-
rupa extended only as far as Barnadi on the north
bank and perhaps the Digaru river on the south
bank.
The ruins of Hftruppeswara or Hatapcswara
existing to this day arc numerous and extensive but
fow of the antiquities of I*ragjyotishpur can now be
seen in Gauhati. The Digboii tank and the various
shrines within the town can be pointed out as the
chief existing monuments of the old city of Prfig-
jyotishpur. Other scattered remains such as sculp-
tured images, chiselled stone columns and bases,
old bricks and pottery, have all been found from
excavations within the town. A large number of
old carved stones and bricks must have been used
by the Ahom kings in re-building the temples at
a much later age. Nortb-Gauhati, which is pro-
bably to be identified wib Kimarupanagar, still
contains some temples with fine sculptured images
and also a small stone bridge.
Its People. The earliest inhabitants of north-
eastern India, were very probably of the Austric
PKAGJYOTISHA.
1 7
slock. They were ibe pre-Dravidiau aborigines
who arc now represented by the Monkhmer
Kh tsis anti Syntengs of Assam. 'll).- people akin to
them in language arc the Mun i is of Chita Nagpur.
Kapson writes that the ** An.tric languages which
still llourish in Assam and Cambodia remain in
India and Burma as islands of speech to preserve
the record of a far distant period when Northern
India (possibly Southern India also) and Farther
India belonged to the same linguistic are " (t).
The people of the Austric stock may therefore
be regarded as the representatives of the most an-
cient inhabitants of norths ntcni Indi i. They were
a Neolithic people and the celts used by them
luve been discovered in various place, in Assam.
Particularly interesting is the find of two shouldered
stone implement., one in Darning and the other
in the Cadiir district which are very similar to
the stone adzes found in Burma and also in Chota
Nagpur and also tbc find, near Bishnath, of as
many as six specimens of grooved stone hammers
which are known to have been common in North
America and which arc tbc rarest of the
numerous Neolithic stone implements recorded
from Eastern Asia. The dolmen stones, sitting
stones, fiat monoliths and upright menhirs used by
these people are still to be found in the plains as
well as the hills o! Assam. According to Hutton
and Mills the upright menhirs and the sitting stones
are to be interpreted “as providing phallic
memorials through which tire soul matter ol
(I) Cambridge Di«tory of India. voL I. page 19.
PRAGJYOT1SHA.
18
the living or of the dead assists the fertilization
of nature, the upright stone representing the male
and the flat ones the female principles." The
monoliths erected were both solid and hollow.
These people used to bum their dead and the
hollow monoliths were used as the receptacles of
the ashes. It is therefore believed that these
hollowed monoliths represent a specialized form
of phallic ancestor cult which was widely prevalent
among the earlier Mongolians of South-east
Asia (i).
The Dravidians came subsequently as invaders
from the west. Rapson writes: — “ There is there-
fore nothing in tire existing racial conditions and
equally nothing in the existing physical conditions,
to prevent us from believing that the survival of
a Dra vidian language in Baluchistan must indicate
that the Dravidians came into India through
Baluchistan in pre-historic times. Whether they
arc ultimately to be traced to a Central Asian
or to a Western Asian origin cannot at present
bo decided with absolute certainty; but the latter
hypothesis receives very strong support from the
undoubted similarity of the Sumerian and Dra vi-
dian ethnic types" (2).
The Dravidians were not therefore tire primitive
inhabitants of India as supposed at one time.
They were a cultured people, belonging to the
Chalcolithic age who, in the remote past, inhabited
the whole of northern India supplanting the Austric
races. When the Aryans came they found
(1) J.P.A.S.B, New W ries. VoL XXV, 1929
(2) Cambridge History of India, VoL I, p. 43.
PRAGJYOTIStlA.
*9
the Dravidians a more civilized people than
themselves. They found Dravidian kingdoms not
only in Southern India, but also in Northern
India. Gradually the Aryans imbibed Dravidian
culture and also religion. The cult of the linga
and the goni is now admitted to be of pre- Aryan
Dravidian origin. Sir John Marshall writes:-
“Among the many revelations that Mohenjo-daro
and HSrappft have bad in store lor us, none perhaps
is more remarkable than this discovery that fJaivism
has a history going back to the Chalcolithic age, or
perhaps even further still and that it thus takes its
place as the most ancient living faith in the
world" (t).
It seems that after the appearance of the Aryans
in India hordes of later Mongolians poured through
the north-cast. That they were later immigrants is
proved by the fact that the Aryans designated them
cs Mice hints thus indicating that they were
foreigners. They came in probably at a time
when the Austric people had already been driven
to the hills by the Dravidian conquerors. The
impact of the Mongolian thrust had therefore to
be borne by the Dravidians who occupied the
plains. The struggle mast have been bitter and
of long standing. At first the Mongolians seem to
have carried everything before them but in course
of time the new comers, who were themselves
probably a Neolithic people, were vanquished
by the Dravidians who used copper and bronze
weapons and who ultimately recovered their
supremacy as the r ul ing race.
(1) Mohcujo-Dato and the Indus Civilization.
Vol.I. pp vt-vii.
20
PRAGJYOTISHA.
These later Mongolians belonged to the Tibeto-
Burman family of the Indo-Chinese group and their
representatives of the present day are the Kachans,
Kochcs, Rabhas, Meches, Mikirs Lalungs, Garos,
Nagas, Kukis and Chutias. Of these, the tribes
speaking the Bodo (Boro) languages seem to have
occupied t Ik? plains of Assam for a very long time.
These Bodo people were no doubt the KirAtas and
Mlechhas spoken of in the Mababhfiratn. The
Meches of Assam still preserve traces of the
opprobrious name “Mlcchha" applied to their
forefathers by the early Aryans coming into
l’rlgjyotisha. The distinguishing feature of the
Kirltas and Mlechhas, as recorded by Aryan
writers, was their yellow complexion. It is
stated in tlic MahSbhSrat.i that the China and the
Kirata troops of Bhagadatta shone like gold while
Ghataka, the Mlcchha King of Prftgjyotisha over-
thrown by Naraka, is described as a column of
gold.
During the time of the Mahlbharata war, or
even earlier, the Bodo tribes constituted the bulk
of the population in the Assam Valley, northern
and eastern Bengal and the surrounding and
intervening hills. In the Surma Valley plains the
Dravidians then formed the predominant element
in the population as now.
The settlement of Aryans in the kingdom
appears to have begun earlier than the period of
the MahSbhttrata war. It is stated in the Kalika
Purrana that Naraka, who was probably a prince
of Dr a vidian stock brought up in the family of the
King of Videba, conquered Pilgjyotisha killing
the Kirata king Ghataka and settled Aryans in
PRAGJYOTISHA. 21
his kingdom. In the RlmSyana it is stated
that PrSgjyotisha was founded by Amurtarajas a
son of the great king KusS “wlio was apparently
an Aryan king in Madbyadesa" ( I ). From
the Mahobharata we find that Bhaga-
datta is described as the “aged friend" of
Yudhisthira's father Pandu. Bhagadatta came com-
pletely under Aryan influence and it can be
reasonably supposed that Brahmans and other
Aryans were settled in his kingdom. Apart
from allusions in the epics or the Puranas, it is
found from the inscription of Bhftskaravannan
that about the fifth century A. D. there were
Brahmans and Kaynslhas in Kauurupa. According
to Pandit Padmanath Bhattacharya Vidyavinod
14 it is remarkable that while in the neighbouring
province of Gauda ( Bengal ) the alleged
import by Adi&ira of five Brahmans from
Kanauj or the mythical creation of saptaAati (700)
Brahmans is not attributed to a period earlier
than the eighth century A.D. there should be so
many Brahmans found in a single village in KSma-
rupa two centuries earlier" (2). Yuan Chwang,
who visited Kfimarupa in the seventh century, found
hundreds of Dcva temples in the country’. Although
the introduction of Aryans into Kamarupa, at
a very early period, is established, the fact remains
that in early times, as now, the population was
mainly of non-Aryan origin. According to the
latest available census returns, the inhabitants of
reputed Aryan descent in Assam, at the present
(1) Parptor’a, Ancient Countries in Eastern India.
(2) Epigrspbia Indie* vol. xix pp 115-125.
22
PRAGJYOTISHA.
day, do not number more then ten lacs. Even
now the people of Dravidian and Mongoloid
origin largely predominate.
It is believed bv some that a branch ol the
Aryans originally entered Assam from the north-east
and that the descendants of these early Aryans are
the Assamese KalitSs of the ipresent day *. There
is a tradition that there was a Kalitfi country be-
yond the mountain range to the north-east of Assam.
Some would advance the theory that certain tribes
of the Mishmis living in these tracts were originally
Rrahmans or Aryans ( 1 ). They base this theory
on the statement of Daltim llut some of these
Mishmis have Aryan features. The Aryan origin
of the Kalitas of the Assam Valley docs not seem to
admit of any doubt but the same thing cannot be
said with regard to the Mishmis.
• Mr. M. M. Cbatciji writing in the J. I*. A. 8. II.
vol. xxvl (1930) advances I hr theory that th« VaidjM
of Bengal on.* the remnants of the Buddhist clergy
overthrown by the Brahmans after the Bruli manic
revival, in coucert with the rnling Hindu king of
Gauda in the eighth rent ary. As we shall show
later, these king* wen* really kings of Kimarapa
exercising suzerain power over Gauda. The Kalitas of
Assam may also havo been the original Aryan seniors
In Kimarupa who bad adopted Buddhism and who wore
stigmatized by later Brahman immigrants, during the
rule of the Pusbyararman dynasty, as Kula-lupta i. 0.
IK’ople who loot or dropped their caste or varna. It should
bo mentioned that there are Kultas or Kolit&s in parts
of Orissa also. In the Mudraraksbasam the Kulutas aro
mentioned as inhabitants of the Knlnta country under
their king Cbitravannan coming to the assistance of
Malaya Ketu against Chandra Gupta Mourya. There are
reasons to suppose that these Kulutas belonged to Eas-
tern India.
(1) Social History of Kamaropa.
PRAGJYOTISHA.
23
No reliance can be placed on the legend that
Parasurama settled Brahman families in the region,
where the ParasurSma Kunda now exists, nor is
there any good authority for the supposition that
a body of Aryans came into Assam through Tibet.
We must therefore, in the absence of good and
strong reasons, bold that the Aryans migrated into
India only from the north-west and gradually
spread over the whole of northern India. They
therefore must have come into Assam through
Vidcha or Magadha which were, in the most ancient
times, almost coterminous with Kftmarupa. In
fact when Bhagadatta was ruling in Kftmarupa the
whole of northern Bengal and possibly central
Bengal were within his kingdom the western
boundary of which in the north, touched Viedha*.
It is not therefore at all strange that KSmarupa
was Aryanized long before central or lower Bengal.
A word is nccessarv with regard to the tltoory
of Babu Nagendranath Basu that the ICochcs of
Kftmarupa are the descendants of the Vedic Panis
• It is interesting to note th it the early Muhammadan
writers «ach aa the author* of the Ain-i-Akbarl ami the
Kiyaz, while giving an account of the earliest Hindu
Lings of Bengal ( really northern and central Bengal),
begin with Bhagadatta. It i* said that tlic kings of his
dynasty ruled Bengal for nearly 2200 years and then the
sovereignty passed to Nox Oonria ( Riyaxus 8al.1t in. Ab-
dus Salam’s translation) who was a Ksyastha. His decen-
dants ruled for 230 year* and then Adisor became
king. The fact is that the whole of northern and central
Bengal, as far as Mithila to the west and the Cange* to
the south, was within the kingdom of Bhagadatta and his
successors held these territories for a long time until
perhaps the rise of the Mourvas and thereafter the
Gaptas.
PRAGJYOTISHA.
24
who were identical with the Phoenicians of
old (1). Mr. Basu comes to the conclusion that the
Koch is descended from the Vcdic Pani and was
driven into Eastern India by the Aryans. It
is true that, as stated by Mr. Basu, the Vedic
Panis were a sea - faring people and traders by
occupation, but whereas the word Pani is derived
from pana the word Pani in "Pani Koch" has
nothing to do with /tana. “Pttni Koch”, literally
meaning “Water Koch”, evidently refers to the
class of K«>ches who are considered clean enough
to carry water for tl*c high caste Hindus. Even to
this day the process of gradual Hinduization
is going on. A Kachari animist, as soon as
lie becomes a disciple of a Vaisnava Gossain,
is called a Sarania Kachari or a Kachari initiated
to the "clca da ran dharnia” of the Vaisnava
Gossains. His descendants, in the second or
third generation having eschewed pork and wine
for two or three generations, are raised to the status
ot Kochcs and arc considered clean enough to
carry water for Brahmans. This is how Kocbes
swell in number. Ethnically they are of undoubted
Mongoloid descent and cannot be the descendants
of the Dravidians or the Sumerians or the
Phoenicians as asserted by Mr. Basu who seems
to have confused Pani with Pttni. The cult
of the linga and the yoni may be associated with
the Dravidians but not with the Mongoloid
immigrants from whom the Kocbes can claim
descent. Sir Edward Gait has shown conclusively
that the Mongoloid type predominates in the
(1) Social History ot K
PRAGJYOTISHA.
25
Koches of Assam and that Dalton's theory that
the Koches arc of Dravidian origin is no longer
held as correct. Head measurements by Colonel
Waddell fully support the view that the Koch os
are of Mongoid origin (t).
There are good reasons to suppose that about
the time of the Mahubblrata war Kamarupa formed
a Dravidian kingdom and that the kings of the
dynasty of Naraka were of Dravidian origin
like the Aiksh&kus of Ayodhya and the Janakas
Videha, belonging to the solar race, who, according
to Pargitcr, were also Dravidians. Pargiter's
theory has not however been widely accepted
as correct. Besides, it may also be supposed
that a* the earliest Aryan colonists in Assam
were the Kalitis the kings of the Naraka line
were probably Aryan Kalitis. Whatever may
have been the actual origin of Naraka and his
descendants, there is no doubt that the Brahmans
extolled them as Aryan Kshattriyas and made
them perform the various caste ceremonies
usually observed by Kshattriyas. After centuries
thev came to be looked upon as high class
Kshattriyas and, as evidenced by the mention in
the Rajatarangini, Kshattriya princes of northern
India freely intermarried with them.
(1) Gait's History of Assam p. 47.
Assam Census Report for 1891.
CHAPTER II
The prehistoric period.
The earliest mentioned king of Klmarupa or
I'rBgjyotisha, as it was known in more ancient
times, was a non-Aryan named Mahiranga Dftnava.
His name was evidently Mairang for a hill on the
seventh mile of the Gauhati-Shillong road is still
known as "Mairang Parbat**. It is shown on
the modem map as " Moiranka". The name
Mairang was Sanskritized into Mahiranga. It is
clearly a Bodo name and the people of this
race who then inhabited the country were called
KirStas and Mlcchhas as thev were Mongolian
immigrants. Mailing is said to have been succeed-
ed in direct descent by Hatakisur, Sambarilsur
and Ratnftsur. Mairang is called a Dinava but his
descendants are called Asuras. This shows that
epithets like Dinava and Asura were applied indis-
criminately to all non-Aryans. After these kings
came Ghatakiisur who is described as the ruler
of the Kirfttas. Perhaps be belonged to the same
dynasty to which Hatak, Sambar and Ratna
THE PREHISTORIC PERIOD.
27
belonged. He was overthrown by Naraka who
founded a new dynast}'. Some historical records
of this dynasty have been found and it appears that
kings of this dynasty ruled over Prlgjyotisha for
a considerable length of time.
The actual origin of Naraka, who though pro-
bably belonging to a different race was designated
as Asura, has been obscured by the legend that
the supreme God Vishnu in his incarnation of
the Great Boar while lifting Prithivi (Earth)
from tire deluge with his tusks took her as his
consort and had by her a son who was Naraka.
It is for this reason that Naraka is called Bhauma
(born of Earth) and on account of his supposed
D i vine origin all d> nasties ruling in Kftmarupa
claimed descent from him. Whatever his origin
might have been, it is stated that Naraka was
brought up by the king of Videha and that
when he grew up he became a great warrior and
conquered Prftgjyotisha by overthrowing tho
Mlcchha king Ghatak. The people of the kingdom
were then mostly Kirfttas and Mlechhas who were
evidently of Mongoloid origin. It is said that
they were of rough appearance, gold or yellow
complexion, with shaven beads and addicted to
meat and drink ( 1 ). Their king Ghatak is described
as tall and powerfully built and “being like a
column of gold was bright and shining like the
tongue of flame"(2). Naraka is said to have driven
the Kiratas to the country near the sea-coast and
(1) Kaliba puraaa.
(2) Ibid.
28
The prehistoric period.
settled twice-born people (Aryans) in the country
between the Karat oyS and the Lalitakantfi (l.)
This was perhaps the earliest settlement of Aryans
in PiBgjyotisha. He then built his citadel in a
secluded place protected on all sides by hills
and it is said that this stronghold was inaccessible
even to Gods (2). About three miles to the
south of modem Gauhati there is a village
surrounded by low hills which is still known as
"N'arakasur gaon". About two miles to the east ol
this village is the modern village of Dispur which
is believed to be the abbreviation of “Prigjyotifih-
pur". This village of Dispur is separated from
"NarakBsur gaoo" by a range of low hills on the
highest peak of which stands the temple of
KimSkshyS. It appears that both Dispur and
"NarakBsur gaon” were connected with the
Kiimakshya temple on the west and the Navagraha
hill on the east by a semi-circular road. The
citadel of Naraka was therefore actually protected
by hills as stated in the Kalika Purana and was
not far from PrSgjyotishpur.
After settling himself in Pragjyotisha Naraka
married Mavft, the daughter of the king of
Vidarbha. Pargitcr holds that the Aikshakus of
Ayodhya and the Janakas of Videha were not
Aryans but Dravidians. It is reasonable to suppose
that Naraka was also a Prince of the same race.
It is probable that Pragjyotisha was originally a
Dravidian kingdom, that subsequently Mongolian
hordes entering through the north-east overthrew
(1) Kalika Parana.
(3) Ibid.
THE PREHISTORIC PERIOD.
2 9
the Dravidian dynasty and set bp their own rule
and that afterwards prince Naraka regained the
kingdom with the help of the king of Videha. As a
matter of fact the Dravidians who were designated
as Annas, DSnavas or Daityas were r.ot the demons
or goblins as painted by later Brahman writers but
were pci hips more civilized than the Aryans them-
selves. Ya)Bti, an Aryan king, married flaimishthS
the daughter of a Daitya king. Aniruddha the
grand-son of £ri Krishna is said to have married
Ufiba the daughter of Bin?, another Daitya king.
Prahlld, the great grand-father of Blna, through
a Daitya, was renowned as a pious and devout
person. Mfindhntri and Sagara who were probably
pre- Aryan kings were suzereins over Aryan princes.
Etlmologists hold that both the Aryans and
the Dravidians were descended from the same
dolichocephalic Caucasian stock, the former who
lived in temperate regions were fair coloured while
the latter living in tropical countiies acquired the
dark complexion. It is possible that the other
differences in facial characteristics were aho due to
climatic conditions :nd environments. The last
word has rot yet been said as to the origin of
those Indian pre-Aryans who built the wonderful
cities now unearthed at HirSppft, Mohcr.-jo-daro
and Jhuicar but there seems to be hardly any
doubt that they were the Dravidians. It has been
long recognized that the cult of the lingn as
well as the yohi originated from the pre- Aryans or
Dravidians and that the Aryans, coming into India
subsequently, bad to adopt the same. The shrine
at Kamakshva unmistakeab'y stands for the yoni
30 THE PREHISTORIC PERIOD.
worship and it is not therefore strange that
KamakshyH was the deity worshipped by Naraka.
The great antiquity of the shrine at Klmakshyit
is therefore established beyond doubt and the wor-
ship of this particular deity almost establishes
the fact that Naraka was a king of Dravidian
origin. That phallus worship obtained among
the Chilcolithic people of the Indus Valley is
proved by the discovery of terra - cotta phallic
emblems in HfirSppS and Mohen-jo-daro.
Though probably of Dravidian origin, like
the Janakas of Videha, Naraka being brought
up in Vidcha was regarded as a Kshittriya for
it is stated in tike Kalika Puranatbat Gautama, the
priest of the Vidcha king Janaka, performed
the KcAavapana ceremony of Naraka strictly
according to the Vedic rites and in accordance
with the custom observed by Kdiattrivas. It is
further stated, in the same Purana, that Naraka
was well-versed in the Vedas and devoted to
the duties of the twice-born. Evidently his
regard for Aryan culture did not last long.
He subsequently reverted to tin pre- Aryan
worship of the ling i. It is said that he came
under the evil influence of a neighbouring
Daitya king named Buna who ruled over
Sonitpur with his capital at Agni-nagara and who
is believed to have established the Mahabhoirab
temple containing a huge lim/a. Acting on
the advice of Bana, he ceased to worship the
Aryan Gods and ill-treated the Ayran colony.
He is said to have abducted a large number
of Aryan damsels to gratify his lust. At length,
when his iniquities grew numerous and it became
THE PREHISTORIC PERIOD. 3 1
impossible to tolerate him any longer, I lie Gods
invited Sri Krishna to come aid destroy him.
Sri Krishna then came, all the way from
Dwarakii, near the western sea-coast, and
attacked Pr&gjyotisha. All the powerful
generals of Naraka were, one by one, vanquished
and Naraka himself was at last defeated and
slain by Sri Krishna, who placed Naraka’s
son Bhagadatta on the throne of Pragjyotishi.
The story of Krishna’s march on Prigjyotisha
and overthrow of Naraka is a good illus-
tration of history being obscured by subsequent
interpolation of legends which extolled Krishna
to the position of a deified personality. W'e
know from tbc MahffbhErata that Krishna, an
Aryan prince of tbs Yadava tribe, was the
contemporary and friend of the Plndavas. He
is said to hive referred to Bhagadatta in the
following terms while addressing Yudhisthir.?,
the eldest Pftndava * Bhagadatta is thy father’s
aged friend; he was noted for his deference to
thy father in word and deed and he is mentally
bound b / affection and devoted to thss like
a father* How could then Krishna attack
and kill Naraka and place the “aged" Blug.id itta,
a contemporary of Pindu, on the throne?
In the Mahlbhirata Bhagadatta is called
the mighty king of the Mlechh is as his subjects
were mostly people of Mongoloid orgin. He
is also described as a warrior king “ not inferior
to Sakra (Indra) in battle.” It appears that
about the time he became king the kingdom of
Magadha was growing into power under
32 THE PREHISTORIC PERIOD.
Jarasandha a king of reputed Aryan descent but
who was also stigmatized as Asura because
his subjects were mostly pro Aryans. In the
Adi-parva of the MahSbhSrata it is explained
that Jarisandha and Bhagadatta were, in their
previous births, Asuras and that such was the
case with Kangtb. At length Jarfisandha
became SamrBt over a number of Aryan and
pre-Aryan kings of northern India. Among
his vassal kings we find the mention of Bhagadatta
of Priigjyotisha, and Vusudcvj of Pundra. In
order to make Yudhisthira the Samrit the
P&ndavas hid to deal svith Jarlsandha first.
This they did with the help of Krishna. Krishna
with Bhima and Aljona entered the city in
disguise and killed Jarusandha.
After this the Plodavas began their conquering
tour in order to proclaim Yudhisthira as the
Samrit. Some of the kings of northern India
then voluntarily submitted to the Pandavas
while the rest were compelled by force to acknow-
ledge Yudhisthira as their over-lord. Among
the larger kingdom* joining the SiimrBjya of
Yudhisthira we find the mention of Prfigjyotisha,
Chcdi, Magadhi, Puidra, Tfimralipti and Suhmi
(west Bengal). Bhigadatti did not tamely
submit to the Pandavas who hid to fight
strenuously for eight days to vanquish him.
The Pandavas then arranged a gTand assemblage
of the ruling princes at Indraprasthi. It is note-
worthy that the architect selected to construct
and decorate the assembly-hall was a pre-Aryan
named Maya Danavs. This is a striking proof
THE PREHISTORIC PERIOD.
33
of ihe fact that, even at so late an age as the
period of the Mahabharata war, the despised
Asuras and Danavas — the descendants of those
pre-Aryans who built the mangnificent cities now
unearthed at HarftppS and Mohen-jo-daro — were
superior to the Aryans in artistic and architectural
skill.
The RSjasuya ceremony was however a failure.
A trouble arose over a question of precedence
in formally receiving the assembled princes. By
order of Yudhisthira precedence was given to
flri Krishna, his Iricnd and adviser. A large
number of the princes felt humiliated at this as
dti Krishna was not a ruling prince. dilupAla,
the king of Cbedi, could not control his feelings
and, getting up, delivered a speech abusing both
flri Krishna and Yudhisthira. gri Krishna then
flew into a great rage and instantly killed ditiupfda
with his chakra (discus) in the presence of the
assembled princes and their retinue. This asassi-
nation led to a great uproar and the ceremony
ended in confusion. Soon after, a confederacy
was secretly formed against the Pftndavas and
Duryodhana was the leader of this confederacy.
The adherants of the Pandavas joined the opposite
confederacy and the princes of India were thus
ranged in two hostile camps. Bhagadatta, king
of Prfigjyotisha, joined the confederacy headed
by Duryodhana. In Bengal and Assam there is
a tradition that Duryodhana married Bhanumati
the daughter of Bhagadatta. In the Bengali
34
THE PREHISTORIC PERIOD.
Mah&bhSrata by Kaiiram Das this is expressly
stated but there is no mention of such a matri-
monial relationship in the original Sanskrit epic.
At length the great battle of Kurukshetra, which
lasted for several days, was fought. In this
battle Bhagadatta, then an old warrior, fell fighting.
It is stated in the Mahabharata that Bhagadatta
was so old that the wrinkles on his forehead
covered his eye and be had therefore to tie a rag
round his forehead at the time of fighting so
that he could draw the bow-string and aim the
arrow. On the advice of dri Krishna Arjuna
cut the rag with an arrow whereupon the vision
of Bhagadatta was obstructed and, during this
opportunity, Arjuna killed him. Arjuna then did
pradakskin round the fallen hero who was a friend
and contemporary of his father. It is also stated
that, during the war, the army of Kalinga followed
the lead of Bhagadatta who was therefore an im-
portant general of the allied army. The Pindava
confederacy was at length victorious and all tire
Kuru princes were killed. Yudhisthira once more
aspired for the position of a Samrfit. This time
the As /earned ha or the borse-sacrificc was
arranged. At this ceremony the old custom of
receiving the assembled princes, according to
precedence, by offer of the Argka, was discarded
on the advice of Sri Krishna himself. The
ceremony was a success and Yudhisthira was
proclaimed a Samrat. Vajradaatta, who succeeded
Bhagadatta in Pragjyotisha, acknowledged
THE PREHISTORIC PERIOD.
35
Yudhisthira as his ovcr*lord but not without a
stiff fight. In the Harshacharita of Banabhatta
Puspadatta and Vajradatta are mentioned as the
successors of Bhagadatta but in none of the
inscriptions of the kings of Bhagadatta's dynasty
do we find the name of Puspadatta. In the Kama-
parva of the MahSbhSrata we find that a son of
Bhagadatta was killed in the battle of Kurukshetra
and this prince might have been Puspadatta. It
mav be that Vajradatta was the younger brother ol
Puspadatta, but the writers of the inscriptions
of Van* mil a, Balavarman III and RatnapBla
erroneously mentioned him as brother of Bhagadatta
instead of as brother of Puspadatta. Pandit
Vidyavinod supposes that Banabhatta meant
Pushya ( Pus pa ) vamun by Puspadatta ( i ).
This Sdmrdjya established after much
bloodshed did not last long. After Parikshit
and Janmejaya the empire shrank into a small
kingdom which again was split up into two
smaller kingdoms, one branch continuing to
rulo at Indraprastha and the other ruling at
KauSambi. Udayana, the king of KauAambi, was
a contemporary of Gautama Buddha and king
Bimbis&ra of Magadha.
Gradually, since the time of Gautama Buddha,
the kingdom of Magadha grew more and more
powerful, as ancient Indian history tells us, and
frontier Indian kingdoms like Kiiniarupa which
figured prominently in the previous age dwindled
into insignificance.
(1) K imam pa Sasaaavali pp 10-11.
36 THE PREHISTORIC PERIOD.
We do not l now who were the successors of
Vajradatta but a coppcr-plate inscription of
Bhaskaravarman who ruled over Kamarupa in
the early part of the seventh century A. D. states
that a period of three thousand years elapsed
between the death of Vajradatta and the accession
of Pushyavarman, the ancestor of Bhitskaravarman
eleventh in ascent from him. Yuan Chwang, the
Chinese pilgrim who visited Kamarupa during the
reign of Bhaskaravarman, records tliat there were
one thousand generations after Vishnu the
progenitor of Naraka and before the birth of
Blulskaravarman. It can be well conjectured that
both the writer of the copper-plate inscription and
Yuan Chwang calculated that about 600 A. I), when
BUUkaravarman had ascended the throne, 3301
years of the Kali Yuga had already expired and
Hindu tradition places the battle of Kuruksbctra
some hundred years after the beginning of
the Kali Yuga. In fact according to Kahlan,
the author of the RiijaUrangini, the Plndavas
flourished about 650 years after the commencement
of the Kali age. These two accounts therefore do
not help us to fix any historical chronology*.
Whatever that might be, although it can be
safely assumed that the kings of Kamarupa came
under Aryan influence since the time of tire
Mahabhurata war or probably earlier, the long
period of history intervening between Bhagadatta 's
successor and Pushyavarman is dark. There are
no doubt somewhat conflicting local traditions
about the successors of Bhagadatta. According
to one account the successors of Bhagadatta in
THE PREHISTORIC PERIOD.
37
direct line of descent were Dbarmapiila, Karmapala,
I’nthvipOla and Subahu. According to another
account there reigned in Kumarupa, in tl»e Satya
yuga, a king called Sambarusur whose son was
Mahiranga who had his capital in Moiroka
( Mairang ) hill within the Beltola muza. His son
was Ghataka who was overthrown by Naraka of a
different dynasty. N'araka’s son was Bhagadatta
who was succeeded by Dharmapula and KamapAla
in direct descent. After 19 kings of this dynasty,
beginning from Naraka, had ruled SubTihu became
king. He stopped the sacrificial horse of
Vikramfulitiya and was overthrown. After this a
Dra vidian name JitAri bccamed king of K&marupa.
It is stated in another account that JitSri or
Jitarikshya was known also as DharmapAla.
In the absence of any epigraphic record we can
not place any reliance on these traditional account?.
It may be that these accounts do not give names
of kings in chronological order. This is the great
defect of Indian traditional accounts. Even the
historical accounts of Kahlan, the Kashmiri chro-
nicler, is not free from this defect. Further, such
accounts usually mention the popular names of
kings whereas epigraphic records like copper-plate
inscriptions, rock inscriptions and inscriptions on
stone slabs or pillars generally contain the honorific
names of kings. We know from the Nidhanpur
copper-plate inscription that Susthitavarman, the
father of Bhaskaravarman, was popularly known as
Mriganka In the traditional accounts of Kama-
rupa Mriganka is actually the name of a Kumarupa
king.
38 THE PREHISTORIC PERIOD.
The early Buddhist records mention the exist-
ence of sixteen Mahajanapadas during the time of
Buddha in the sixth ce ntur y B.C. These do not
include Pragjyotisha though they include both
Anga and Magadha on the borders of Pragjyotisha.
The Greek writers of the fourth century B.C.
mention the Prasioi and Gangaridac as the
easternmost nations in India ruled over by a king
called AgTammes. Some of the Greek writers give
names of tribes, places and rivers which cannot be
easily identified. They mention the Kaliugas of
Orissa as well as titc Mundas ami Savnras of Chota
Nagpur. They mention also the Kausika or Kosi
river (Cosoagus) which was perhaps tlic western
boundary of PiSgjyotisha at the time. They do
not, however, mention Prlgjyotisha, either as a
country or as a nation, unless we take Prasioi or
Prasii as the Greek abreviation of Prilgjyotisha.
They however distinctly state that the Prasioi
nation had Palimbothra (Pntaliputra) as their capi-
tal. Whether the Prasioi nation included also tiie
Prfigjyotishas, to the east of Vidcha, is a doubtful
point. Both geographically and cthnolorically the
people of Mithila and Western Pragjyotisha (Nor-
thern Bengal) could combine with the Magadlias into
one nation. The Gangaridae, who are supposed
to have been the people living near the mouth
of the Gauges, were, however, separated from the
Magadhas by the people of Chota Nagpur who are
separately mentioned. It is not, therefore likely
that the two widely separated peoples, the Prdchyas
of Magadha and the dwellers of the Ganges delta,
combined to form one kingdom.
THE PREHISTORIC PERIOD.
39
The Puranas which chronologically come
next to the Greek accounts refer to Pragjyotisha.
The Brahmiinda, VSyu, Matsya, Agni, Garuda
and the Markandeya Puranas, which can be as-
signed to this period, make mention of Pragjyotisha,
but the dynastic lists of “future kings” given in
some of these, in the form of prophesies, do not
include the kings of Pragjyotisha through they
include the Andhras and even the Andhravrityas.
The fact probably is that before the rise of the
dynasty to which Pushyavarman belonged, Priig-
jyotislia was cither included within the Mourya
empire or it disintegrated into petty principalities
ruled over by local chiefs like the Bhuyans of the
fifteenth century. It is also possible th it during
the long interval between Vajradatta and Pushya-
varman further influx of mlcthhas took place leading
to chaos and disorganization. It is true that the
Kashmcrc chronicler mentions that a K ashmero
prince named Meghavithana married a Pragjyotisha
princess in the first century A.D. As we shall,
however, show later, Meghavahana cannot be
placed earlier then the fifth century A.D.
Since the time of Bimbisira, who in the sixth
century B. C. conquered Anga, the Magadha
kingdom gradually extended towards the east and
ultimately, during the time of the Nandas or the
Mouryas, absorbed western Pragjyotisha or
Northern Bengal. Subsequently during the rule of
the Imperial Guptas the tract of the country between
the Kansika and Trisrota, to the south of Jalpaiguri
district, became the Pundravardhana bhukti.
CHAPTER III-
KaMARIPA IN THB GUPTA PERIOD.
In tho Nidhanpur platoof king BhKskaravarma
Deva (l) the genealogy of the kings mentioned
therein is traced from Naraka, his son Bhagadatta
and his grandson Vajradatta. There is really
no inherent impossibility in the same dynasty
ruling from the time of the Mah&bhBrata war
down to the seventh century A.D. We know
that a Paurava king, who must have descended
from Puru, the remote ancestor of Yudhisdthira
of the Mahibhlrata fame, ruled over a part
ol the Punjab in the fourth century B.C.
when Alexander the Great invaded India.
PrSgjyotisha was a frontier kingdom of India,
girt on all sides except the west, by natural
defences. It is possible that its kings, after
Vajradatta, either acknowledged the overlord-
ship of other more powerful kings of northern
India or, being out of the way, were not
(1) Epignphia Indica rot. XII.
KAMARCPA IN THE GUPTA PERIOD. 4 1
molested by any of them but, as already stated,
the fact that the kingdom came to play
no part in the history of northern India within
historical times from the rise of BimbisBra in
Magadha, in the sixth century B.C. down to
the time of Samudra Gupta in the fourth century
A.D, is rather striking and leads one to sup-
pose that probably there might have been sonic
upheaval within the kingdom which reduced it
to an insignificant position. Any way, in the
absence of clear proof to the contrary, we can
assume as correct BhB&karavarman's claim of
descent, in unbroken line, from Naraka, as stated
in the Nidhanpur copper-plate inscription.
It is rather significant that the names of
some of the KBmarupa kings follow closely
those of the illustrious emperors of Arvavarta.
Pushyamitra Sunga usurped the Mourya throne
about 185 B.C. He revived the ancient horse
sacrifice or Astramtdha and bccaino renownod.
He died about 149 B.C. Tbe name of the
Kttmanipa king Pushyavarman was probably
given alter tbe renowned Sunga king of Magadha.
Similarly we find Pushvavarman’s son named
Samudravarman after Samudra Gupta, the famous
Gupta emperor who ruled from 330 to about
385 A.D. Even Samudravarman's queen bore
the same name as tbe queen of Samudra
Gupta. This goes to show that Samudravarman
probably ruled a short time after Samudra
Gupta whose illustrious name was then green
in the memory of the people of northern
India.
The first epigraphic record which mentions
KAMARUPA IN THE GUPTA PERIOD.
KSmarupa is the famous Allahabad inscription
of Samudra Gupta which was once regarded as
posthumous but which historians now believe to
have been engraved during the life-time of the
famous emperor. In this inscription Kfimarupa
is mentioned as a frontier kingdom along with
Samatata, DavKka, Nepal and Kartripura the
kings of which fully gratified the imperious com-
mands of Samudra Gupta “by giving all kinds
of taxes and obeying his orders and coming to
perform obeisance" (t).
The “pralyanta nripati" of Kilmarupa who
submitted to Samudra Gupta was very probably
no other than Pushvavarman. Gait has placed
him tentatively in the first half of the fifth century
but this is probably not correct. As we shall show
later, his accession to the throne took place not
later than 380 AD.
We know that Samudra Gupta celebrated the
horse-sacrifice but it does not appear that his son
Chandra Gupta II, who assumed the title Y'ikram-
(I) Fleet Corpus Inscriptionum Indicaium vol. Ill
p 14.
The country named in the inscription as Daviika has
nor yet been aatisfactorily identified. It can not obviously
be identified with modem Dacca (Dhaka) which was
perhaps inclnded in Samatata. Very probably, the
present Cachar district, including the north Cachar hills
and the KopUl valley, which in later times constituted
the Kachari Kingdom, was known as Daviika. Even
now the Kopili valley, comprising an area of about 400
square miles, is known as Davaks. Prom Yuan Oh wang’s
account we And that in the seventh century this area was
inclnded within Kimarupa and that large herds of wild
elephants roamed in this tract. Part of the present
Sylhet district was within Kimarupa and the other part
waa perhaps under the sea.
KAMARUPA IN THE GUPTA PERIOD.
43
Sditya, performed the same ceremony. In the
traditional accounts of Kamarupa it is however
stated that a king of the Naraka dynasty named
Subahu detained the sacriiicial horse of Y'ikram-
Bditya who then invaded Kamarupa and put Subahu
to flight. Subahu might have been the popular
name of Pushyavarman as MrigBnka was the
popular name of Susthitavarman and Samudra
Gupta was the VikramXditya referred to in the
traditional account. It is quite possible that,
following the ancient custom, Samudra Gupta, in
his iligvijaya, prior to the Asvamcdha, led his
sacrificial horse and challenged all the kings to de-
tain the horse. Those who accepted the challenge
had to fight whde those who wanted to avoid fight
acknowledged the ovcrlordship of the conqueror
and allowed the horse to pass unrestricted.
Pushyavarman, otherwise known as SubBhu,
having stopped the horse had to fight and being
worsted acknowledged the suzerainty of the Gupta
emperor and performed obeisance.
Pushyavarman was succeeded by his son
Samudra varman who was perhaps the contemporary
of Chandra Gupta II VikramSditya and the
celebrated poet Kalidasa. In the Nidhanpur
inscription it is stated that there was no "mltsya-
nyBya" in his kingdom and that Samudra varman
was like the fifth ocean (i). The word "mltsya-
nyBya" has been explained as anarchy due to the
absence of a strong ruler when the powerful
people oppress the weak just as the larger fish
devour the smaller fry. The mention of this word
(1) Epigraph;* Indies voL XII.
44
KAMARUPA IN THE GUPTA PERIOD.
seems to indicate that there was such anarchy
during the reigns of his predecessors. It may be
that alter such anarchy was ended Pushyavarman
rose to power or that after the accession of
Pushyavarman the anarchy ended.
Some scholars believe that the poet Kslidffsa
who was in the court ol Clundra Gupta II
Vikramaditya, really narrated in canto iv of his
Raghuvansha, the conquering tour (tiigeijaya) of
Samudra Gupta under the poetic disguise of Raghu.
At any rate, K&lidusa in the beginning of the fifth
century A.D. must have recorded the facts concern-
ing the countries ol India mentioned in lii.s book
according to his own knowledge of those countries.
For instance, the hydrographical condition of
Bengal at that time is clearly referred to in canto
iv, verses 34 to 38. The poet mentions that Raghu's
son Aja selected tbo king of Kimarupa as his best
man in his marriage with Indumati. This shows
that the king of Kimarupa of his time, who was
probably Samudra varman, was a very important
monarch belonging to an old and reputed dynasty,
otherwise the poet would not have made him the
best man of the son of his hero.
With regard to the next king Balavarman I,
the son of Samudravarman by his queen Dattadevi,
the Nidhanpur inscription states that"his irresistible
troops constituted his armour”. It appears
therefore that he was a powerful king and a con-
queror. There is mention in the Kashmere chronicle
Rsjatarangini that king Meghavfihana of Kashmere
married a PrSgjyotisha princess named Amrita-
prabhfi. It is stated that the king of PrSgjvotisha
KAMARUPA IN THE GUPTA PERIOD.
45
held a svayamvara for the marriage of the princess.
Of all the princes assembled AmritaprabhS's choice
fell upon the Kashmere prince Meghav&hana. It
is recorded that "there in the presence of the kings
he (Meghav&hana) received from the princess
Amritaprabha the bridegrom's garland while the
parasol of Vanina cast its shade upon him. By
this the people knew his future greatness as by the
west wind the gathering of clouds. Because this
parasol, which king Naraka had carried away from
Vanina cast its shade on no one but a sovereign of
the whole globe (Chakra vartin)"( I ). This parasol
or umbrella is mentioned also in tho Ilaraha-
Charitn of Biina wherein it is stated that it was an
heirloom of the kings of the dynastv of Naraka.
It is also stated there that king Bli&skaravarman,
through his envoy Hangshnvcga, presented this
umbrella to Sri Harshavardhana. It is stated that
queen Amritaprabhl erected in Kashmere a lofty
Vthdrn for the benefit of the foreign bhikthus and
that this I’lAdra was known as Amritabhavan.
It is further stated that AmritaprabhS took to
Kashmere a Tibetan Buddhist scholar named
StunpS who was a preceptor of her father, the
Kamarupa king. This Stunplt erected a itupa in
Kashmere known as ’ Lo-stunpa” (2). If the
above statements are to be believed as true it
would appear that Buddhism had spread into
KSmarupa long before the visit of Yu in Chwang,
that a remote ancestor of Bhiskaravarman was a
Buddhist and that the cultural connection between
ft) Rajatarangim Book lip. 14S-150.
(2J Rajatarangini Book III p. 9.
46 KAMARUPA IN THE GUPTA PERIOD.
Kfimarupa and Tibet, to which reference will be
made in a subsequent chapter, began as early as
fifth century AD.
According to Kahlan, the author of the
Rfijatarangini, MeghavShana was succeeded by
Sresthisena and the latter by ToramSna. If this
Toramana is identical with the Ephthalic king
Toramana, the father of the famous Mihiragula,
the king of the white Huns who ruled over the
Punjab and possibly also over Kashmcrc, then
he cannot be placed earlier than the third quar-
ter of the fifth century A.D. The identification
would probably be correct for, according to
Kahlan, Toratnlna struck coins in his name
extensively and such coins have, as a matter ol
fact, been discoverd in large quantities. These
bear the name of Toramftna in characters of the
Gupta period. This being so, Mcghavahana may
be placed about the second quarter of the fifth
century though Kahlan's chronology places him
in the first century and he was probably the son-
in-law of the Kffmarupa king Balavaminn I.
This matrimonial alliance and the celebration
of the Srayamrara indicates tint PrSgjyotisha
or Kamarupa was then an important kingdom
in northern India and that it was no longer
a mere frontier kingdom as in the days of
Pusbyavarman.
Vincent Smith mentions that in the year
428 A.D., during the reign of emperor Kumara
Gupta, an embassy was sent to China by an
Indian king named Yue-ai (Moon-loved) who
was lord of the Ka-pi-li country. Lt. Col.
KAMARUPA IS THE GUPTA PERIOD. 47
Wilson has identified Ka-pi-li with the Kapili
river of Assam named in the Kalika purana
as Kajrila- Gangd, and Vincent Smith has ten-
tatively accepted this identification (i). As wo
have already suggested, the Kapili valley, which
is still called DavakS, may be identified with
the kingdom of Davlka mentioned in the
Allahabad inscription of Sumudra Gupta. The
embassy may therefore have been sent by the
king of Davlka whose name was either Chandra-
Priya or Chandra-Vallabln. It should however
be mentioned that there was a king of Klma-
rupa named Chandra-mukha (moon-faced) who
was the great-grandfather of Bhlskaravarman.
Me cannot, however, be assigned to the second
quarter of the fifth century. It seems that in
tlic sixth or the seventh century this kingdom
of Davlka was absorbed by K lima rupa, for
according to Yuan Chwang's account the Kapili
valley was included in KSmarupa.
The kings after Balavarman were Kalylna-
varman, Ganapativarman, Mahcndravarman and
NlrSyanavarman who do not appear to hive been
much renowned. According to the Nidhanpur
inscription, Ganapativarman was generous in his
gifts while NarSvunavarman was, like king Janaka,
deeply versed in the knowledge of the self.
NfirSyanavarman was succeeded by his son Mah5-
bhutavarman who is named in the Harsha Charita
as Bhutivarman. It was he who granted, to a large
number of Brahmans, lands in the Chadrapuri
vishaya. The copper-plate relating to this grant
(1) Vincent Smith's Early History of India, p. 316.
48 KAMARL'FA IN THE GUPTA PERIOD.
having been destroyed by fire his great-great-grand-
son BhSskaravarman recorded, what is known as
the NidhBnpur grant, to confirm the gift made by
his ancestor. Originally only three plates of this
inscription were discovered by Pandit Padmanath
Bhattacharya Vidyavinod who contributed a paper
on them in Epigraphia Indica vol XII. Subsequent-
ly two more pbtes found were described by
Pandit Vidyavinod in vol.XIX of the Epigraphia
Indica. The third lost plate was again discussed
by him in the same journal. One more plate is
still missing. These newly discovered plates
mention the names of Chandrapuri vishaya, Klusika
river and Mayura-Sslmah agrahira. The occur-
rence of the word “agrahlra" seems to indicato the
existence of a temple for the maintenance of which
and its alebaiu the bnds were granted. Air the
inscription begins with the adoration of ash-
besmeared Mabldeva it is clear that these Klmarupa
kings were all devotees of Siva. As a matter of
fact Siva is invoked in the inscription as the ista-
devatd of the donor. Further in the Fiarxha Charita
it is stated that Bh^kSravarman worshipped only
the lotus-feet of Siva. So it may be assumed that
the agrahara mentioned in the inscription was no
other than a Siva temple. The newly discovered
plates contain the names of the donees who number
more than 200. From this list wc find such names
as Vishnu-Gbosha, Arka-Datta, Rishi-Dama, Da-
ma-Deva, Dhruva-Soma, Vishnu-Palita, Gavatri-
Pab, Yajna'-Kunda, Padma-Dassa, Tosha-Naga and
Gopab-Nandi. It is curious that the surnames
Gbosha. Datta. Dama. Deva. Soma. Palita. Pala,
KAMARUPA IN THE GUPTA PERIOD.
49
Kundu, Dasa, Naga and Nandi are now confined
to Kayasthas of Bengal but not to Brahmans. One
authority (Dr. Biundarkar) has pointed out that
identical surnames were used by the NSgar-Brah*
mans. It is not known when and how such a colony
of Brahmans came to be settled in KSmarupa near
the Kosi river as early as the beginning of the
sixth century. Pandit Vidyavinod's surmise that
most of the Brahman families in the neighbouring
province of modem Bengal are the descendants of
these Brahmans from Kffmarupa seems to rest on
good foundation ( i ). The Nidhanpur inscription
is an cpigraphic record of very great historic value.
In the first part of the sixth century during the
reign of NirSynn ivamiau or his son Mahubhiita-
varman Ylsodharmnn king of Milwa, who defeated
Mihiragula, the leader of the white Huns, is said to
have conquered the whole of northern India from
the Louhitya ( Brahmaputra) to the western ocean.
This is recorded in his Mandasor pillar inscription
(a) wherein it is emphasized that Yasodharman
conquered territories which even the Guptas
(on the east) and the Huns (on the west) failed to
penetrate. It is possible to detect here a reference
to Kamarupa which was always outside the Gupta
empire. The invasion of Kamarupa by Yasodharman
is here indicated. It is not known how far this
invasion was successful. Any way, the conquest
of Eastern India by Yasodharman, in the early part
of the sixth century, shows that about that period
the Gupta power
(1) Epigraph)* Indie* voL XIX
(2) Fleet Corp. Ins. led. pace
SO KAMARL'PA IN THE GUPTA PERIOD.
As a matter of feet tbe Imperial Guptas ceased
to rule alter tbe close of tbe fifth century
and, as remarked by Vincent Smith, that line
passed by an obscure transition into what is
known as tbe dynasty ol the “Later Guptas
of Magadha." This dynasty did not exercise
sovereignty even over the whole of Magadha,
part of which came under the sway of the Varmans
of Maukhari. Taking advantage of the decline of
the Gupta power the K&marupa kings appear to
have extended their kingdom towards the west.
Down to the end of the fifth century the tract
of country between the Tccsta and the Kosi
formed the Pumlruvardhanu Bhukti of the
Gupta empire.* In the first quarter of the sixth
century wc find this tract within the KlCmarupa
kingdom. Mahabhutavarman's grant referred to
• It lias been recently announced in the newspapers
that Prof It. Q. Bunak lias discovered a copperplate in
the Bogra district which la-ant the date 128 Gupta era
equivalent to 117 A.l>. The grant in not however from
the Gupta cm|ieror Human* Gupta I who wan reigning
ut the time. It in Mated that the plate simply record n
the purchase of norae revenue-free Male lands. That the
occurence of the Gupta era in any particular locality
does not necessarily mean the ascendancy of the Guplu
power in that locality is proved by the use of that era
in Harjaravannan’s lock inscription at Tezpur some 350
yearn after the extinction of tbe Gupta power. Kama-
rupa never formed a part of the Gupta empire bat it
appears that the Pnndravardhana Bhukti, which in-
cluded the districts of Bogra, Dinajpur and Rajshalii,
was for some centuries within the Gupta empire though
both before and after the exigence of this empire these
districts, or at least parts of them, weie included in
Kamarupa . There was no local era in Bengal prior to the
twelfth century A.D.
KAMARl'PA IN THE GUPTA PERIOD.
s«
above may be dated about 525 A.D. This grant
consisted of lands in the Chandrapuri Vishaya
within the present district of Pumea for, according
to the Nidhanpur inscription, the lands granted were
on the banks of the old channel of the Kausika or
Kosi (1). Rennell’s map of Bengal (1783) shows
the positiou of the old channel of the Kosi. It
appears that this river originally took an easterly
course and flowing to the west of Pumea fell into
the Ganges at Rajmahal or nearly forty miles
below its present confluence with the Ganges.
It appears from the Nidhanpur inscription that
the river had already abandoned its old channel
by the time BfaKskaravarman confirmed his
ancestor’s graut. That the Kausika, mentioned
in the inscription, is the Kosi river in modern
Bihar admits of no doubt, but certain writers
have attempted to identify Kausika with the
K11si.ua river in Syihct (2). These writers
conveniently forget that in the ninth century
another KKmarupa king, named VanamSla,
granted lands adjoining the Chandrapuri Vishaya
and, in order to localize the lands more definitely,
he stated in his inscription that the lands lay to the
west of the Tccsta (TruroUifdh patchimalah).
After this, any attempt to locate the Chandrapuri
Vishaya anywhere in the Sylhet district cannot
but be regarded as childish.
Towards the close of the sixth century the
(1) Kamaropa Sasanavaii page 41.
(2) I.H.Q. voL VII. No. 4.
52 KAMARl'PA IK THE GUPTA PERIOD.
dynasty of the Later Guptas produced a power-
ful king named Mahascna Gupta. By checking
the Maukharis in mid-India he re-established the
Gupta power to some extent. After this he
turned his attention towards the east where the
KSmarupa kings had appropriated to themselves
the whole of the Pundravardhana bhukti. He
was therefore compelled to declare war against
the then KAmarupa king Susthitavarman, the
father of Bh&skaravarmun. It appears that
Susthitavarman sustained a crushing defeat and
Mah&scna Gupta earned a great victory which
was glorified by his grandson in the Aphshad
inscription. It is stated in this inscription that
Susthitavarman was defeated by Mali* cna Gupta
"whose mighty fame, marked in honour of victory
over the illustrious Susthitavarman (and white)
as a full-blown Jasmine flower or water-lily,
or as a pair of necklace of pearls pounded
into little bits, is still constantly sung on the
banks of the Lauhitya, the surfaces of which
are (so) cool, by the Siddlus in pairs, when
they wake up after sleeping in the shade of
the betel plants that are in full bloom” (i)-
This panegyric was justified for the victory had
really important political consequences. Maha-
sena Gupta recovered tire whole of the Pundra-
vardhana bhukti and the Kfimarupa boundary
was pushed back to tbe Teesta- Karatoya.* The
result was that the territories which included
the lands donated by Mahabhulavarman in the
( 1 ) Fleet Corp, Ins, Ind. vol III page 206.
• Before 1784 tbe Karatova was onlv a branch of
KAMARUPA IS THE GUPTA PERIOD.
53
previous century were lost to Kamarupa. When
in the early part of the seventh century gas&nka
was overthrown, Bhaskaravarman re-acquircd
the lost tracts and confirmed the grant of his
ancestor. This explains why the confirmation
was issued immediately after the overthrow of
£a4dnka and from the victorious camp itself
where BhSskaravarman was “accompanied by a
fleet of war-boats, war-elephants, cavalry and
infantry."
Susthitavarm m, though defeated, was a great
king and therefore in the Aphihad inscription
he is described as “illustrious”. The victory
over him and the recovery of the territories were
therefore regarded as a great triumph as the
text of the inscription indicates. Susthitavarman
could not retalliate the defeat during his life-time.
Ho lett this duty to his worthy son KhSskara-
varman.
We can now tentatively suggest the chronology
of the kings of the dynasty of Pushyavarman as
follows:-
Name of kin*. Approximate roigu.
Pushvavarman 380-400 A.D.
1
Samudravarman 400-420 "
I
the Toesta and bifurcating from it flowed towards
the east through Ghoraghat (Brandi's Bengal Atlas,
Map no. V ). The Karatnja i* now a river to the
west of the Teesta ( The -ten-mile'’ Atlas of India,
vol. J, Map no. 41-19).
54
K AMARU PA IN THE GUPTA PERIOD.
Balavarman I
T
420-440
i
Kaly&navarman
f
440-460
*
Ganapativarman
1
Mahendravarman
I
Naravanavarman
I
Mah&bhutavarman
I *
Chandramukhavarman
1
Sthitavarman
460-480
n
480-500
1 9
500-520
5 ^ 0-540
•»
540-560
560-580
w
I
Susthitavarman (MrigKnka) 580-600
I
-
*
BhSskaravarman (KumSra)
600-650
The starting fixed point in tlic above chrono-
logy is the reign of Bblskaravarman, the
contemporary of Haretuvardhana - Siladitya or
Sri Marsha and the Chinese pilgrim Yuan Cliwang.
Sri Marsha ruled from 6o6 to 648 AT). It
appears that Blnskaravarman was older than
Sri Marsha, for in the procession at Kanauj in
644 A.D. Sri Marsha himself dressed as Indra
while Bliitskaravarman personated as Brahmff. The
role of Brahma would not lave been assigned to
Blutskaravarman if he was not older than Sri Harsha.
We can therefore place Bhftskaravarman's accession
to the throne about 600 A.D. From this point,
by allowing on an average 20 years for the
KAMARUPA IN THE Gt’PTA PERIOD.
55
reign of each king we can place Pushvavannan’s
accession about 380 A.D., but probably lie
ruled earlier. The allowance of 20 years for
each reign can not be considered extravagant in
view of the long reign of Bhlskaravarman himself
which covered nearly fifty years. The names
of the above mentioned kings, as given in the
inscription, can be partly verified from two sources.
The first is the clay-aeal of Bhaskaravarman
which was discovered during excavation of the
Nalnnda ruins. This seal contains the names
of all the kings and queens from Gannpativarmnn
to Bhlskaravarman. The second is tl»c Hartha
Charita of Bona who flouri>hed in the court of
$ri Harsha ami was Uicrelorc a contemporary of
Bhlskaravarman. In this work the names of the
Kftmarupa kings and queens from M.ihlbhuta-
varrnnn arc given. The only difference is that
MahAbhutavarman is mentioned in the Harsha
Charita as Bhutivarman. As a matter of fact,
in line 51 of the Nidhanpur inscription itself
MahRbhutavarman is referred to as Bhutivnrman.
Evidently be was popularly known as Bhuti-
varman.
CHAPTER IV.
Kamakipa of bhaskaravarman.
Susthitavarman, known also as flri Mrig&nkn,
had two sons vix. Supratisthitavarinan and
Bhaskaravarman. It is stated in the Uarnha
Ckarita that the second son Bhftskaravarman was
the direct successor o( his father on tlx? throne of
Prlgjyotiaha. On the other hand it is stated in
BhSskaravarman's inscription that “surrounded by
learned men and accompanied by an well
equipped armv consisting of war-elephants his
(Supratisthitavarman's) birth (rise) was for the
good of others” Pandit Vidyivinod detects
here an indication that Supratisthitavarman
actually succeeded his father and having ruled
for a fow years died (probably without leaving
any issue). He supposes that during his short
reign Supratisthitavarman introduced various
reforms the good results of which were enjoyed by
his brother who succeeded him (i). Previously
(1) Kimarupa Sasanarali p. 31 Footnote (3)
KAMARUPA OF BHASKARAVARMAJJ.
57
however, the learned Pandit supposed that, during
the life-time of his father, Supratisthitavarman, as
heir-apparent, introduced various measures of
progress and reform in the administration of the
kingdom the beneficial effects of which he could not
himself enjoy as king but which were actually en-
joyed by his younger brother Bhiiskaravamian when
he became King (i). We think the Pandit's pre-
vious supposition was correct. The reference to
th® " Supratisthita Kataka" indicates that the army
was re-organized. Supratisthitavarman must have
witnessed the defeat sustained by his father at the
hands of the Magadha king MahUsena Gupta. His
first duty, as heir-apparent, was therefore to streng-
then the army, particularly that arm of it which
consisted of war-elephants. Unfortunately it seems
lie died during the life-time of his father and could
not therefore succeed as king but his brother, on
ascending tlic throne, found himself at the head of
a strong and well-equipped army with the aid of
which he subsequently defeated dafanka and con-
quered Bengal. Bhiskaravarman therefore actually
enjoyed the fruits of the labours of his deceased
brother and this is exactly what the writer of his
inscription seems to have meant .
It is however significant that Bhaskaravarman,
even after he succeeded to the throne, used to be
known as Kumara (Prince ). In this respect a
parallel can be found in his celebrated contemporary
(1) Pandit Vidyav mod's paper on Bhaskaravarman's
copper-plate inscription, published in tbe Annual Report
of the Kamarupa Auusandhftn Samiti for tbe year
1916 - 17, edited by Chandra Nath Sarnia, B. L.
58 KAMARCPA op bhaskaravarman.
Harshavardbana of Thanes war who in 606 A.D.,
on being invited to ascend the throne, after the
murder of his elder brother Rajyavardhana, at first
refused to consent but after consulting a Buddhist
oracle agreed to carry on the government
designating himself as Prince Siluditya till 612
A.D. when his formal coronation took place ( 1 ).
As we have already shown, Bhaskaravarman became
king earlier, probably about 600 A.D and so
it can not be said that he emulated the example of
Harshavardbana and styled himself as Kunura or
Prince. Rather the reverse might have been the
case. The actual reasons why BhKskaravarman was
called KumAra are not quite clear. It can be
suspected that he was a bachelor throughout his life.
In any case it seems that he occupied the throne on
his father’s death and soon gave abundant proofs of
his political sagacity which, in the words of his
panegyrist, the writer of the Nidhanpur inscrip-
tion, " earned for him the reputation of a second
Brihaspafi well known to others."
On ascending the throne BhSskarvarman found
two strong rival powers growing in northern India,
viz. one in central and northern Bengal under
fSa&mka Deva and the other in mid-India under
PrabhSkaravardhana, the father of the famous 8ri
Harshavardhana. The origin of daslnka is shrouded
in mystery. Some scholars suppose that he be-
longed to the line of the later Guptas of Magadha
and Pandit VidySvinod seems to have found no
difficulty in assuming that be was a son of MahBsena
(1) Vincent 8mith , s Early History of India pp.350-351
KAMARUPA OF BH ASKAR AVAR1! AN.
59
Gupta (i). It is however curious that the Aphshad
inscription of Adityjsena, the grandson of MahS-
sena Gupta, makes no mention of datifoka. It is
known that Sa&nka was a devotee of Siva while
the Guptas were Vaisnavas. His descent from the
Gupta line is therefore extremely doubtful. In the
Rhotasgarh rocic-inscription of a seal one Saainka
Deva is mentioned as MahasKnanta (a). It seems
therefore that Sa&nka Deva was at first only a
local chief or sKmanta owning allegiance to a superior
over-lord who was probably Mahlscna Gupta. As
already stated, tbe K&marupa kings had extended
their sway over northern and perhaps central Bengal
alter the decline of the Gupta power. About the
last quarter of the sixth century, MabKscna Gupta
tried to check the growing aggressions of the
IvSmarupa kings. It seems that da&tnka gave
powerful aid to MahSscna Gupta who inflicted a
defeat on Susthitavarman, the king of KSmarupa.
The Magadha king thus recovered northern and
central Bengal over which daiftnka Deva was
appointed as Maha-sSmanta or governor. Subse-
quently, taking advantage of the death of Mahasena
Gupta and the weakness of his minor son MBdhava
Gupta, Sa&faka proclaimed himself as independent
king of central and northern Bengal and also struck
coins. - Babu Nagcndra Nath Basu surmises that
(1) K&marnpa Sasanavali p.15 ( Introduction ).
(2) Fleet Corpus InacripJionnm Jndicarum vol. Ill
p. 284.
• From numismatic evidence Mr. Bhattaa&Ii has proved
that Sasdnka did not belong to the Gupta line but was
almost certainly tbe successor of SamachAra Deva two
60 KAMARUPA OF BHASKARAVARMAN.
he was a Kayastha of the Deva family (i)- In the
Ganjam inscription of Midha va Varman also he is
named " Maharijadhiraja das&nka Deva " (2). As
he was king of central and northern Bengal he is
mentioned by Yuan Chwang as king of Karna-
suvarna (central Bengal) and by Banabhatta as king
of Gauda (northern Bengal). He soon attained to
such power that he not only challenged the feeble
Magadha ruler Midha va Gupta on the west and
the Kamarupa power on the east but also sub-
jugated the whole of lower Bengal, Chota Nagpur
and Orissa on the south. About 600 A.D., evi-
dently after the death of Mahasena Gupta, he
appears to have successfully invaded Magadha
where his zeal for the orthodox system of Hindu
religion led him to perpetrate acts which gained
for him notoriety for ever. He is said to have
uprooted the sacred Bodhi-tree in Gayft and thrown
into the river the sacred stone bearing the foot-
prints of Gautama Buddha. The Guptas of
Magadha were noted for their benign toleration of
Buddhism during centuries. It is hardly conceivable
that a scion of that noble family did not scruple to
perform such acts of sacrilege. The tlieory that
he belonged to the Gupta family is therefore quite
untenable. Towards the west of K&marupa, dasfinka
of whose coins, like the one of Saianka, aim hoar on tlio
reverse the legend Xarendrm rtaafe thus showing that
Narendra or Nareodra Gupta was not the name of
hasinka as originally supposed from this legend. ( J.P.A.
81$. vol XIX 1923 No. 6. Numismatic number ).
(1) Banger Jatiya Itihis, Rijanya Kinds.
(2) Epigraphia Indica voL VI. p. 143.
KAMARUPA OF BHASKARAV ARMAN.
61
appears to have held possession of that portion ol
territory which included the lands granted by
Mahabhutavarraan to a large number of Brahmans.
It is therefore unnecessary to stress why he was
regarded as the natural enemy of Bhaskaravarman
who must have been waiting for a favourable
opportunity to regain the lost dominions and to
retaliate the defeat indicted on his father, fiaslfaka
was however too powerful a ruler to be dealt with
and Bhaskaravarman therefore wisely refrained
from precipitating matters by himself launching an
attack on Kamasuvama, the capital founded by
daAlnka. The long looked for opportunity came
at last. On the death of Prabh&karavardhana his
eldest son Kftjvavardhrna ascended the throne at
Thancswar. It appears that a branch of the Gupta
family then ruled at Malwo. Dera Gupta of this
family had overthrown the Maukbari king Grab
varntan who was the brother -in-law of Rljavardbanu
Dcva Gupta had insulted RAjyaAri, the sister of
Rljyavardbana, who at once marched to the assis-
tance of Grahavarman. In the meantime, datfSnka
appears to have marched to the assistance of Dcva
Gupta. The fact that he allied with Deva Gupta
led R.D. Bar.erji to suppose that he belonged to
the Gupta family. Whatever th it may be, Rfijya-
vrrdhana easily defeated Deva Gupta but ^asar.lc.i
managed to invite bim to his camp on a false pro-
mise and there treacherously murdered him. This
incident is mentioned not only by Bffna but also by
the Chinese pilgrim Yuan Chwang. On getting this
information Sri Harsha resolved to take revenge
on the murderer. He made preparations to subdue
62
KAUARUPA OF BHASKARAVARMAN.
the arrogant and powerful king of Gauda and had
just started on his march when he was met by
Hangsavega, an ambassador from Bhfiskaravarman
of Klmarupa, with valuable presents. The Hanha
Charita of Blna gives a detailed account of Hangsa-
vega’s meeting with dri Harsha. When the
chamberlain announced that Hangshavega " a con-
fidential messenger" sent by the KumSra Raja of
Prftgjyotisha was waiting at the gate, t 3 ri Harsha
commanded “admit him at once" (i). The
chamberlain then entered with Hangsavega “whoso
very exterior, delighting the eye with graceful
flexions, belied the weight of his qualities’ (2). The
messenger was followed by a long train of men
carrying munificent presents " (3). When Hangsa-
vega had gone through the usual ceremonies of
paying homage dri Harsha asked, “ Hangsavega t
is tho noble prince well ? Hangsavega replied,
" At this moment he is well, since your majesty so
respectfully inquires with a voice bathed in affec-
tion and moist with a flow of friendship.' After
this Hangsavega began to unfold the presents one
by one saying “ excepting only a heart replete with
respect, a present worthy of your majesty, who is
the vessel for the grandeur of governing the four
oceans, is with difficulty attainable in the world”
(4). Nevertheless, Hangsavega made particular
mention of the royal umbrella named Abhoga
which the KumSra raja sent and which was a
(1) Harsha Charita ( Cowell's translation).
(3W3), (4), Ibid.
KAMARUPA OF BHASKARAV ARMAN. _
•‘family heirloom" derived from Vanina (i).
He declared that “ fire does not burn it, nor wind
tear it away, nor water wet it, nor dust defile it »
nor age corrode it ” (2). The king inspected all
the presents and this done be dismissed all the ser-
vants and addressing Hangsavega said “ explain
your errand.” Hangsavega then said: - “ In former
times, your majesty, the holy earth having through
union with the Boar become pregnant, gave birth
in hell to a son called Naraka. • • It was be who
won this umbrella, the external heart ol Varuna.
In the posterity of this hero, when many great
Mcru -like kings such as Bbagadatta, Puspadalta
and Vajradatta had passed a wav, there was born
a MnhurfijadhirSja named Susthiravarman, a splen-
did hero famous in the world as MrigKnka, great
grandson of MabSrSja Bhutivarman, grandson of
Chandramukbavarman and son of Sthitivarman. •
• • • • • To this auspiciously named king
was bom, by his queen Syamidevi, a son and heir
Bhffskaradyuti otherwise named Bhtskaravarman.
• • Now from childhood upwards it was this
prince's firm determination never to do homage to
any being except the lotus -feet of diva. Such an
ambition, so difficult of attainment in the three
worlds, may be reached by one of three means via.
by a conquest of the whole earth, by death or by
a friend like your majesty. • • • The friendship
of monarchs again has regard to utility. And whit
possible contribution of utility could incline your
(1) Hureba Cbarita (Cowell’s translation).
(2) Ibid
64 KAMARt'PA OF BHASKAR AVARMAN.
majesty to friendship ? Wealth is but a remote
consideration to your majesty whose aim is to
amass fame. One who relics upon his arm alone
has uo occasion for desiring the assistance of his
other members, much less ol a stranger. To one
greedy to scire the four combined oceans what
qualification is there even in the proffered gift of a
part of the earth ? • • • • Seeing therefore
that ours is an object attainable only by impossible
expedients, let your majesty, graciously regarding
a mere petition, hear. The sovereign of PrSgjyotisha
desires with your majesty an imperishable
alliance. • • • If your majesty's heart too is
inclined to fncnd>hip and can comprehend that
friends enter upon a slavery disguised under a
synonym then enough ! Commission me to say
that the sovereign of Piigjvotisha may enjoy your
majesty’s, as MandSra Vishnu's, hearty embrace.
• • • • • In this moon-lilcc face • • •
let the glory of the sovereign o! Prfigjvotisha at
length indulge to satiety the longing of her eyes.
II your majesty accepts not his love, command me
what to report to my master " (1).
This remarkable speech of the consummate
diplomat seems to have moved the youthful t$ri
Harsha. “ When the messenger ceased speaking
the king, who from previous reports ol the prince's
great qualities had conceived a very high respect
for him and whose affection had been raised to a
climax by the affair of the umbrella Abhoga, replied
almost bashfully with profound respect "How
( 1 ) Har&ha Cbarita (Cowell's t ran station).
KAMARUFA OF BIIASKARAVARMAN.
65
could ihe mind of one like me possibly even in a
dream show aversion, Hangsavega, when such
a great and noble spirit, such a treasure of virtue
and captain of the worthy bestows his love as an
absent friend upon me ? • • • • ♦ The ten
regions arc the unhired servants of the sweet
qualities of this noble. • • • • The Prince’s
design too is excellent. Stout-armed himself, with
me, a devotee of the bow, for his friend, to whom
save diva, need he pay homage ? This resolve of
his increases my affection. The heart respects the
lion, though a brute, for his pride ” (t).
After this Hangsavega suitably replied to the
king and took his leave. It appears that dri
Harsha sent “a load of answering gifts in charge
of eminent cnvoys.’’(2). An offensive and de-
fensive alliance was thus formed between dri
Harsha and DhOstamvarman. This alliance was
disastrous for dasiinka for while dri Harsha’s
cousin and general Bhandi probably attacked from
the west, BhSskaravarman at once attacked from
the east and occupied Kama Su varna* which was
near to KSmarupa. From his Nidhanpur copper-
plate inscription it appears that Bh&skaravarman
attacked with a strong navy of huge boats, which
must have passed down the Brahmaputra and then
proceeded up the Ganges, and tint his army con-
sisted of war-elephants, cavalry and infantry (Maha
nau hasty ai tea pat/f). Being attacked from two
( I ) & ( 2 V Harsh* Char it* ( Cowell's translation ).
• Karnasuvarna has been identifed with modern
Kaugamati on the western bank ot the Bhapirathi in the
Kamli subdivision of the Murshidabad district.
66
KAMARLTA OF BHASKARAVARMAN.
sides and thus outflanked Sftsanka fled towards
Orissa. The Nidhanpur copper-plate grant was
issued from BhSskaravarman’s victorious camp at
Karnasuvarua (Jay a tabdartha skandhabhdrSi
Karnasuvama vasal at) (l). Thus the defeat of
his father was a%-enged and the lost dominions were
regained. Bhiskaravarmin now became the master
or overlord of practically the whole of Gauda
excluding only Magadha which was included in the
dominions of firi Harsha.
Sir Edward Gait, relying on Vincent Smith and
Pandit Padmanath Vidyivi nod, holds that UhiCskara-
varman came into possession of Karnasuvarua
after the death of flri Harsh i. This supposition is
evidently incorrect. flasanka held sway over cen-
tral and lower Bengal and also perhaps over part
of Magadha and Orissa. It appears that being
overthrown by Bhftsk ar a varman in Kamasuvarna
he retired to the south and continued to rule
there as evidenced by the Ganjam inscription ol
Madhava varman, a Sam inla under him (2).
This inscription is dated 619 A.D. and from this
fact Pandit VidySvinod and some other scholars
have wrongly assumed that 8a*ank 1 continued to rule
at Karnasuvama till 619 A.D.' B.;bu Nagcndranatb
( 1 ). Epijrraphia Iodica, vol. XII. p. 78.
(2). Epigraphia Indies Vol. VI. p. 144.
• Id hia recent work “ Kntnaropa Sisanavali’, Pandit
Vidyavinod admits that &>S'inka was driven out of
Karnasnvarna earlier through tbe combined efforts Sri
Harsha and Bhiskaravatman. but be bolds that BbAskara-
varman only temporarily oernpied Kartnsuvarna
which was included in the dominions of Sri Harsha.
There is, however, no basis for this statement.
KAMARIPA OF BHASKAR AVARMAN. 67
Basu believes that after the alliance between dri
Harsha and Bh&karavamian, SaAanka lost Karna-
suvama and was obliged to retire to the hilly
country in the south (i). Ho bolds also that
probably Siri Harsha allowed Bh&skaravarman to
rule over Gauda and Kamasuvarna and established
Mftdhava Gupta, son of MahSsena Gupta, in
Magadha as a vassal ruler. This was probably the
actual fact. R. D. Banerji also thinks that daAanka
was overthrown by the combined efforts of
BhKskaravarman and dri Harsha (2). In his
latest work, the History of Orissa, R. D. Banerji
writes : —
“ Whatever be the real origin of dasXnka, there
is no doubt about the fact that eventually ho was
driven out of Karnasuvama. It is quite possible
that this event had taken place before the date ol
the Ganjain plate and at that time he had lost his
possessions in Bengal and was the master of
Orissa only.”
The theory of Sir Edward Gait and Vincent
Smith that Bhaskaravarman acquired Karnasuvama
after the death of Sri Harsha is therefore quite
incorrect. It is reasonable to suppose that dafonka
was driven out of Karnasuvama about 610 A.D.
The coronation of Sri Harsha took place about
612 A.D. after Sa&Snka had been overthrown and
Bhaskaravarman had come into possession of
Karnasuvama. A writer in the Indian Historical
(1) Bangalar Jitiya Itihaah vol. 1. pp. 65-66.
(2) Bangalar Itihash vol. 1. pp. 87-88.
68
KAMARUPA OF BHASKARAVARMAN.
Quarterly (i) points out that Sri Harsha’s sway
never reached Bengal and that da&nka’s kingdom
passed to Bhaskaravarman as otherwise he could
not have controlled the sea-route to China and
promised a safe passage to Yuan Clnvang (2).
It appears clear from Bana's Uarsha Charila th.it
after the alliance with Bhaskaravarman Sri Hart- ha
foil at case concerning the conquest of Gauda and
despatching his cousin Bhandi to invade Gauda
(perhaps in collaboration with Bhaskaravarman),
lie himself set out to search for his sister Rrtjyasr i
who had escaped to the jungles of VindhyS.
Kamasuvama was actually conquered by BhU.kara-
varman as stated in the Nidhanpur plate. Another
well known scholar, Mr. Kamaprasiid Chanda,
writing in a Bengali magazine, rejects Vidylvinod’s
theory that Bhaskaravarman occupied Karnasuvarna
only temporarily and holds that during the seventh
century Gauda was included within the kingdom
of Klmarupa (3). Beal, in his introduction to the
biography, states, “ Bhaskaravarman the king of
Kffmarupa and probably former kings of that
kingdom had the sea-route to China under their
special protection " (4). Perhaps Beal would
have been more correct if he had stated that
Bhaskaravarman and his successors hid the control
over the Tamralipti region and tire sea-route for at
least too years after the death of Bhaskaravarman.
(1) “ Kinger-poMs of Bengal History ” by Pejoynatli
Sarka. (Indian Historical Qoarteily. vol. VI. pp. 1 12-443)
(2) Lite of Biui’D Tsiang, translation by Beal. p. 138.
(3) Prabasi, Baisakh 1339 B.S. pp C2-f.G.
(4) Beal's introduction to the Life of Iliiien
Tsiang p. XVI
KAMARUPA OF BHASK ARAVARMAN. 6g
The biographers of Yuan Chwang mention
Kumara Raja as the Lord of Eastern India and this
was the appellation applied by subsequent Chinese
writers to the kings ot Kamarupa. The “ live
Indies" of the Chinese writers were Northern India,
Western India, Central or Mid- India, Southern
India and Eastern India. “ Eastern India " com-
prised modern Avsam and Bengal proper including
the whole of the delta of the Ganges together with
Sambalpur, Orissa and Ganjam (t). The fact
that both in the biography and the Si-vu ki,
I'undravjrdhina, Samatata, Karnasuvarna and
Tnmralipti are separately mentioned, docs not
mean that these countries were then independent
principalities. As a matter of fact it is significant
that the names of the kings of these countries are
not mentioned but the name of tire reigning king
of Kamarupa is mentioned. They were probably
then administered by local chiefs who were vassals
of the king of Kamarupa. In his Nidhanpur
inscription the kings who were vassals of BhKskara-
varman are referred to and it is stated that
he “ equalled the prowess of the whole ring of
his feudatories by the strength of his own arm"
( 2 ). The pilgrim while describing his travels
in mid-India similarly mentions countries like
Brahmapura, Ahi Khctra, Virasana, Kapitha,
Kanauj, Ayodhya, Prayaga, Kausambi, Kapila-
vasthu, Kusinagara, Benares and Magadha over all
of which 3ri Harsha was admittedly the suzerain
power.
- " ^ — — — —
( 1 ) Conningham’s Ancient Geography of India.
(2) Epigraphia Indica vol. XII. p. 78.
70
KAMARUPA OF BHASK ARAVARMAN.
Yuan Chwang mentions Sas&nka as a “recent
king” of Kamasu varna, but in his account of his
visit to Kamasuvama he makes no mention of the
reigning king of that principality as he does in the
case of KSmarupa. The fact is that nearly
20 years before he arrived in India dasunka had
been overthrown and driven out of Central Bengal
over which Bhdskaravarman became the overlord.
Yuan Chwang makes no mention of any king
reigning in Samatata which was near the sea, but
when the next Chinese traveller I-Tsi:ig visited
Eastern India about 670 A.D. one Kfijubhata was
the Raja of Samatata. This Rajabhata was either
a vassal under the KSmarupa king or Samatata
was outside the dominions acquired by Bhfiskara-
varman.
Beal mentions that according to the records
left by I-Tsing, respecting other pilgrims visiting
India shortly after Yuan Chwang, a Korean
priest named Ilwui Lun, otherwise known as
Prajnlvarma, visited India, some years after the
departure of Yuan Chwang. He was evidently
a contemporary of Aditvascna, the author of the
Aphshad inscription, for it appears he recorded
that at Nalanda " recently a king called Sun-army
(Adityasena) built, by tbe side of tire old temple,
another which is now newly finisbcd”(l). It is
further mentioned in the records that "formerly a
Maharaja called 5 ri-Gupta built this temple (the
Deer temple) for tbe use of Chinese priests. He
was prompted to do so by tire arrival of
(1) Meal’# introda ction to the Life of Hiaen Twang
p. XXV II
KAMARUPA OF BHASKARAVARMAN.
about twenty priests of that country who had
travelled from Sz’chuen to the Mahubudhi temple
to pay their worship. Being impressed by their
pious demeanour he gave them the land and
the revenues of about twenty villages as an
endowment. This occurred some 500 years
ago. The land has now reverted to the king
of Eastern India, whose name is Deva Varma,
but he is said to bo willing to give back the
tcmplo land and the endowment in case any
priest came from China" ( 1 ). £ri Gupta
mentioned in the above extract, was undoubtedly
the grand-father of Chandra Gupta I, the founder
of the Gupta empire. Sri Gupta was only a
local chief in Magadha with his capital at Patna
or its vicinity. So the twenty village*, endowed
by him, must have been within his small
principality, probably not very far from Nalanda.
It appears that after flri Harsha’s death
these twenty villages of Magadha came into
the possesion or Bhfcskaravarman, the king of
“ Eastern India ", from whom they were inherited
by Deva Varma who was perhaps his imme-
diate successor. It is not possible to trace
a king called Deva Varma of another dynasty
ruling in Eastern India at that time. The
Varmans of Maukhari belonged to Madhya -
desha or mid-India. The kings of KRmarupa
used the suffix “ Varma Deva " after their names.
The full name of Bhiskaravarman, given in the
Nidhanpur plate, is “ Bhaskara - varma - Deva”-
(1) Beal's Introduction to the Life of Hiuen Tsiang
p. XXVII.
72 KAMARUPA OF BHASKARAV ARMAN.
It is therefore very probable that the Korean
priest transposed “ Vanna-Deva " into “ Deva
Varma ", In any case, it seems certain that
the king named as Deva-varma was a Kfima-
rupa king. It is therefore clear that even
after Bh&skaravarman at least the Eastern part
of Magadha with perhaps the whole of modern
Bengal, excepting probably Sauna tat a, was under
the overlordship of the KSmarup.i kings. This
supremacy lasted for at least too years till
the overthrow of the Kamarupa king Sri Harsh a
Varma Dcva about 750 AT).
Yuan Chwang came to India with the object
of studying Buddhistic lore and seeing for himslf
the various Buddhist shrines in India. He had no
idea of visiting Kamarupa which according to him
had no trace of Buddhism till that time. In fact
after his first stay at Nalanda he set out to see the
sacred Buddhist places and though visiting Karna-
Suvarna and Sumatata which contained Buddhist
stupas he did not care to enter KSmarupa proper.
After traversing through southern Iudia and
western India he returned to Nalanda and had
decided to return to China when by chance he came
to visit Kamarupa and thereafter meet emperor
Harsha-Vardhana. Had it not been for his visit to
K&marupa under unforeseen circumstances and the
subsequent meeting of the two kings on the hanks
of the Ganges perhaps be would not have been
present at the great assembly at Kanauj. The
circumstances leading to his visit to Kamarupa
are therefore interesting and these can be gathered
from the biography of Yuan Chwang written by
KAMARUPA OF BHASKARAVARMAK 73
his disciple Hwui-li and subsequently enlarged by
Yen Thsang. It appears that a certain Brahman
from “Eastern India" who was a heretic (probably
a non-Buddhist or at least a non-believer of the
MahSyfina system) came to Nalanda when Yuan
Chwang was residing there with Silabhadra, the
great Buddhist professor. The Bra hm an came
to dispute with the monks at Nalanda. He was
defeated and returning to KAmarupa he told
Kumftra Raja about the high qualities of the
Chinese monk. Bh&skaravarman then sent an
invitation to the Chinese traveller addressed to
Silabhadra. Before the message was received
Yuan Chwang chanced to meet a naked Nirgrantha
and asked him to foretell whether he would be
able to return to China safe together with all the
sacred books and images collected by him. The
Niryranlha then took a piece of white stone and
drew a figure on the ground, and after casting the
lot he replied “Do not be anxious. Siladitya raja
and Kumira raja will themselves despatch men
as escort. The .Master will successfully return
without accident.” Yuan Chwang then asked,
“ As to these two kings I have never yet seen
them. How then can such a kindness befall me?"
The Nirgiantha replied, “ Kumara raja has already
sent messengers to invite you to go to him. In
two or three days they should arrive. After you
have seen Kumara you will also see Siladitya.”
The Nirgrantha then went away. After two
days the messengers sent by Kumara raja of
“ Eastern India ” arrived and presented a letter
to dilabhadra. The letter ran as follows: -
74
KAMARUPA OF BH ASKARAVARM AN.
“Your disciple wishes to see the great priest come
from China. I pray yon, respected sir, to send
him and so gratify this imperial thought of mine”.
On getting this message Silabhidra called the
congregation and said th it as Yum Chwang hid
already agreed to come to Sri Harsha’s capital for
a disputation with the exponents of Hinayana ho
should not go to KumarupJ. He then replied to
the messenger in the following terms: —“The priest
of China is anxious to return to his own country and
so is unable to comply with the king's request.”
On hearing this reply BhSskaravarman again
despatched another messenger with tho following
letter: — “ Although the Master wishes to return
home, yet for a little while let him come to your
disciple. There shall be no difficulty about his
departure. I prav you comply with my humble
request and do not again decline to send £ ila-
bbadra having again refused to consent Bblskara-
varman was greatly enraged and sent vet another
messenger with a personal despatch lor Silabhadra
to the following effect:— “ Your disciple like a
common man has followed the way of worldly
pleasure and has not yet learnt the converting
power residing in the law of Buddhi. And now
when I heard the name of the priest belonging to
the outside country mv body and soul were over-
joyed; expecting the opening of the germ of
religion (within me). But you sir, have again refused
to let him come here, as if you desired to cause the
world to be for ever plunged in tbe dark night ( of
ignorance). Is this the way in which your
Eminence hands down and transmits the bequeathed
law for the deliverance and salvation of all
KAMARCPA OF BHASKAR AVAR MAN.
75
the world ? Having an invincible longing to
think kindly of and show respect to the Master I
have again sent a messenger with a written request.
If he docs not come, your disciple will then let the
evil portion of himself prevail. In recent times
dai&nka raja was equal still to the destruction
of the law and uprooted the Bodhi tree. Do you,
my Master, suppose that your disciple has no such
power as this ? If necessary then I will equip
my army and elephants and, like the clouds, sweep
down on and trample to the very dust that monastery
of Nalanda. These words are true as the Sun,
Master, it is better for you to examine and see
what you will do". The threat uttered towards
the end of the message had the desired effect for
dilabhadra having read the letter addressed Yuan
Chwang thus: - “ With regard to that King, his
better mind is fast bound and weak; within his
territories the law ol Buddha has not widely
extended. Since the time that he heard your
honourable name he has formed a deep attachment
for you. Perhaps you are destined to be, in this
period of your existence, his good friend. Use
your best diligence then and go. You have
become a disciple in order to benefit the world;
this then is perhaps your just opportunity; and as
when you destroy a tree you have only to cut
through the root and the branches will of themselves
wither away, so when you arris e in that country
only cause the heart of the king to open to the
truth and then the people will also be converted.
But if you refuse and do not go, then perhaps there
will be evil deeds done. Do not shrink from this
76 KAMARUPA OF BHASKARAVARMAN.
slight trouble
Yuan Chwang agreed and soon after left for
KSmarupa accompanied by tbe envoy. When he
reached the capital of KSmarupa be was received
by Bblskaravarman and his high officers in state
and conducted to the palace. Every day the king
arranged music and banquets with religious
offerings of flowers and incense. In this way
mote than a month passed. At this time, while
on his way back from the Ganjain campaign, Sri
Harsha heard that Yuan Chwang was then a guest
of BhKskaravarman. Being much annoyed he
despatched a messenger peremtorily asking the
Kumiira raja to send the Chinese priest at once to
him. Bhuskaravarmati did not like the tone of
the message and haughtily replied “ He ( $ri
Harsha ) can take my head but he can not take
the Master of tbe Law yet." Sri Harsha was
greatly enraged on receiving this message and
calling together his attendants he said " Kumffra
raja despises me. How comes be to use such
coarse language in the matter of a single priest ?“
Then he sent another messenger to KSmarupa
with the following imperial order:- “ Send the
head, that I may have it immediately by mv
messenger who is to bring it here." On receipt
of this message Bhiiskaravarman realized the folly
of his language and the danger of courting a conflict
with the more powerful monarch who had been his
ally in disposing of Sa&inka. He therefere at
once ordered an army of “20,000 elephants and
30,000 ships” to be equipped. Then embarking
with Yuan Chwang they together “ passed up the
KAMARLPA OF BH ASK AH AVAR MAN.
77
Ganges " and reached a place called Kio-shu-ho-kio-
lo ( Kajurgira ) where 3ri Harsha was encamping.
Keeping Yuan Chwang in a pa vilion-on-t ravel *
erected on the north bank of the Ganges, Bhiiskara-
varman with his ministers himself proceeded to
meet Sri Harsha who received the Kumftra raja
courteously and enquired where the Chinese priest
was stopping. Kuinara replied, “ He is staying
in a certain pavilioa-on-travel.” !$ri Harsha
again asked, “And why did he not come with
you?” To this Kumlra replied, “ Mahfuftja has
respect for the virtuous and loves religion. Why
not send for the Master to come to confer with the
King ? " Sri Harsha then realized that he should
himself come and sec the priest at the pavilion.
During the night dri Harsha came and visited
Yuan Chwang with whom he had a long discourse.
6vi Harsha at length declared that he proposod to
call a grand assembly at Kanauj and “command the
Sramans and Brahmans and heretics of the five
Indies to attend in order to exhibit the refinements
of the Great Vehicle (Mahaylaa) and demolish their
abusive mind, to make manifest the exceeding merit
of the Master and over-throw their proud thought
of self.” Then at the beginning of the winter £ii
Harsha having issued invitations to the leading
princes and religious professors of all sects marched
all tlie way to Kanauj in procession accompanied bv
Bhuskaravarman and Yuan Chang. It is related
* Pavilioas-on-travel called BsLor were used by the
Assam kings and are still used by the more influential
Taisnava Gossains of Assam.
78 KAMARUPA OF BHASK AR AVARMAN.
that $ri Harsha marched in state along the south
bank of the Ganges while BhSskaravarman
marched along the north bank at the head of 500
elephants, clad in armour, both keeping pace with
each other. They reached Kanauj after a march
of 90 days. At Kanauj itself daily processions
took place. At these processions the image of
Buddha was carried. Sri Harsha, attired as
Indra, held tha chattra o.-er the image while
BhSskaravannan, dressed as Brahma, waved a
white chamen. There were assembled no less than
18 vassal kings ofdifierent countries of India besides
three thousand Buddhist priests, about the same
number ol Brahmans and Nirgranthas and about a
thousand monks from Nalanda. It is said that of
all the kings assembled only “ flri Harsha and
Blwskaravarman wore tiaras like the Devas with
flower wreaths and jewelled ribons*
We have given above rather full quotations
from Yuan Chwang's biography, written bv his
favourite disciple, to show the importance ol
Rhftskarav&rman and the kingdom of Knmarupa at
this time. It is clear that emperor Sri Harsha
treated Bhnskaravarman, in every way, as a res-
pected ally and friend and not as a vassal king."
Even 3 ri Harsha’s own son-in-law, Dhruvabhatta,
the king of South India, was treated as a monarch
• In own his drama named Priyadarsika Sri Harsha
himself distinguished between his vassals fPada|iadmoi>a-
jibina) and his allies (raja samuhena). Mr Kale says
that the latter inclodod the kings of Kamarnpa and
Valabhi.
(Priyadareika of Sri Harsha, edited by M.R. Kale).
KAMARLPA OF BHASKAR AV ARMAN.
79
inferior to Bh&skaravarman in rank.
After the assembly in Kaaauj was dissolved
S ri Harsha arranged a grand distribution of charity
at Allahabad at the confluence of the two holy
rivers, the Ganger and the Jumna, dri Harsha
accompanied by all the 18 kings went there. The
camp of dri Harsha was on the north bank of the
Ganges while thit of Kumara raja was on the south
of the Jumna, by the side of a flowering grove. In
the morning the military followers of dri Harsh i
and Kum&ra raja embarked in ships and the atten-
dants of Dhruvabhatta mounted their elephants and,
so arranged in an imposing order, proceeded to the
place of the assembly. The kings of the eighteen
kingdoms joined tbs cortege according to arrange-
ment. Sri Harsh i distributed untold wealth to
Buddhists, Brahmans, heretics, the poor and the
destitute. Even his own gems and wearing gar-
ments were given away. At length the king had
to beg from his sister a second-hand garment to
put on. Such was charity as was understood and
practised by the ancient Hindu kings of India. It
is fortunate that an eminent foreigner - a savant -
was present to witness this distribution of charity
and that he left a record of what he saw with his
own eyes.
After this ceremony was over, Yuan Chwang
took leave of Sri Harshi and the Kumara raja
Both of them were affected during the leave-taking.
The Kumara raja addressed Yuan Chwang thus : —
“ If the Master is able to dwell in my dominions
and receive my religious offerings I will undertake
to found one hundred monasteries on the Masters’
8o
KAMARUPA OF BH ASKAR AVAR MAN.
behalf." Yuan Chwang replied, “ The country of
China is very far from this and has but recently
heard of the law of Buddha. Although it lias
received a general knowledge of the truth yet it
has not accepted it in its entirety. On this
account therefore I have come to inform myself
how to put and end to differences. And now
having completed my aim (I remember) how the
learned men of my country are longing to fathom
to their depth the points I have ascertained.
Therefore I dare not delay a moment remembering
the words of the Sutra : “ whoever hinders men
from a knowledge of religion shall for generation
be bom blind." If then you hinder my return you
will cause countless disciples to lose the benefit
resulting from a knowledge of the law ; how then
will you escape the dread of being deprived of
sight ?" To this Kuuiara raja replied, 11 Your
humble disciple admires and values the virtue of
the Master ; and I would ever look up to and serve
him ; but to stand in the way of the benefit of so
many men would truly cause mv heart to be filled
with fear. I leave the Master to his choice, to go
or to slay ; but I know not, if you prefer to go, by
what route you propose to return. If you select the.
southern sea route then l urill sen J official attendants
to accompany you." The italics are ours. This
shows that the southern sea-route from Tamralipti
was then under the control of Bhaskaravarman.
Yuan Chwang replied that be would return through
North-west India. Kurnara raja then asked, “ I
pray you let me know what provision you stand in
KAMARUPA OF BHASKARAV ARMAN. 8 1
need of." Yuan Chwang replied that he requi-cd
nothing. KurnSra raja said, - It is impossible to
permit you to go thus " and he offered money \nd
valuable articles. Similarly Sri Harsha also offered
presents. Yuan Chwang refused to accept
anything except a cape called /to-la-li made of
coarse skin lined with soft down, a present from
Bhftskaravarman, which was designed to protect
one from rain and cold. Thus the eminent Chinese
traveller took his departure with the escort
provided by ^ri Harsha. Three days after, flri
Harsha, accompanied bv Kumftra raja and Dhruva-
bhata, took several hundred light horsemen with
them and, overtaking the pilgrim, accompanied him
for some time and then finally returned.
Certain conflicting statements in the Si-yu-ki
or the “ Record of Western lands " concerning the
pilgrim’s visit to Ka-mo-lu-po require to be
explained. In his first volume “ On Yuan
Chwang's Travels in India" Watters quotes from
the text to show that after the pilgrim had returned
to Nalanda finishing his itinerary and had arranged
to return to China he received the invitation from
Bhaskaravarman and after much hesitation decided,
on the advice of Silabhadra, to accept the king’s
invitation (l). He then proceeded to Bhaskara-
varman’s capital straight from Nalanda. In the
second volume of Watters' work however it is
quoted from the text of the Si-yu-ki to show that
the pilgrim, when he started from Nalanda on his
travels to the cast and south of India, first
( 1 ) Watters on Yuan Chwang voL l p. 348.
82
KAMARUPA OF BH ASK ARAV ARMAN.
came to Ir ana par vat in the east and thence to
Champa ( Bhagalpur ). From ChampS the pilgrim
travelled above 400 li to Ka - ebu - wo - ki - lo
( Kajughira or Kajangala ). According to
Cunningham this place is Kunkjol, now called
Rajmahal. From this place travelling east
he crossed the Ganges and came after a journey
of more than 600 li to a country called Pun-na-fa-
•
tan-na ( Pundravardhana ) which was more than
400 li in circuit. Proceeding east another
distance of above 900 li be crossed a large river
and came to Ka-mo-lu-po " which was more than
a myriad li in circuit." According to the text
tl»c pilgrim proceeded from Kumar upa to Samatata,
tlicnce to Tamraiipti, thence to Kamasuvama and
thence to Orissa and the south. This narrative
conflicts with the account given in the pilgrim’s
biography and also in the Si-yu-ici itself as stated
above. Watters in his second volume says that
" we need not suppose that the pilgrim made the
journey as indicated in the text * and again in the
same volunio Ir- states that a notwithstanding the
statements of our text, however, we must consider
him to have travelled in the manner indicated in
the Life" (t). We think Watters is right and
Gait has also rightly followed the account given
in the biography and made the pilgrim visit
Kamarupa towards the end of his stay in India.
As already slated, the pilgrim, though he passcil
near Kamarupa at the earlier stage of his itinerary,
did not actually enter Kamampa as it contained,
(1) Witter* on Tuan Chwang vol. II pp. 187 & 192.
KAMARL’PA OF BHASKARAVARMAN. 83
till then, no trace, of Buddhism. Watters th nks
that at least three fourths of the text, as we have
now, were the compilation of Yuan Chwang
himself, the remainder being additions or interpo-
lations by I’ein - Chi and others( 1 ). The
biography is however an authoritative work.
Cunningham in his Ancient Geography of India holds
that Yuan Chwang visited Klmarupa twice (2).
This is quite improbable because till his
visit to Klmarupa about 643 A.D. he had not
met Bh&skaravarman before. Whatever that may
be, we find from the text of the Si-yu-ki that the
pilgrim found the western boundary of KSmarupa
proper to have been a large river about 900 li to
the east of Pundravardhana and that the country
was more than a ravriad li in circuit. In a
w
subsequent Chinese work, the Tang-shu, the large
river is called Ko-lo-tu which is evidently equi-
valent to Karatoya and not the Louhitya or
Brahmaputra as supposed by Watters (3).
According to the text of the Si-yu-ki the circum-
ference of the capital of Kamarupa was thirty li
and the king who was named “ Sun-armour ”
(Bhlskaravarman) was a Brahman by caste. His
other name was “ Youth * or KumSra. He was
a lover of learning and his subjects followed his
example. Men of ability came from far lands
to study in KSmarupa. Though the king was
not a Buddhist he treated accomplished sramans
with respect. The reigning king was descended
( 1 ) Watt era on Yuan Chwang vol. I page 3.
( 2 ) Ancient Geography of India p. LX IX.
( 3 ) Watters on Yuan Chwang vol II p. 187,
84 KAMARIPA OF BHASKARAVARMAN.
from a stock which originated from Nirlyana
Deva ( Vishnu ) and the sovereignty had been
transmitted in the family for 1000 generations.
In his Nidhanpur copper-plate inscription
BhSskaravarman is said to “ have revealed the
light of the Arya religion ( yrakAsit aryailhnrmalo-
Ita ) by dispelling the accummulated darkness
of Kali age, by making a judicious application of
his revenues; who has equalled the prowess of the
whole ring of his feudatories bv the strength of his
own arm, who has derived many a wav of
enjoyment for his hcieditaiy subjects who?e loyal
devotion to him was augmented by his steadiness,
modesty and aitability, who is adorned with a
wonderful ornament of splendid fame made of the
flowery words of praise variously composed by
hundreds of kings vanquished by him in battle;
whose virtuous activities, like those of Sivi,
were applied in making gifts for the benefit
of others; whose powers, as of a second precep-
tor of the Gods (Brihaspati), was recognized
by others on account of his skill in devising and
applying the means of politics that appear in
suitable moments; whose own conduct was ador-
ned by learning, valour, patience, prowess and
good actions* (1). It appears that Vasuvama,
tl»e writer of the inscription, did not overdraw
the picture of the illustrious king. The reference
to the “ring of feudatories" seems to suggest
that his vassal rulers combined to throw off the
suzercignty of the Kumfira Raja but were
unsuccessful.
( 1 ) Epigraphia Indica voLXII p. 78.
KAMARUPA OF BHA&K ARAVARMAN.
85
With regard to the country it is stated by
the pilgrim that it was low and moist and
that the crops were regular. Cocoa-nuts and
jack-fruits grew abundantly and were apprecia-
ted by the people. The climate was genial. The
people were honest, small of stature and black-
looking. Their speech differed a little from that
of mid-India. They were of violent disposition
but were persevering students. They worshipped
the Devas and did not believe in Buddhism. The
Deva-tcmplcs were some hundreds in number and
the various systems had sonic myriads of pro-
fessed adherents. The few Buddhists in the
country performed their acts of devotion in secret.
The pilgrim ascertained from the people
that to the east of the country was a series
cf hills which reached as far as the confines of
China. The inhabitants of these hills were akin
to the "Man and the I-ao". In the south-east
of the country elephants were plentiful. This
shows that the kingdom then included the whole
of the valleys of the Kopili and the Dhansiri which
even now contain herds of wild elephants.
The above description, it should be noted,
is of Kimanipa proper and not of the exten-
sive dominions of BhSskaravarman towards cite
west Evidently the pilgrim came into tlic pre-
sent district of Kamarupa and the capital of that
time was probably the old PrSgjyotishpur or
Gauhati. The pilgrim, with the king and his retinue,
must have therefore proceeded down the Brahma-
putra and reached the Ganges by a stream which
connected the two rivers and then going up the
86
KAMARUPA OF BHASKAR AVARMAK.
Ganges reached Rijmahal*. The countries pass-
ed throngh were both Kimarupa and Kamasuvama
(Central Bengal). Bhiskaravarman would not
have selected this route if Kamasuvama was
not then under his swayt. According to the
account given in the Si-vu-ki the circumference of
K&marupa was about 1700 miles. As Gait has
pointed out, this circumference must have included
the whole of the Assam Valley, the whole of
the Surma Valley, a part of North Bengal and
a part of Mymcnsing. The question whether
Sylhct was included within the kingdom at that
• Prior to 1783 the Brahmaputra did not meet the
Gang** at all. The combined waters of the Brahma
putra and the Mr gun fell into the sea separately.
There were, liowerer, navigable rivers connecting the
Brahmaputra with the Ganges. From (•enucl'a map of
1783 we find that the Jenni river, issuing from the
Brahmaputra near Shcrpur ( Sherpnr Dasbk&haoU)
joined the Ganges near Julfrrgunj, below 1‘ubua and
Knttongunj, and that the Karatoyn, coming from tliu
north, also fell into the Ganges at this place. Perhaps
the river Jenni subsequently got the name Jabuna.
+ Mr. Kamaprasad Chanda, writing in the Prabasi,
hold* that as Sri Ilarsha Iran .stored his capital from
Thanes war to Kanan ; , so Bhaskaravarraao, after his
conquest of northern and central Bengal, also transferred
his capital to Karnaeu varan, and this is supported
by the statement in Yuan Chsang's biography that
embarking on boats together wih Yuan Chwang ho
“passed up the Ganges” to meet i?ri Hrasha at Rftjmahal.
This in not probable because Yuan Chwang came to the
K&marnpa capital travelling east 900 li from Pnndra-
vardhana and Karnasuvarna cannot be to the east of
Pundravardhana. It is, however, possible that after
some weeks' stay at Prigjyotishpor Yuan Chwang wan
taken by Bhiskaravarman to his newly conquered capital
Kamasavarna where he received the summons from Sri
Haraha. From that place, therefore, both of them
KAMARIPA OP BHASKARAVARMAN. 87
time is a matter ol some doubt. The Xidhanpur
copper-plate was found in Panchakhanda within
the district of Sylhet. Gait argues from this
that Sylhet was within the dominions of Bhaskara-
varman. One authority has recently pointed
out that the lands mentioned in the Nidhanpur
copper-plate were given to a number af Nagar
proceeded op the Gance a and reached K&jmahul where
Srt Haraha wae encamping. This waa no doubt towards
the cloae of the year 843 A.D. The Nidhanpor grant
wa* iaaued from Karnaauvarna long before thi a, pro-
bably about 610 A.D. and then Karnaeu varna wan
merely the “ victorious ramp*' and Bhaskararunmin
wae there with hia victorious army ronniating of war-
boat*, war-elephant*, cavalry and Infantry (MahAnou
haitguva paui).
We are not, however, prepared to reject Mr. Chanda’*
conjecture in lolo. Very probably Bh*akaruvarman uxul
Karnaauvama aa bin capital for some time in order to
connolidato hie rub* over the newly acquired terrltorlea.
It was probably from Karnaeuvania that be aent bmIm-
tance to the Chinese envoy Wang-hiuen-Tae about 640
A.D. Even before Sri Manilla's death hi* kingdom
bad extended as far aa the Kauaika (Koai). It acem*
that during the oonfuaion, after ftri Ilaralm'a death, he
managed to extend hia dominicna farther to the weat
and acquired tbe eaetcru part of Magadha. During
the eventful yeara toward* the cloae of hi* roign, political
considerations compelled him stay away from K Amaru pa
proper and that probably explains bow, on his death,
BAlastambha conld usurp the throne setting aside the
rightful successor.
Another significant fact is that f?ri llnraba encamped
at RAjmahal and waited there for Rhisknravarman.
RAjmahal then stood at the junction of the Ko*i and tho
Ganges and Sri Haraha therefore actually had hi* camp
Just oatside tbe boundaries of Rh&ttksravannan’s
dominions. This also indicates that Sri Marsha's sway
never extended to any part of northern or central Bengal
over which BhAakaravannan was the acknowledged
ruler.
88 KAMARUPA OF BHASKAR AV ARMAN.
Brahmans as indicated by their surnames which
arc now curiously confined to Kayasthas in
Bengal, but which were usually borne by Nagar
Brahmans of that time(i). It is also pointed out
that the deity which the Nagar Brahmans
worshipped was Siva named £ri Ha takes war.
It is assumed that the name of the country
known as Sri Hatta (Sylhct) was derived from
Sri Hatakeswar". On the other hand, Pandit
Padmanath Bhattacharya Vidylvinod, who is
himself a native of Sylhct, does not support
this view (a). He points out that while in
Samatata the pilgrim came to know of six other
countries which he could not visit, and one of them
was Shih-li-cha-ta-lo which was to tlic north-
( 1 ) I.il.Q. toL VI So. 1 ( March 1930 ).
• Dr K. M. Gupta of the Bylbet Colic** in his paper
“ On some castes and caste origins in Sylhct " writes
“The king* of KAmatupa, which included Sylhct, seein
to hare adopted a systematic policy of Inviting Brahmans
to their kingdom. It Is apparently for this reason that
KAmurupn became a centre of Rrahuiaiiical faith. • • •
We further note that the tutelary deity of the Nagar
Brahmans was. and still is, II.Makeswara. • • • •
lUtikeswara Siva, is also known as Ilatla-nfttha or
riattantrha Siva. and I have no doubt that the very
name Siibatto (Sylhct) is derived from this sept-deity
of the Nagar Brahmans. The conclusion is irresistible
that the emperors of Ksmariipa pursued a systematic
policy of colonising Sylhet with Nagar Brahmans and
thereby introducing orthodox Hinduism in the outlying
parts of the empire.” Dr Gupta’s theory about the origin
of the name Srihatta and the inclusion of Sylhet within
EAmarnpa during the 5th-7th centuries is probably
correct but, as already pointed out, hi* theory that the
lands granted by Bhntivaraan were situated within
Sylhet is certainly incorrect*
(2 ) Epigrephia Indica vol. XU p. 67.
KAMARUPA OF BHASKAR AVARMAV
89
east of Samatata among the hills near the sea.
Pandit Vidyavinod identifies shih-li-cha-ta-lo with
Srihatta and points out that it is to the north-
east of Samatata or East Bengal and is con-
fined on the north and the south by the Assam
range and the Lushai hills respectively. Further
the western portion of Sylhct and part of Mymen-
sing are even now very low-lying resembling
a sea in the rainy season and which are still
popularly called Kaor (sigara) or sea. If Sylhct
was within the kingdom of Kimarupa the pil-
grim would not have mentioned it as a separate
country. On account of the mention of the
sea some scholar* identify shib-li-cha-ta-lo with
Srikshetra but this is evidently incorrect as
Srikshetra is not to the north-east of Samatata
and is not girt by hills on both sides like the
Sylhct plain. Vidyftvinod's identification of shih-
li-cha-ta-lo with Srihatta may probably be correct
but, as has been already pointed out, the mere
mention of Srihatta as a separate country, and
not as a separate kingdom, does not necessarily
prove that it was outside the dominions of
BhKskaravarman.
Sri Harsha died in the year 648 A.D four years
after Yuan Chwang left India, but BhKskaravarman
was reigning till about 650 A D. Just after Sri
Harsha’s death his minister Arjun or ArjunSswa
usurped the throoe. At that time an embassy arriv-
ed from the emperor of China. Alas, Sri Harsha
who had shown so much respect to the pious Chinese
pilgrim who, 00 his return, must have prompted
the Chinese emperor to despatch this friendly
90 KAMAROPA OF BHASKARAVARMAtf.
mission, was no longer living lo receive the
envoy in a befitting manner. On the contrary
the usurper Arjun actually ill-treated the members
of the mission and killed some of them. The rest,
led by Wang-hiuen-tse, escaped to Nepal and
sought the aid of the kings of Nepal and Tibet
and of BhSskaravarman. It appears from the
Chinese accounts that the kings of Nepal and Tibet
assisted with forces and Shi-kicn-ma (Sri
Kumara), the "King of Eastern India” sent him
"thirty thousand oxen and horses and provisions
for all his army, to which he added bows, scimitars
and collars of great value" (i). With such assis-
tance Wang-hiucn-tse defeated the usurper Arjun
and capturing him took him as a prisoner to China.
Bhfckaravarman probably did not continue to reign
long after this event.
Bhaskiravarman was perhaps the most
illustrious of the monarchs of ancient Klmarupa.
His name has been immortalized by the accounts
which Yuan Chwang and his biographers have left.
It appears that during his time Knmarupa was
one of the most advanced kingdoms in India.
It would be profitless now to discuss whether
he was a Brahman, Kshatriya or a Hinduized
Koch by caste. Suffice it to say that he was
a Hindu by religion spreading " the light of
Arya Dharma though be had great reverence
for learned Buddhist priests and professors of
his time and was distinctly inclined towards
Buddhism. The text of his messages to Silabhadra
(1) Indian Antiquary roL IX p. 14.
KAMARUPA OF BHASKARA VARMAN. 9 1
leave no doubt on this point. The very high
functions allotted to him during the famous
religious assembly at Kanauj by the Hindu
emperor Sri Harsha proves that he was not a
Hindu of the despised low caste. He was
undoubtedly looked upon as a good Kshatriya,
as his surname Varma indicates, whatever might
have been his origin. In any case he was certainly
not a “Hinduized Koch." All the kings of his
dynasty beginning from Pushyavarman were
Kshatriya monarchs. When Yuan Chwang visited
the kingdom he found hundreds of Hindu temples
there and evidently there were large numbers
of Brahmans and other high caste Hindus living
within the kingdom which was a seat of learning
for we are told that people of other countries
came there for study. Even during the reign
of MahKbhuta varman, the ancestor of BhSskara-
varman, in the early part of the sixth century', we
find a colony of Nagar Brahmans in the kingdom.
The Vyavahh&ri named in the Nidhanpur grant
was a Kayastha named Hardatta. He is mentioned
as Kayastha and not as Karana or Karanika".
It appears that the caste name Kayastha had
then come into use and that Kayasthas were
among the earlier Aryan settlers in Kfimarupa.
The word VyavahAra occurs also in the rock-
inscripition of Harjaravarman and Mahamaho-
• This proves the hollowness of the statement of B.D.
Banerji that “ in genuine North Indian inscriptions the
word ••Kayaatha” does not occur before the 8th century
A. D. ” (J. P. A. S. B. voL X. Noe. 10 it 11. November
and December 1914 p. 437)
92
KAMARUPA OF BHASK ARAVARMAN.
padyaya Pandit H. P. Sastri has translated it
as a law suit. The VyavahAri was therefore
a lawyer. Hardatta Kavastha was either engaged
by the Brahman donees to plead their case as
against the revenue officers who had assessed
the lands to revenue or he was the king's lawyer
to see to the correct legal drafting of the grant. In
any case it was evidently at the instance of this
lawyer that the following line at the end of
the inscription was recorded
“Because after the burning of the plates, these
newly written letters are of different form (from
tltose of the previous inscription), therefore they
are not forged. '
Evidently in those days the Kayasthas not only
acted as District and Revenue officers but were
also professional lawyers.
The eastern part of the present district of
Purnea, bounded on the west by the Kosi river,
formed a part of MithilK. A part of MithilS
was therefore within KSmarupa at least front
Mahftbhutavarman's reign till the reign of Susthita-
varman and again from the time of BhSskara-
varman till the rise of the Pfila power after the
overthrow of Sri Harshavarman in the eighth
century. The Brahmans and Kayasthas of MithilK
therefore spread to other parts of KKntarupa in-
cluding perhaps Sylbet. Even now many Brahman
families in Assam trace their origin from Mithila.
On the north-eastern boundary of the Pumca
district is the modem district of Jalpaiguri
which continued to be included in Kamarupa
even till the time of the Koch king Naranaravan.
KAMARIPA OF BHASKARAV ARMAN. 93
There was therefore very close connection
between Mithila and Klmarupa. The old KSma-
rupi language was a variety of eastern Maithili
and that is why Yuan Chwang remarked that
the spoken language of Klmarupa differed only
a little from the language spoken in mid-India i. e.
Magadha and Mithili. In prehistoric times Mithila
(Vidcha) supplied a prince who founded the famous
"Bhauma” dyansty in Prlgjyotisha. During
historic times it was through Mithili that Aryan
culture and civilization spread into the rest of
Klmarupa. It was again from Klmarupa in the
north that the Aryans giadually spread towards
the south to Gauda, north of the Ganges, and to
Samatata, south of the Ganges. This is proved
by the wide diffusion of the surnames of the Nagar
Biabmans of Klmarupa, such as Ghofha, Datta,
Da mu, Deva, Soma, Palita, Pala, Kundu, Dasa,
Naga and Nandi throughout modem Bengal and
Sylhet. Curiously enough, neither the Brahmans
nor the Kayasthas of the modem Assam valley,
except those who migrated to Assam from Bengal
during the Abom rule, appear to have used these
surnames though among the oldest Assamese
Brahman families there are still Misras, Sukuls,
Tcwaris and Tirotias (coming from Tirhut).
According to Bhandarkar the*e Nagar Brahmans
subsequently became Kayasthas (i).
The Nidhanpur grant was issued from Karna-
suvama and the text of the inscription must there-
fore have been composed by a pandit o! that part
(l) Indian Antiquary, March 1932. p 52.
94
KAMARUPA OF BHASKAKAVARMAN.
of the country who was named Vasuvarna. This
probably explains the occurrence in this inscrip-
tion of expressions and passages which we do
not tind in subsequent Klmarupa inscriptions, but
which used to be inscribed in plates issued by the
Gupta kings of Magadha and Pundravardhana and
the subsequent Pila rulers of Gauda and Magadha.
For instance, the expression Bhumi-Chhidra docs
not occur in other inscriptions of the Klmarupa
kings but it occurs in several of the Pila rulers of
Gauda. The expression gangina, meaning perhaps
a dried up channel, is also peculiar to Gauda. The
penultimate stanza in which two slckas from the
Vrihatpati Sanhita have been quoted was also duo
to observance of a Gaudian custom. The only other
K&marupa king in whose inscription we find this
quotation is Vaidya Dcva who was himself a
Gaudian. There are also names of offices mentioned
iu this inscription which do not occur in subse-
quent Kimarpupa inscriptions. The “officer
issuing hundred commands who has obtained the
panc/ia mahl satxla" is not mentioned in subse-
quent inscriptions. It seems that Bhl'.karavannan
after his conquest of Kamasuvama and Gauda,
finding himself in the exalted position of an
emperor, introduced this high office, probably in
imitation of the Gupta cm|»erors. The expression
“prdpta pancha maha tabda " probably means
the holder of five offices each of which is styled
Mahii or great such as MahasSmanta, Mahl-sainya-
pati {yidt stray-plate of Harjara), MahS-sSndhivi-
grahik and so forth. It is interesting to note
that the person named in this inscription, who
KAMARUPA OF BH ASKAR AV ARMAN.
9 5
was to mark out the boundaries ot the lands
comprised in the grant, was one Srikshi kunda,
the headman of Chandrapuri. Tlic donees named
in the plate, who were all Nagar Brahmans,
included seven persons with the surname Kunda.
Srikshi Kunda, the headman of Chandrapuri, was
therefore himself also a Nagar Brahman. The
ny&ya karanika, was evidently a judge and it
appears that this office existed till the Ahom
regime when it was styled “ nyAya aodhii Phukan ”,
The Bhdnd&rag&radhikdra meant the officer in
charge of the royal treasury. This office also,
though not mentioned in subsequent inscriptions,
existed till the time of the Ahom kings when
the name of the office was Bar bhdnddra Barua.
The revenue collector is called Utkhetayita and
the engraver of the inscription on the copper-
plate is called Stkyakara. One Klliyi was the
engraver of this inscription and it is a common
Knmarupi name even till now.
Arts and industries had then advanced to a
remarkable extent. From tbe Hart ha Charita
of Blna we find a list of the presents which
BhSskaravarman sent to Sri Harsha through his
trusted envoy Hangshavega. These presents
included, as already mentioned, an ingenuously
constructed royal umbrella of exquisite workman-
ship studded with valuable gems, pulhis written
on Sdehi bark, dyed cane mats, Agar-cssence,
inusk in silk bags, liquid molasses in earthen pots,
utensils, paintings, a pair of Brahmani ducks in a
cage made of cane and overlaid with gold and a
considerable quantity of silk fabrics some of
96
KAMARUPA OP BHASKARAVARMAN.
which were so even and polished that they resem-
bled Bhurjapatra (probably Mugd and pdt fabrics).
This list alone is sufficient to show that the
arts and industries of Kimarupa , at such a distant
period , reached a very high state of perfection.
The Chinese accounts say that BbSskaravarman
could muster a fleet of 30,000 ships and an
army of 20,000 elephants clad in mail. This
may have been an over estimate but, even mak-
ing due allowances for exaggeration we can con-
clude that BhKskaravarman was a very powerful
monarch and that during his time boat-building
was a flourishing industry in KEmarupa and that
iron, which must have been then available in
abundance from the Khasi Hill*, was largely
manufactured into accoutrements of war. The
manufacture of molasses in liquid form, from
sugar-cane juice, is still a peculiar practice in
the modern KAmrup district. Agar-essence is still
prepared in Assam from the resin produced from
the Agar tree (Aquilaria Aglochia). The Assamese
Mugd and pdt silk fabrics are still produced in
abundance. Put/iis written on Sachi bark an still
abundant in Assam and musk is still an important
product of the Bhutan hills.
BhSskaravartmn's close connection with flri
Harsha and Yuan Cbwang led to his association
with the famous Buddhist university ol Magadha,
for his seal has been discovered recently at the site
of Nalanda in the company of two fragmentary
seals of Sri Harsha. The seals were found by Dr.
Spooner during the excavation of the ruins of
Nalanda in the year 1917-18. Mr. K. N. Dikshit
*»>•. " mi >'* tiu\ i I mi N-lin.U.
• •» »-X A. I*.
Ox t,„l ..I **. fMav — < C* *- I'.
KAMARLPA OF RHASKARAVARMAN.
97
in his " Epigraphical notes of the Nalanda finds’*
referred to this seal and stated that tlic kings men-
tioned therein were not known to belong to any
nortb-India dynasty. This was corrected by the
late Mr. R. I). Banerji in the Journal of the Bihar
and Orissa Research Society (Vol. V). The cor-
rected reading of the text of the seal as subsequent-
ly given by Mr. Dikshi: is as follows : —
1. Sri Ganapali VarMa Sri Vajnavatyavi Sri
Mahtndra Varna.
2. Sri Suvratayam Sri Xara</an<ttYinna Sri
Devaratyam Sri Muhabhuta rarma.
3. Sri Vijnana Vahjam Sri Chamlrantitkha
I'd rma Sri lihogaratyam.
4. Sri Sthitaramui taut Sri Xaj/ana Sobhat/am
( Sri Suiihitax'artivi.)
5. ( Sri Symua Laktkmymn) Sri 8uprati»thita
Varma.
6 . Sri Bha tiara Wirnufi. ( 1.)
This genealogy agrees with that given in the
Nidhanpur plate and also in the Hanha Charita
of Bana. The mother of Susthitavarma is
however named “Nayana Shova’’ instead of Nayana
Devi and the mother of Bhaskaravamian is named
Syamlilakshmi instead of SyamSdevi as appearing
in the Nidhanpur plate. The importance of this
discovery requires no emphasis. Mi. Dikshit thinks
that the seal probably accompanied Bhii'knra wo-
man's letter to dilabhadra inviting Yuan Chwang
(2). As however it was found in the company of
(1) J.B.O.R.3. vol. VI. (1920, i» 151.
(21 Ibid.
9 s
KAMARUPA OF BHASKARAVARMAN.
the two Sri Harsha seals the probability is that both
Sri Harsha and Bbfckaravannan, on their inarch
from Rajmahal to Kanauj, visited Nalanda together
with the Chinese pilgrim and, to commemorate their
visit, left their respective seals at the university.
This custom was evidently in vogue, for a consi-
derable number of similar broken seals were dis-
covered at the site, during the excavation. These
seals being impressed upon clay tablets or plaques
arc deciplierable though they were entombed under
debris lor so many centuries.
N'iOliuiipMr Inscription of tthatknraViiitunii
APPENDIX I
coffer-plate inscription of bhaikaravarman
Translation in Entjlish.
(RrprinlfJ from Epigraphta InJico VoU XII and XIX )
Om. (Verso 1.) Having »idntrd llio god who I"
lowly with I be moon a* In -a4-?cur, I lie wielder of tlio
bow fpiuAka', adorned with partirlw of uibM, I onco
ngnin make clear (ah.it "a« alnMily) |>laln uords (i.e. of
tin- destroyed plates! lor tic l«- nellf of the (spiritually^
prosperous HrAlitnaii.*.
(Line 2.) Hail. From the camp located at Korna-
suvarnu, with the appropiiate epithet of victor}’ owing
to possession of splendid ships, elephants horse* anil
foot soldiers.
(V. 2 .) Victorious is the form of the great Lord
(MuhUdeva), never forsaken (in contemplation l»y the
devotees), bedecked u th its own splendour, that bus u
girdle made of the lord of snakes. Inud> that destroyed
the body of Kama (Cupid - at a meie glance.
V. 3.) Victorious hi (also) Dhauna (Religion), t he
sole friend of the creation, the cause of prosperity in both
the worlds (this and the nc\t). who»c form is the good
of others, unseen (yet) whose existence is inferred trorn
the results.
(V. 4.) Naraka, the chief ot the rulers oftheea*tb,
was the son of the wielder of the Chakra (i.e. Vishnu),
ICO
who with a view to lift up the Earth fiom (beneath) th e
Ocean, assumed the distinguished form of a boar.
V*. 5.) From that Naraka, by whom narala (hell)
was never seen, was born king Bhngadatta, the friend of
Indra, who challenged in fight Yijaya (i.e. Arjuns), re-
nowned for conquests.
(V. G.) Of that killer of (bln) enemies (there) was
a sou named Yajradatta whose course was like (that of)
the thunderbolt (Vajra), who with an unuy of uninter-
rupted progress always pleased in fight the performer
of hundred sacrifices (i.e. Iudra).
(V. 7.) When the kings of his family having en-
joyed the position (ol rulers) fur three thousand yean, bud
(oil) attained the condition 01 god*, 1 ‘ushyavanuiin
heroine the lord of tho world.
(V. H.) His son wan Samudravarnian, who was
like u tilth sauuidia (Ocean), during whose reign there
was no anurchv, shining with gems, and quick in duels.
(V. 0.) That king had a son horn of (his queen)
Dattadevi, (named) Balavarman, whose force and armour
never broke up and w hose army would easily march
against enemies.
(y. I».) llis son born of (queen) Hatnuvatl was
• he king named Ka la Tina carman, who was uot tho abode
of even very small faults.
(V. 1 1.) From him (queen) Gandharvavati begot a
hod Oanapatl (by name) who was incessantly raining
gills uM the god) Ganapati (rains) ichor, who was en-
dowed with innumerable qualities, for the eitermiuation
of strife (as Ganapeiti) is lsirn to destroy the Kali age.
(Y. ill.) llis qneen Yajnavatl, brought forth a sou
Maheudiavaiman. as the sacrificial fire (produces! (he,
who was the repository ol all saerificial rites (like lire).
(Y. 13.) From him who mastered his self, Suvrata
generated a son NarAyanavartnan for the stability (of the
rule) of the world, who like Janata (or his father) was
101
well versed ia the principles of the philosophy of the
(supreme) Self.
(V- 14.) From him, Devavati, like Prukriti from
Purusha, bore MaliubhuUvdrmuii. the sixth HaliAbhuta
(element ) as it wore, for the steady succession of (all)
the properties.
(V. 15.) Ilis son was Cbnndniruuklia, who wits
charming by (possessing i all tho arts as the moon (by
the digits;, whom Vyainavall brought forth, as tho Sky
did (the moon), u disjsdler of (all) gloom (as the moon
dispel* the darkness).
(V. Id.) Then-after (ipii-m) Bhbguvati of (good)
enjoyment became the causa (of birth) of Sthituvui iuau,
tho supporter ol the world, uho hud innumerable (sources
of) enjoyment, (Just as) Bhoguvnti (tho oily oft he Snake*
of the uetlier regions) is (the sou no) of pi«s|s-rit.v of tlio
chief of the Suakes, the supportoi of the earth, who has
a myriad of hoods.
(V. 17.) From that king of unfathomable nature,
of innumerable gems, and the spouse of the (gothics*)
Lakahmi, wan born Sri-Mriginka, who hud UO hie in lull,
Just at the moon, free from spot*, is born from the milky
ocean, whose substance ie unfathomable, whose |s-uil*
cannot b« counted, and from which Lukshmi w as pro-
dnoed.
(V. 18.) Ilia (Le. 8thita carman’s) son king Snath i-
tavarman was bom of Nay anode vi, he who held the king*
dom in hia own hand, and was renowned a« Sri Mriginka.
(V. 19.) By whom was given away to supplicants
as if it were (a clod of) earth, that shining Laksluni (i.c.
wealth) whom (god) Uari like a miser bears with joy iu
hia bosom.
(V. 20.) From him SyimidSvi, (divine) like that
goddess (Syama) of the Kritt (i.e. golden) ago, gem-rat-
ed a son Supratishthitavarman, the moon as it were to
dispel (all) gloom.
(Y. 21 .) 'Those prosperity was for the benefit of
others, who was possessed of elephants and attended by
the chief among the learned, and possessed of a well
established capital like a kulachala, whose height is for
the benefit of others, which ia haunted by the chief of
Vtdyadharas, is rich in elephants, and has a ridge.
(V. 22.) The same Syamadevi also brought forth
his younger brother Sri-Bbaakaravarman, who like the
sun was of incalculable rise and the abode of all liglit-
(V. 23.) Who though being only one, is, on account
of his character, much aud simultaneously reflected In
the hearts of people, pure like mirrois turned toward,
him.
(V. 24.) Whose mark (i.e. picture) a as seeu in the
house* of kings, untarnished on account of great lustre,
like the disc of the sun In several water pots.
(V. 24 ) Who is without cruelty, easily accessible,
of immense effects, anil the soles of whose feet are
surrounded by people who resort to bis protection, like
the wish-yielding tree which holds no Makes, which is
well growing, abounds in rich fruits, and whoso roots are
surrounded by people wbo aunt shade.
(Lines 31-1 i.) Moreover ho (Bhiakaravarraan, who
has been) created by the bold Iotas- born (god), the cause
ofthorise, the arranging and the destruction of tho
Universe, for the proper organisation of the duties of
(various) castes and stages (of lilo) that hail Irccome
lulled up; who by (his) riso lias made the circle of
(related) powers become attached like the Lord of tho
World (the San), whoso disc becomes coloured when it
rises; who has revealed the light of the Arya religion by
dispelling the accumulated darkness of (this) Kali ago
by making a judicious application of his revenues (liko
the suu that dispels the accumulated darkness in tho
Kali age by spreading tho mass of its pleasant rays),
who has equalled the prowess of the whole ring of Iris
feudatories by the strength of his own arm ; who has
devised many a way of enjoyment for his hereditary
subjects, whose < loyal I devotion ,lu liiiu: was augmented
by his steadiness (of pm pose), modesty and aff ability ;
vlio is adorned with a wonderful orudinent of splendid
time made of the tlowery word* of |>niise variously com.
nosed by hundreds of kings v;tn‘|>ii*bed by hiui in buttle;
vhoM virtunn* activities, like (those ol) 3ivl were ap-
plied hi making gifts f.r the benefit of others ; whoso
piwcra, as toft a second preceptor of the gods iBnUas-
lUtl), were recognised by others on aix-onut of 'his) skill
la dividing and npph ing tb« uu-aus of |>olilic» that appear
In suitable moments; whose own conduct was udot uud
by learning, valour, pitienee, prune, t and good actions !
who was avoided by faults as if they were overcome on
account of (his) taking to the other (l.e. Virtue's) side ;
by whom the Luk.-liuiU (deities of luck) of Kanurupit
were, as it were, attracted with a staunch incessant ex-
cessive |«a»Moti of love; to whom was exhibited, with a
fast embrace, tie- course ol love for the aUiigimikaguniiH
(by the Lakahuii of K <maiHpn drawu by an excessive
sentiment of constant affection) who Is, as it were, the
breath ol the holy Pharma whole person has been seined
by the powerful Kali (Irrtn age), the abode of politics
and good qualities, tire receptacle of friends, the shelter
of the terrified, the abode of good luck, whoso dignified
power was shown by the elevated rank obtained in order
of succession from (Naraka) the son of Vasiimati (Earlb),
the king of kings, the illustrious Bbsskaravarinao, in
sound health, commands the present and the futuru dis-
trict officers, as well as the courts of Justice in the dis-
trict of Chandrapnri (thus) : let this lio known to you
(all), that the land of the Mayntasaltnalagrahani (giant
to Britfimanaai lying within this district grauled by
isauing a copper plate charter by king Bbutivuruiau has
become liable to revenue on account of the loss of the
copper-plates, so by the Maharaja having informed the
senior respectable persons (and) having issued orders for
making a &esb copper-plate grant, the land has been
104
awarded to the Brahmans who had been enjoying the
grant already in the manner or bkumicXkidra, so that no
tax is levied on it as long as the sud, the moon and th*
earth will endure. These are the names of the Bribmau
(donees).*. For hali (worship) cAsra (oblation) and tairt
(hospitality i seven nhaies are allotted. The produce or
the 'and tbut is increas'd by the Kaunika (river) will go
to the BrAh nans, the d mees of the grant, bnt the laid
which is enlarged by the Gaugini slinll lie equally divided
by the Ural, mans an recorded. Thene are the bounda-
ries to the cant, lies the dried Kaunika, to the noiith-
east, that very Kaunika mailed by a (piece ofy hewn flg
tree, to the south cant, a (piece of) hewn fig tree ;
(Linen 45-51.) To llie (south-) went the dried river
bod marked by a cut down tig tree ; to the west now the
boundary of the dried river bed ; to the north-weal a
potter’s pit and the (aaidj dried liver lied, bent east
wards j to the north a large jnttli tree (|.e. Bignnnia
suuveoleus); to the north-east the |»ood of the tradesman
Klitaoka and that dticd (river) Kaunika. The offloor
issuing hundred commands MBrigopala who him obtained
the five great iabda$. The o«cer who marks the boun-
daries is the headman ol Chandrapur! (named) Srikshi-
kunda. Tho nyagakurnnika (is) Jaunrdatia Svflmin.
( Witnesses (1) are) the lawyer llaradatts, the Kayastlia.
Dundlmnatha and others. &uayUri and writer is
Vasuvarman. Muster of the treasure (is) tho ilahata-
UHinta Divakaraprabha. Tat collector (is) Dattakira
Puma. Kogr.iver (is) Kaliya.
(Here follow two of tho customary imprecatory
verses).
(V. 28.) Because after the burning of the plates, these
newly written letters are of different form (from those
of the previous inscription), therefore they are not forged.
CHAPTER V.
The dynasty op sai.astambha.
Bhaskaravarman died about 650 A.D. We are
inclined to suppose that he was a bachelor
throughout his life and therefore died without
leaving any issue. The fact that he was known
as KumKra-Raja till his death lends support to this
supposition. It seems that shortly after his death
tiie line to which he belonged came to an end and the
line commencing with SKlastambha began, his
immediate successor being deposed by Sllastambha
who usurped the throne. The name Salastambha
is given in the inscriptions of Harjara, VanamSla,
Balavarman III and Ratnapala but it seems to
have been a birud name. In the inscription of
Balavraman III his father Virabahu is called “Rana-
stambha" and in the second inscription of Indra
Pftla “ Sangrffma -stain bba " is stated as one of the
thirty-two birud names of that king. Both Rana-
stambha and Sangrama-stambha mean the same
thing i.c. one who like a pillar takes resolute stand
in battle. Sala-stambha may be translated as a
Sal-column or one immovable like a pillar #f Sftl
10 6 THE DYNASTY OP SALASTAMBHA.
or a Sill tree. The immediate successor of Sftla-
stambha is named as Vijaya in the inscription of
Harjara and, \'igraha -stambha in the inscription of
Ratnapftla. Vigraha-stambhi, which means one
like a pillar in conflict, is clearly bimd, the real
name being Vijaya Varma-Deva. Similarly Sffla-
stambha had probably another name with the
suffix Varma-Deva. He might have been the
king referred to as Varma-Deva, or itr. transposed
form Deva-Varma, in I-Tsing’s records mentioned
in Beal’s introduction to the biography of Yuan
Chwang. The Chinese writers, including Yum
Chwang, always referred to Bblskaravarman
simply as - Kftm&ra." In the same way the Korean
priest mentioned only the suffix of the real name
of Sttlastainbha who ascended the throne about
655 A.D. and ruled till about 675 A.D. He was
therefore a contemporary ol Adityaseiu of
Magadha.
The Bargaon copper-phte inscription ol
Ratnapalavarman deciphered by Dr. Hoernlo
mentions that “ after this lor several generations
kings of Naraka’s dynasty had ruled the whole
country, a great chief of the Mlechlus, owing to a
turn of adverse fate, took possession of the king-
dom.This was Sftlastambha " (1). The exact text
is as follows: —
Evam rangiha kranuna k did mat ha nikhilam
bhunjafam Narakanam rHjyam MlechhillhinlUho
uiiihi dud ana vasadecj Jayrdha rdyam”
Hocrnle suggests that the word “ mlechha " means
a foreigner. We think the word undoubtedly
(1) J.A8.B. vol LXVU part I, 1$93 p. 99.
THE DYNASTY OP SALASTAMBHA.
107
means the non-Hindu Mongoloid people of the
kingdom. A tribe of these people is still known
by the name “ Mech* which is clearly the abridged
form of “ Mlechha”. The word "adhinatha " may
mean a ruler, master, governor or even a
commander. So the word "mUcMadhiaiAa* may
mean the “ governor of the Mech country. At
this time KSnnrupa had grown into such a large
kingdom that governors were probably appointed
to administer particular localities. It is therefore
reasonable to suppose tbit when Bhlskaravarman
died, Sfilastambha who was the governor of the
Mech country organized a revolt and that he
dethroned the immediate successor of Bhftskara-
varman and proclaimed him .elf as king. Ho
probably belonged to the dynasty of Bhagadatta
for ordinarily nobles of the royal family were
appointed as governors. What tlic writer of the
Bargaon inscription evidently meant was that
the person who could claim the throne rightfully,
being the nearest relative of the deceased king, was
pushed aside and SAIastambhi of another lino
usurped the throne. As a matter of fact Rljya-
mati, the daughter ofdri H.irsln Varma Deva,
who belonged to the line of Saiastainbha, was
described, in tlie Nepal inscription of Jayi deva,
as Bhagadatta raja Kulajd or a descendant of
Bhagadatta’s royal line. Vanam&la and Bala-
varman III, who were kings of the line of Sulastam-
bha also claimed descent from Bhagadatta. It is
suggested by some that Pralambha and Haijara
were mlec/iha names thus indicating that they
belonged to a mlechha dynasty founded by
SaU-stambha, but the immediate successors of
to8 THE DYNASTY OP SALASTAMBHA.
Silastambha were Vijaya, Pllaka, Kuraara, Vajra-
deva.dri Harshadeva and Balavarman and none of
ihese can be called mltchha names. Ii is true
that in the inscription of VanamRla the name
Pr&lambha is considered strange ( PrAfambha
ityadbhuta n&madheya ); but in the same breath it
is stated that “ this slayer of enemy -heroes was
born in the family of Bhagadatta." In the
beginning of the stray plate of Harjaravarman
after certain lines which can not be read, the
following occur:- ** Oh son of the Earth
( P&rlhiva ) for these reasons your descendants
will be known as M/echhns ." The reasons given
may have been contained in the undeciphered
lines or in the first plate which is missing. It is
probable that the kings of the line to which
Vanamila belonged were actually regarded as
MUM cm and that is why the writer of the inscrip-
tion attempted to explain the reasons. More
than a century after, the panegyrist of RatnapAla
also tried to lower the origin of this line and
extol that of Brahmaplla the founder of the Pftla
line.
A writer in the Journal of the Asiatic Society
of Bengal has attempted to prove that Vi jAkha-
dstta the author of the Mudrarakshasam, the well-
known Sanskrit drama, was a native of KSmarupa.
It is believed that Vi&khadatta flourished towards
the end of the seventh century. In some
manuscripts of the Aludrarakshasan the name
Avantivarman occurs in the place of Chandra
Gupta, found in other manuscripts, in the last sloka
of the drama. The translation of the last sloU
would thus be as follows:
THE DYNASTY OF SALASTAMBHA.
109
"May king Avantivarman with his prosperous con-
nections and servants long protect the earth, he
who is a kingly manifestation of that self-existent
God, to whose tusk, when He had assumed the
form of the Boar, fitted to grant protection, the
Earth of yore clung amidst universal destruction,
and on whose arms she now leans being frightened
by the Mlfchhcu."
The writer in the J.A.S.B., Mr. Jogendra
Chandra Ghosh, thinks that this Avantivarman
was no other than the son of Bhaskaravarman.
Avantivarman, the father of Grahavarman of
Moukhari, was a king of the sixth century A.D.
while ViAKkhadatU lived in the latter part of the
seventh century. Mr. Ghosh writers:- “ Who
this Avantivarman might then be ? Although
history is silent about any descendant of Bhiiskara-
varman of KSmarupa, the reference to the \araha
ava/ara leads us to think that this Avantivarman
might be the immediate descendant of Bh&skaru-
varman who claimed his descent from the Vardha-
ainfdra. That Bhiiskara varman had his sway
over northern Bengal is e%'idenced by the fact that
he had issued his Nidbanpur copper plate grant
from his victorious camp at Kamasuvarna in
Bengal" (1). Although not noticed by him,
Mr. Ghosh s supposition is strengthened by the
fact that the danger of the Mlechha revolt, as
referred to in the *loka, was actually imminent in
Kfunarupa when thejstrong rule of Bhoskaravarman
ended with his death. As already hinted by us,
Bhiiskaravarman’s continued stay in Kamasuvarna
(1) J.P.A.S.B, Vol. XXVI. No. 1 pp 241-245.
no
THE DYNASTY OF SALASTAMBHA.
and absence from KSmarupa proper, during the
latter part of his reign, facilitated the fomenting
of the revolt and when he died it appears that
Sslastambha, the leader or governor of the
MUchhas, usurped the throne by deposing Bhaskara-
varman’s immediate successor. The danger
which the author of the .Uttdra ra ktkasam feared
actually materialized. It seems to us that
Avantivarman or Avanti-varma-Deva, as the
direct successor of Bhlskara varman, did not reign
for more than five years at the longest and that
Sftlastambha occupied the throne of KSmarupa
about 655 A.D. after dethroning and probably
killing him.
The successors of SAastambha have been
partially named in the copper-plates of Harjara-
varman, VannmAa and Bala varman III who all
evidently belonged to the same dynasty and also-
in the inscription of RunipAa who belonged
to another line, probably of the same dynasty.
The inscription of Haijaravarman, of which only
the middle plato has been found, being anterior
in point of time, we must rely on it for the
order of succession. According to this record
SSlastambha was succeeded by his son Vijaya.
The immediate successors of Vijaya were I’flh'ka,
Kumiira and Vajradcva. Then came the illus-
trious liar; ha varman who possessed many good
qualities and who loved his subjects. His son
and succesor was Bala varman II who was a
powerful king and after whom there were born
in the dynasty Chakra and Arathi both of whom
being unrighteous could rot succeed to the throne
which was occupied by the son of Arathi who is
THE DYNASTY OF SALASTAMBHA. 1 1 1
not named but who was clearly PrKlambha for
it is stated in the Vanamala grant that PiKlambha’s
brother was A rath ( son of Arathi ), who was
killed in battle while fighting against enemies.
The stray plate of Harjaravarman’s grant there-
fore introduces the names of three kings viz.
KumSra and Vajradeva who were predecessors
of firi Harshadcva and Balavarman II who was
the son and succesor of dri Harshadcva. It
is not known whether Chakra and Arathi were
the sons of Balavarman II or of his successor
but it is clear that none of these two brothers
could succeed to the throne and PrKlrambha
the son of Arathi became' king. Arath, the elder
brother of PrKlambha, was evidently killed in a
battle before PrKlambha became king.
From SSlostambba to Vajaradeva there were,
both inclusive, five or six kings and allowing, on
an average, sixteen years for the reign of each
king we can place the accession of Sri Harsha-
varma Deva about 730 A.D. and, as we Khali
presently sec, he reigned for about 20 years till
750 A.D. Riijyamati the daughter of tJri Harsha
Dcva was married to Jayadeva King of Nepal.
It is stated in the Nepal inscription that Jayadeva
"wedded, as if she were fortune, Rljyamati
possessed of virtues befitting her race, the noble
descendant of Bhagadnttas royal line and daughter
of 3 ri Harsha Dcva, lord of Gauda, Odra, Ka-
linga, Koshala and other; lands, who crushed the
heads of hostile kings with the club-like tusks of
his rutting elephants’^ 1) . Jayadcva's Nepal
(1) Indian Antiquary vol. IX p 181 .
1 12 THE DYNASTY OF SALASTAMHHA.
inscription was recorded in the year 153 of a
certain era. This era was formerly supposed to
be the ijri Harsha era and the date of the inscrip-
tion was taken to be 759 A. D. Sylvain Leri
has however pointed out that it was a Tibetan
era 11 years earlier than the flri Harsha era.
The year 153 of this era would therefore
correspond to 748 AD. We thus get another
fixed point in the chronology of (Ik? KSmarupa
kings. It seems fairly certain that Sri Harsha
Deva was ruling when this inscription was
recorded and that his overthrow by Ywsovar-
niau took place some time after 748 AD.
There is hardly any doubt that he bad a long
reign during which he extended his conquests.
We can therefore tentatively fix his reign from
730 to 750 AD.
Sllastambha, Y'ljaya, Pfilaka, Kumara, and
Vajradeva who followed Dhltskaravarman appear
to have held undisputed possession of the terri-
tories which their illustrious predecessor, the
Kumar Raja, admittedly acqiurcd. No historical
record exists to show that they were dispossessed-
of these territories by any one. After them
came Sri Harsha Deva who not only bore tin?
name of the famous emperor of India who flourish-
ed in the previous century but also became an
emperor himself by subjugating Odra (Orissa) and
Kalinga (Ganjam) on the south and Koshala
(North Bihar) on the west. The statement in t he
Nepal inscription that be was “ Gaudodradi-
Kalinga- Koshala pat?' has been accepted as correct
by the historians and scholars of Bengal and else-
THE DYNASTY OF SALASTAMBHA.
"3
where but Sir Edward Gait has unfortunately
dismissed it as an “instance of poetic exaggeration
indulged by panegyrists of early Hindu Kings”(i).
He evidently forgot that Bh&skaravarman himsell
was the master of the whole of KSmampa and
Gauda perhaps as far south as the sea. He and his
successors were the protectors of the sea-route
from TRmralipti. It is not at all i mprobable that
about 80 or 90 years after his death, the terri-
tories acquired by him having been thoroughly
consolidated bv his successors, Sri Harsha Dcva
was powerful enough to conquer new territories
towards the south and the west in which two
directions only the kingdom was capable of
extension. The empire of Sri Harshavarma
Deva therefore comprised all the three present
provinces of Assam, Bengal and Bihar and Orissa
with the addition, perhaps of the eastern portion of
the United Provinces and the northern portion of
the Madras Presidency. While ridiculing the
“pancgyrijts of early Hindu kings” Sir Edward
Gait inadvertently and unintentionally failed to refer
to the most glorious chapter in the history of
KSmarupa — a period during which KBmarupa was
tlte suzerain power over nearly the half of northern
India from Sadiya in the east to Ayodhya in the
west and from Himalayas on the north as far as
the Bay of Bengal and Ganjam to the south.
Mr. Ramaprasad Chanda supposes that after
conquering Odra (Orissa) l 3 ri Harsha Deva
established probably a relative of his named
(!) Gait’s History of Assam p 30 .
THE DYNASTY OF SALASTAMBHA.
”4
Kshemankara Deva as ruler of Orissa (l). He
makes this conjecture as Kshemankara Deva and his
successors Sivakara I, Suvakara and Sivakara II
claimed themselves to be m Bhaumai‘\.c. descendants
of Naraka(a). As a matter of fact copper-
plate inscriptions prove that these kings ruled in
Orissa in the eighth and ninth centuries (3). It may
be that after flri Harsha Dcva's death, about 750
A.D. Kshemankara Deva, the first kin# of this
line, proclaimed himself independent ami lienee we
find Subhakara and his son Sivakara II describing
themselves as Parameswara- MahftrEjKdhiraj Parama
bhattKraka (4). It is also found that Subhakara
Dev;i sent an embassy to China in the year 795
A.D (5). We can therefore easily place his
grandfather Kshemankara Dcva’s accession about
745 A.D, the year in which, probably, 4 ri Harsha
Deva of Kftmarupa conquered Orissa.
f 3 ri Harsha Deva was not however destined to
hold this extensive empire long. He at length
found a rival in Yasovarman of Knnauj, who
aspired to he a conqueror of northern India and
with whom he inevitably came into conflict.
Yasovarman advanced against him and the decisive
battle was fought within Bihar. In this battle
3 ri Harsha Deva was completely defeated and
killed. The court poet of Yasovarman, named
Vfikapati, has left a poem styled (Inuda-idho
(Gaudavadha) or - overthrow of Gauda” to
(1) Prabasi vol. XXXII No. I.
(2) R.D. Banerji’s History of Oriw» vol. 1 p 169.
(3) Ibid p 146
(4) Ibid p 148
(6) Ibid p 146
THE DYNASTY OF SALASTAMBHA.
11 5
commemorate this victory which was evidently
regarded as a great military triumph.* Unfor-
tunately Vakapati has not named the kings of
Gauda and Vanga overthrown by Yasovarman.
If he had done so much controversy would have
been set at rest. The noted Bengali historian,
HD. Banerji, claims that Jivita Gupta, the grand-
son of Adityascna was then the reigning king in
Gauda and Magadha but that the name of the
Vanga king subdued by Yasovarman in not
known (i). His theory is hardly probable for
the sway of Adityascna or any of his successors
over Gauda has not been proved. R.D. Banerji him-
self admits that Sri Harshi Deva must have ruled
over Gauda before 748 AD. (2). On the other
hand, Yasovtr man’s attack on Magadha and
Gauda can be placed between 740750 A.D.
A writer in the Indian Historic.il Quarterly
has correctly stated that on the overthrow of
some successor of Bhftskaravannan by Yasovar-
man of Kanauj anarchy ensued in Bengal (3).
This is supported by Prol. Krishnaswami Aycngar
who also surmises that $ri Harsha Deva of
KSmarupa and lord of Gauda, Odra, Kalinga
and Koshala was the Gauda ruler who was
overthrown by Yasovarman and whose defeat
• It is stated in the Gaudo-vabo that the king of
Gauda or the Magadhodlnpa was pursued and slain
hut thut the Vanga king subsequently submitted to
Yasovarman and acknowledged him as suzerain.
Possibly the Vanga king was only a vassal under Sri
Harsha Deva.
(1) Bangalar itibash vol. 1 page 105.
(2) Ibid.
(3) L H. Q. vol. VI p 443.
Il6 THE DYNASTY OF SALASTAMBHA.
was the occasion for the glorification in the
Gaudo-vaho (i). R.D. Banerji, who is an acute
historian, again writes that it is not known
whether Gauda was conquered by Sri Harsha
Deva or by bis predecessor but that probably
during the first quarter of the eighth century
Gauda, Odra, Kalinga and Koshala were under
the kings ol Kftmarupa and that about that
time Yasovarman of Kanauj attempted to conquer
the whole of northern India (2). The fact is that
Gauda was not conquered by dri Harsh* Deva
but by his predecessor Bhffsknravarman more than
a century before and R.D. Banerji knew this very
well. His difficulty seems to have been his leaning
towards the theory that on the overthrow of
da&taka Bengal was occupied by Bhlskaravarman
only temporarily, that the dominions of dad&nka
passed on to dri Harsba of Kanauj and not to
BhKskaruvarman and that on the death of dri
Marsha, when Aryunlswa usurped the throne,
either Madhava Gupta or his son Adityasena
became independent, thus suggesting that cither ol
them recovered the possession ol Bengal from
BhRskaravarman or his successor (3). There is
absolutely no historical basis lor this supposition.
As already stated, there is no doubt at all that
BhSskaravarman conquered practically the whole
of Bengal, with the exception perhaps of Samatata,
after overthrowing da&nka. There is nothing to
(1) Journal of Indian History rol. Ill (1927)
pp 313-30.
(2) B angular itihash vol. I pp 104-105.
(3) Ibid p 95.
THE DYNASTY OP SALASTAMBHA.
117
show that Sri Marsha’s sway extended to Bengal,
nor is there anything to indicate that either Madhava
Gupta or Adityasena reconquered Bengal. The
Aphshad inscription of Adityascna boasts ol the
victory of Mah&sena Gupta over Susthitavarman
but makes no mention of any conflict between
himself and the successor of BhSskaravarman. In
his Dcoghar inscription, which is obviously much
later in date, he boasted of having performed the
Aaicamsdha sacrifice on his return from the Chola
country, but even in this record no mention is made
of any conflict with the successor of BhSskaravar-
man in northern or central Bengal (1). It seems
clear that Adityasena's activities were confined to
south Bihar, Chota Nagpur and Orissa and that he
left the Kffmarupa kings in undisturbed possession
of practically the whole of Bengal. It should be
noted here that neither the later Guptas nor the
P*la rulers were actually indigenous kings o^
Bengal but while the supremacy of the Pllla kiugs,
who actually ruled in Magadha, over the greater
part of Bengal, between the ninth and the twelfth
centuries, is an undisputed bet there is practically
no evidence to show that the later Guptas held
sway over Bengal after the overthrow of daftnka
and prior to the rise of the Pala power. R.D.
Bancrji himself admits that the rule of the later
Guptas came to a close about the end of the seventh
or the beginning of the eighth century (2). On
the other hand Yasovarman attained to power
during the second quarter of the eighth century.
ii8
THE DYNASTY OF SALASTAMBHA.
According to Vincent Smith he sent his embassy
to China about 731 A.D. Yasovarman was a con-
queror. The ancient Hindu kings fought more for
renown than for acquisition of territories. Yaso-
varman marched all the way from Kanauj, not to
fight against an insignificant local ruler like Jivita
Gupta II, but to have a trial of strength with the
new conqueror, Sri Harsha Varma Deva, who had
then extended his sway as far west as Koshnla.
After the trial was over and £ri Harsha Deva had
been crushed, Vasovarman returned to Kanauj
where lie, in his turn, was subsequently defeated
and overthrown by another conqueror LalitBditya
Mutapida, king of Kashmerc.
Now the question is when was Sri Harsha
I)cva ovcrtltrown by Yasovarman. It could not
Iwve been prior to 748 A.D, the year in which
tile Nepal inscription of Javadeva was recorded,
because the very laudatory references to 3 ri Harsha
Deva in that inscription would not have been made
if bv that time he was no longer the master of
Gauda, Odra, Kalinga and Koshnln. We may
therefore tentatively place the date of the decisive
battle about 750A.I). When 8ri Harsha Deva was
overthrown and killed the niit/yanyaya began in
Bengal because his powerful rule was then ended.
This anarchy did not last for more than thirty or
forty years. During this period, it appears, various
kings of India overran Bengal taking advantage
of the absence of a strong ruler. It is stated in
the Ragholi plate of Javavardhana that a son
ol Sauvardhana killed the Paundra king and
THE DYNASTY OF SALASTAMBHA.
t*9
subjugated the whole country (i). We also find
that the Gurjara king Vatsarlja invaded Bengal
and carried away two royal umbrellas which were
subsequently acquired by the Rastrakuta king
named Dhruvadhnriivarsha ( 2 ). There was none
to resist all these invasions. Ultimately Gopala,
the first king of the P*L» dynasty, rose to
power about the end of the eighth century.
Both he and his illustrious son Dharmaplla
at length consolidated their power over Magadha
and the greater part of Bengal. Dharmapftla ruled
during the first quarter of the ninth century.
A writer in the Indian Historical Quarterly has
attempted to place Goplta about the second half
of the seventh century ami suggests that the
MjUtyany&ya in Bengal began when BhKskara*
varman died and that GopEla, who was a Samc.nta
under Bhftskaravarman, ultimately became ruler ol
Gaud* and Magadha. He identifies GopEla with
tl»e "flri GopEla” mentioned in Bhiiskaravarman's
inscription as the "officer issuing hundred commands
who has obtained the five great sounds." It is
curious that such a theory has been seriously put
forward in a historical magazine. If Gopala be-
came king during the second half ol the seventh
century, who was the ruler of Gauda who was
overthrown by f?ri Harsha Deva? Who was again
the Gauda ruler killed by Yasovarman towards the
middle of the eighth century ? We have a fixed
chronological point in the inscription of the Nepal
king Jayadeva. We must therefore make 6ri Harsha
(1) Epigraphm Indica toI. IX p 41
(2) Indian Antiquary voL XI p 167.
120 THE DYNASTY OF SALASTAMBHA.
Deva the suzerain over Gauda, Odra, Kalinga and
Ko&»Ia shortly before 748 A.D. On the other
hand, it does not appear that GopSla or any of his
immediate successors, viz. DharmapSla and De-
vapSla was overthrown by any king of Kfimarupa
or by Yasovarman of Kanauj. The writer has
made no attempt to reconcile these inconsistencies
of his theory.
As already stated, Sri Harsha Deva was over-
thrown and killed in battle. Gait assumes that the
line of Sllastambha ended with Sri Harsha Deva
(1). In the Tezpur grant of VanamKla, the grand-
son of Prfilambha, it is however stated that Sslas-
tambha and dri Harsha Deva were the ancestors
of Prfilambha who himself belonged to the dynasty
of Naraka. All doubts on this point have been
set at rest by the discovery and decipherment ol
the stray plate of Harjaravarman wherein it is
stated distinctly that Harshavarman (Sri Harsha
Deva) was succeeded by his son Ralavarman II (2).
With Sri Harsha Deva’s death the empire which
Bhaskaravarman acquired and which he largely
extended also fell to pieces. Practically the whole
of Gauda passed out of tlic hands of the Kfimarupa
kings. Only a small stretch of country in northern
Bengal appears to have been retained in Kfimarupa
for we find that Vanamaia, who ruled in the ninth
century, granted lands within this area.
Kfimarupa proper probably remained unaffected
by the anarchy which overtook Gauda but its kings
were no longer overlords. After Sri Harsha Deva
(1) Gait’s History of Assam p 2#.
(2) Kamarupa Sisanavali pp 48-51.
THE DYNASTY OF SALASTAMBHA.
121
the next king was his son Balavarman II who is
said to have been powerful. After him probably
there were two kings whose names have yet to be
recovered. Then came Pralambha the son of
Arathi who seems to lave been the contemporary
of the first Pala ruler Gopftla. In the Vananmla
inscription he is described as the descendant of
Bhagadatta and as Lord of Pragjyotisha (t).
“ He was against those who were enemies to his
ancestors from Sllastambha down to Sri Harisha
(Sri Harsha Deva) who are all deceased ” (2).
There is a reference in this inscription to Priilam-
blia's brother who is not named but simply called
Arath or son of Arathi who seems to have been the
chief general of the army (3V According to
Gait, Prtlambha “killed or banished all the
members of the former ruling family.” We do
not find any authority for this statement. It is
only in tho inscription of VanamSla that we find
any direct mention of him. In this inscription he
is described as Kahyata-b*xri->'ira (destroyer of tho
enemy heroes) but not as destroyer of the members
of the former ruling family. There is no mention any-
where of the murder or banishment of the relatives of
the former kings. Gait's statement is evidently based
on an incorrect translation. Pralambha’s queen was
named JivadS by whom be had a son named Harjara
(4). It is stated that Harjara was " like Yudhisthira
in truth, like Bhima to his enemies and like Jishnu in
(1) J.A.S.B. vol. IS pert II pp 767-771.
(2) Ibid.
( 3 ) Ibid.
( 4 ) Ibid.
THE DYNASTY OF SALASTAMBHA.
battle "(i).
Harjaravarman, whose rock-ioscription at
Tezpur is dated 510 Gupta era, equivalent to
829 A.D, probably ruled Circa 820-835 A.D.This
date is another very valuable fixed point in the
chronology of the Kamarupa kings. It also shows
the use of the Gupta era in KSmarupa. It may be
that the Gupta era was better known and more
popular than the Marsha era or because the Gupta
emperor Samudra Gupta had at least conquered
K&marupa and made the then Kamarupa king his
vassal whereas flri Marsha of Kanauj was not the
overlord of the KKmarupa king but his friend and
ally. It does not appear that there was any local
era in use in Klmarupa at any time. In their inscrip-
tions the kings mentioned only their regnal years.
Harjaravarman was probably the contemporary of
the second Pila king Dharmapfila. He was
evidently an illustrious king, for in the Now-
gong inscription of Balavarman III it is stated
that after PKlaka, Vijaya and other kings had
followed in succession “there arose in the land
a gTeat king Harjara by name who was an
affliction to his enemies" (a). The inscription
on the stray plate discovered by Vidyavinod
shows that the smaller kings ol the submontane
tracts, who used to fight amongst themselves,
all acknowledged the surercignty of Harjara-
varman. In this inscription, recorded at Hatapc-
swara, Harjaravarman is designated as “Parama
8 ) J.A.S.B. rol. IX part II pp 767-771
) J. ▲. 8. B. (1697) pp 293-297.
K ii ill* «il I! ani|>jx-»n oia. I’lmtL Moulding.
THE DYNASTY OK SAI.ASTAMHHA. \ 2 $
Parameswara, Parama Bhattaraka Parama Mfihes-
wara". Only the middle-plate of this inscription
has been found. It appears that this inscription
contained an order issued by prince Vaua nulla,
who is mentioned as Yuraraja, front Ha tapes vara
which is described as " Jaya&iniidkavara ' On
the other hand in his rock* -inscription Harjara him-
self described Haruppeswara as a pur* (city).
There is no doubt tbit Hat apes waru or Haruppes-
wara was tlte capital of Harjara and not merely a
victorious camp. During the reign of his son and
successor Vanamala this city hud wide streets and
was adorned bv numerous lotus-covered lakes. It
was also the abode of nnnv learned and holy men.
It is not known however whether this capital was
founded by Harjara or any of his predecessors.
Vidvilvinod suppose* that it was established as
capital by Sllastamblia, after be usurped the throne,
when the old capital Pnigjyotisliplir was very likely
sacked and destroyed.
There is some doubt as to the real name of the
city. In the stray copper-plate of Harjaravarmnn
it is called Hntapesvrara but inhisrock inscription,
which however has not vet been very satisfactorily
mm 0
deciphered, the name is Haruppeswara. The in-
scription of Vunamftla which describes tire grandeur
ol tl»e city mentions the name as Haraveshana,
according to the decipherment made bv Pandit
Kamalakantu. As the copper -plates are no longer
available it is not possible now to say whether
Pandit Kamalakanta’s reading was correct. Pandit
Vidyavinod however seems to be definite that in
the subsequent inscriptiou of VanamSla's grandson
Balavarman III the name Haruppeswara is clearly
124 THE DYNASTY OP SALASTAMBHA.
legible. Both Pandit Vidyavinod and Rai Bahadur
A.C. Agarwala have suggested different meanings
of the name Haruppcswara which was very proba-
bly the name of a lingo. Probably this lingo re-
presented Hetaka or IlMtaka Sul in whose fallen
temple Vanamala is said to have rebuilt and the
ruins of which arc probably those now lying in
Tezpur town. In that case the name of the linga
should have been lliitakeswara instead of liffrup-
peswara or HUtapcswara and the linga itself was
probably of gold as the word IlMaka means gold.
The Muslim historians state that when Muhammad
Bukhtiyar was surrounded by the troops of the
Kftmarupa king in 1206 A.D. he took refuge in a
temple which contained a huge image of solid gold.
This was probably another Siva temple containing
a gold lingo. Whatever that may be, during the
reign of Vanamlla the city was of considerable
dimensions extending probably from the Bamuni
hill on the east to Dab-Parbatia on the west with
the modem town of Tezpur in the centre where
evidently the king’s palace stood.
The rock-inscription o^Harjaravarman purports
to be an ordinance regulating the plying of boats
in the Brahmaputra within certain boundaries
specified therein. It seems the dispute was between
fishing boats and boats belonging to the royal navy
during the incumbency of the Commander-in-chief
MahS-SSmanta Suchitta. It was ordained in the
inscription that fishing boats must restrict them-
selves to midstream and that any violation of the
order would be punishable with a fine of 100
cowries. The boats belonging to the navy being
large they could be propelled upstream by means
Kuill* «*r II iiii>|> •>war.i. Ix>Tn--rarvr<l Capllnl
THE DYNASTY OF SALASTAMDHA.
,2 5
of ropes only and therefore it was necessary to
keep the shoreside of the river clear for them. The
order was inscribed in bold characters on a huge
rock-bonlder on the bank of the river so that it
may be visible to all boats passing up and down.
This inscription was recorded about lire ninth year
of the kins’s reign.
Harjaravarman had bv his queen T5r5 a son
named VanamRla who has left a copper-platc in-
scription from which wc find that he was a con-
queror and his kingdom extended as far as the lines
of forest near the sea -shore or sea -like waters.
(Jain nidki lain caaomOfa nuUtrndhi medhri pati.--
tani/a yogya id Ptiwt dhtVa chair- nniamiUa it!).
This probably nu-.ins that Syllict and Mymmsing,
bordering on the low-lying sea-liko country, wore
under his sway. This inscription was recorded in
the nineteenth veat of the king's reign which shows
that lu had a long reign. By his inscription
Vanamala grantod lands to a Brahtuan in the
village Abhissura-vataka near Chandrapur! on the
west of the Trisrota (Tccsta)*. The inscription
gives a vivid and poetic description of the city of
Hliruppeswara, tic river I.iubity.i (Brahmaputra)
on which it stood and the line of boats that adorned
the river side. It is stated that in Hliruppeswara
• la 1S75 Blochnian in his “History and Geography
of Bengal" I J. A. S. Bi wrote:-
“We have to hear in auml that Che Kara toys. in
former time*. «i* connected by blanches with the
Tee-da (Trisroia) and that the Teesta. bcfoie 178J,
flowed west of the Kara toys, joined the Attnn and fell
into the main branch of Ganges (Pudma)."
Thus it would appear that the lands granted by
Vauam&la lay between tun Tec-4 .» an 1 the Ktudka;
1 26 THE DYNASTY OF SALAST AMBHA.
people of all castes and occupations lived happily,
that this city was the residence of numerous learned
and pious men, that its streets were wide but
crowded with elephants, horses and chariots, on
which were mounted the kings and the notables,
and the horizon was clouded* by the massing of
elephants, cavalry and infantry. A very poetic
description is given of the river the water of which
became pure by constantly washing the waist of
the Kamakuta hill which contained the temple of
diva and His consort Mahi Gauri. The boats
were adorned (perhaps with flags and buntings).
Chauries waved from them and Kinkinu were
attached to them to make sounds while being pro-
pelled; they were variously painted and moved very
last. Perhaps the scribe was describing a boat-
race on the Brahmaputra organized for the pleasure
of the king. One could sec such crocodile-beaded ,
painted and bedecked raco-boats on the Brahma-
putra on festive occasions down to the eighties of
the last century. A picture ot such a boa: is
given in the Darrxuuj raj Vatudvnli by Suryakhari
Doibogtia who wrote the book towards the end of
the eighteenth century. It is further stated in the
inscription that the sounds of music arising from
the numerous temples, the incantations of the priests
engaged in performing Yajnas and the many lotus-
flowered beautiful lakes proclaimed the glory of
Vanamala Varma in all countries. Even now the
small town of Tezpur is a town of beautiful lotus-
covered lakes.
According to the Nowgong inscription of Bala-
varman III Vanamala “erected a row of palaces
THE DYNASTY OF SALASTAMRHA. 1 27
which had no equal in ihe world and being exten-
sive possessed many rooms and though gay with
general ornamentation was also furnished with true
pictures" (i). This palace was in the ancestral
camp of H&ruppcswara which was also the capital
ol Harjara. The Nowgong inscription also states
that Haruppeswara was on the bank of the Brahma-
putra for it is stated tbit “near that pure river
Louhitya, the current of which was agitated by the
foreheads of his victorious elephants, there stands
that ancestral camp of his (paiftimaha Kat&kam)”
Tl>e name of Harjaravarman has been preserved in
Terpur bv the magnificent tank constructed by
him and which is still known as Hajarapukhuri.
The extensive architectural remaim in and around
Terpur, which will lie fully described in a subse-
quent chapter, te'tifv to the budding activities of
his son Vanamlla .is recorded in the Terpur copper-
plate inscription.
There is no doubt that V.inamKla was succeeded
by his ' on JayaraKla but there is disagrooment as
to whether Virnbiihu was the *on ol JayamKln or
whether N’irabrihii was another name of Jayamala.
Dr. Hoemle takes the word Vananmla in stanza
16 as adjective of Javam&la and liolds that it was
| ayamfila who "having observed that his son had
finished his education and attained adolesencc made
made over to him the (royal) umbrella ol moon-
like whiteness together with the two (royal) cha-
meris and then bravely enduring the rite of starva-
tion became absorbed into the light of the Divine
(I) .1. A. S. B. vol. LX VI part I pp 2*5-297.
128
THE DYNASTY OF SALASTAMBHA.
Being”. Vidyflvinod thinks that it was Vanam&la
who thus abdicated in favour of his son Jayamala.
According to thim “ Sri VirabKhu ” mentioned in
stanza 18 refers to JayamSla. In other words after
becoming king he assumed the birud name Vira-
bRhu. VidySvinod is right for it is not stated in
the inscription that JayamSla had a son named
VirabShu. In the absence of such a statement wc
may assume that JayamSla was known also as dri
Virab&hu.
On the abdication of h>s father VirabShu ascended
the throne and married a princess named Ambit ol
of rank equal to his own or in the language of the
inscription “equal to himself in point of family ,
beauty and age." It was probably this king who
was a contemporary of the P«la king Deva Pila
whose cousin Jayaptla is stated, in the Bhagalpur
inscription of NSriiyana PHa, to have come to
friendly terms with the Lord of PrSgjyotisha.
Dr. Hultzch thinks that the stanza in the inscription
may be taken to mean that JayapSla supported the
king of PrSgjyotisha successfully against the king
of Utkala but other scholars do not accept this
interpretation. The stanza seems to mean that
JayapSla, in obedience to the orders of Deva Pala,
having marched out at the head of a mighty army
for the conquest of all quarters, the king of Utkala*
being frightened by his very name, left his own
capital whereas the king of PrSgjyotisha having
resolved not to equip for war remained in friendly
ncutraliti surrounded by a host of suitors. In any
case R. D. Bancrji's interpretation that Jayapala
THE DYNASTY OF SALASTAMBHA. 1 29
subdued the king of Prigjyotisha is not correct(i).
According to the Nowgong inscription “ when the
appointed time came through the power of his
maturing Kama king VirabKhu, while distinguish-
ing himself in war was attacked by a disease
contracted through neglect of medical advice.*
Considering that the world is vain and human life
unstable like a water-drop he bethought himself
of what remained for him to do. So, on an
auspicious day, the king transferred, in the
prescribed form, his throne and crown to that son
of his who was tall of body, in appearance like a
lion-cub" (2). Virabihu thus, like his father
Vanamula, abdicated in favour of his son Bala-
varman III who was not perhaps his eldest son but
whom he selected as the most fit to succeed him
in the throne.
Balavarman III is described in his inscription
as a powerful monarch, who “conquered all poten-
tates in dire contest by his arm which showed dark
against the numerous flashes of his drawn sword-
blades”, who was "fearful of disgrace, harsh towards
enemies, gentle towards religious preceptors,
truth-speaking, not contentious nor vaunting,
generous and purified from sin through the
reverence shown to his father and mother.”
Balavarman III probably ruled during the last
quarter of the ninth century. His inscription was
recorded in the eighth year of his reign.
(1) Bangalar ItOiMh vol. I p 183.
(2) J. A. S. B. No. IV (1897) p 295.
• Yidyavinod thinks that the disease was one not
corahle by physicians and not one contracted through
neglect of physicians' advice.
I30 THE DYNASTY OP SALASTAMBHA.
In the inscription of Balavarman III it is
expressly stated that the lands mentioned in the
grant would be free from all interference and
annoyance caused by Rajni, Raja-putra, Ranaka,
Rgjavallabha, the elderly woman employed in
guarding the female apartments in the palace, those
engaged in fastening boats or elephants, policemen
in search of thieves and stolen properties or
engaged in punishing criminals, persons pitching
the royal umbrella or tent and the officers
employed in collecting the tenants' taxes or other
imposts. In the land-grant of Ratnapula, about
a century after, similar exemptions are set forth
in a stanza which Hoemle has translated thus:-
*The king sends his greetings and commands
to all and several who reside there : to the
common people of the Brahman and other
castes, headed by the district revenue officers and
their clerks as well as to the other ( higher class )
people, such as the RKjanakas, KBjaputras, Rnja-
vallabhas etc., and above them the Rfuiakas, Rajnis
and Rtljas and in fact to all who may reside there
*n future at any time:- Be it known to you that
this land together with its houses, paddy-fields, dry
land, water, cattle-pastures, refuse-lands etc. of
whatever kind it may be, inclusive of any place
within its borders, and freed from all worries on
account of the fastening of elephants, the fastening
of boats, the searching for thieves, the inflicting of
punishhments, the tenants' taxes, the imposts for
various causes and the pasturing of animals such
as elephants, horses, camels, cattle, buffaloes,
goats and sheep, as set forth in this charter”.
THE DYNASTY OK SALASTAMBHA.
«3«
The above mentioned ordinances, which are
not to be found in the land-grants of the earlier
kings such as Bhaskaravarman and VanamSla-
varman, arc interesting in that they give us a
glimpse of the system of administration then
obtaining and also indicate the extent of prestige
and influence gained by Brahmans over the later
kings. It appears that the Raja (King), the Rajni
(Queen,) and the Ranaka (war-lord) took prece-
dence over the Rajaputra ( prince) and the Rttja-
vallabha (favourite of the king). A BrahmoUara
or grant to a pious Brahman was considered so
sacred and inviolable that even the king could
not enter or pitch bis tent upon it at any time nor
could any part of it be used for military operations
by a RBnaka, nor could the police enter it even
for detection of crime or punishment of offenders.
The tenants of these estates were exempted from the
payment of all other taxes or imposts for purposes
of the State exchequer. Indirectly, it scents, all
other lands were subject to these interferences and
open to free pasturage. It is not however
understood what worry or annoyance could be
causod to the grantee of a BrahmotUim estate by
the chamberlain matrons of the royal household.
It should be added that by this inscription the king
granted lands to a young Brahman who had just
returned from the preceptor's bouse after finishing
his education and who was about to begin married
life. The grant was made on the Bihu day on
which the Brahman came to beg. Even now it is
a custom among the Brahmans of Kainrup to go
about begging on that auspicious day i.e. the
sankranti of Choitra. The Kamauli grant of Vaidya
I32 THE DYNASTY OF SALASTAMBHA.
Dcva, about 200 years alter, was also made on
this auspicious day.
After Balavarman III there is a gap covering
nearly too years - the longest gap in the chronicle
of the Kamarupa kings from the fourth down to
the twelfth century. It will not be possible to
supply this gap until we discover an epigraphic
record of a king intervening between Balavarman
III and Ratnapala. In the first inscription of the
latter the following occur : —
“ After thus for several generations, kings of
Naraka's dynasty had ruled the whole country the
MUchhMhmaAa , owing to a turn of adverse fate,
took possession of the kingdom. This was SKlas-
tambha. In succession to him also there were
kings, altogether twice ten (twenty) in number,
who arc well-known as Vigrahastambha and the
rest."
" Seeing that the twenty first of them, the illus-
trious king, TyKga Singha bv name, has departed
to heaven without leaving any of his race to
succeed him, his subjects thinking it well that
" Bhaxma " (Le. one of Naraka's race) should be
appointed ns their lord, chose Brahmnpnla from
amongst his kindred to be their king on account of
his fitness to undertake the government of the
country
It is clear from the above quotation that
SSlastamblu's successors, in his own line, were alto-
gether twenty in number and that therefore nineteen
kings intervened between Salastambha and Tyftga
Singha who was the twenty first king of that line.
Between Balavarman II and PrSlambha there were,
as we have already seen, probablv two kings whose
THE DYNASTY OF SALASTAMBHA. 1 33
names have not been found. It would therefore
appear that at least six kings, whose names arc not
found, intervened between Balavarman III and
Tyftga Singha. With the help of the inscriptions
discovered so far we can tentatively suggest the
following list of the kings of Karoarupa from the
death of Bhaskaravarman till the accession of
BrahmapSla which may have taken place during the
last quarter of the tenth century : —
Name. Approximate reign.
Avantivarman ... 650-655 A. I).
iVfif dy runty bfgins.
SSlastamhha
I
Vijaya ...
655*675 A.D.
675-685
Pabka ...
685-700
M
KumKra ...
700-715
M
Vajra Dcva
715-730
II
Sri Harshavarma Dcva
I
730-750
II
Balavarman II
750-765
l»
154 THE DYNASTY OF SALASTAMBHA.
Chakra — Arathi (did not reign)
I
Prilambba ...
f
800-820
1
Harjaravannan
I
820-835
A
Vanamala varman .
I
835-860
JavamKla varman
(Virabfihu)
i
S60-875
A
Balavarman III
875-»90
M
A.D.
• ••
CHAPTER VI-
Dynasty ok Brahmapala.
As already stated in ibe previous chapter,
according to the inscription of RatnapKla, when
Tylga Singhi died leaving no heir to succeed him
the people elected Brahmapala to be their king. We
find here a parallel to the tradition that in order
to remove the anarchy in Magadha and Gauda the
people of those countries elected Gopala, the first
Pftla ruler of Magadha, as their king about the end
of the eighth century. Such election by popular
vote was clearly a myth. The fact is that both
Gopala in Magadha and Brahma pftla in Kftmarupa
were actually adventurous upstarts who, finding
the throne vacant, collected a following and pro-
claimed themselves as kings exactly as Bisu, the
Koch, did in the beginning of the sixteenth century.
As there was no one else strong enough to dispute
the pretensions of Gopala or Brahmapala the people
had no other alternative but to accept them as their
rulers. After Brahmapala became king it was
perhaps given out that he was a king chosen by the
I 36 DYNASTY OP BRAHMAPALA.
people, like GopKla, and, it seems that in imitation
of the Pula rulers of Magadha and Gauda, he
assumed the surname Pala. The writer of the
Ratnap&la inscription, in order to make the story
of popular election look more probable, added that
BrahmapKla was a scion of the Bhagadatta dynasty
and that is why the choice of the people fell upon
him. It is stated in tl»c KalnapS'.a inscription
that Brahmapala was a warrior wl» could single*
handed overcome his enemy in battle. He was
evidently a powerful and rr-ouiceful leader; other-
wise he could not have secured the throne. He
was a young man when Ik became king, lor it was
after his accession that he married Kula l)cvi by
whom he had a son mimed Katn.ipSla. We do not
know whether Brahmapfda had a long reign like
his son but it appears that when Ratnaptia grew
up Brahma pilla abdicated in his favour, probably
to avoid a dispute relating to succession.
It seems that during Brahma pila’s reign
KSmarupa was attacked by Jitavarman, son of
Vajravarman of the Varman dynasty which ruled
probably in Eastern Magadha when the Pilla power
began to wane. This invasion is mentioned in tho
Belava copper plate inscription of Bhojavarma
Deva ft), the grandson of Jitavarman, who there-
by granted lands in the Paundra bhukti, the giant
being issued from the victorious camp at Vikrama-
pura. It is stated in verse 8 ol this inscription
that “ seizing the great glory of Prithu son of Vena,
espousing Virasri the daughter of Kama, extending
his supremacy among the Angas, conquering tho
(1) Epigraphia Indica voL XII p. 37.
DYNASTY OF RRAHMAPALA.
*37
fortunes of Kiimanipa, putting to shame the strength
of the arms of Divya, crippling the dignity ol
Gobardhan and giving away all his wealth to
Brahmans he fj&tavarman) extended his own pa-
ramount suzerainty* Divya mentioned above
has been identified to be the Kaivarta leader who
successfully rebelled against the Pila ruler. It
appears that Jfitavarman invaded Kamarupa and
defeated its king but could not annex tho kingdom*
It is probable that after this defeat Brahmaptila
abdicated in favour of his son Ratnftpala who ap-
pears to have removed the capital to Gauhati, on
the banks of the Louhitya, and, after fortifying it,
called it Durjayl or impregnable. It may be tlrnt
Brahmapiila himself had removed the capital lrom
Hiiruppcswara to Gauhati and that his son Ratnap&la
simply strengthened it by erecting necessary forti-
fications. Such strengthening of the defences of the
capital was found to be necessary in view of tho
defeat sustained by his father.
Pandit VidyKvinod supposes that when Ssla-
stambha founded his dynasty he removed the capital
to Hftruppeswara where all the kings of his lino
down to TyKga Singha ruled. When the people
elected Brahmapala, a lineal descendant of Bhaga-
datta, as their king, he re-transferred the capital to
Pragjyotishpur (Gauhati) or its neighbourhood.
RatnapSla after fortifying this city called it 3ri-
DurjayS. It is clearly stated that thi s city was on
• Pandit VidyAvinod gives a different interpretation
to the particnlar stansA in the Belava inscription and
holds that the supposed invasion of Kimarupa by Jatavar-
man is really baseless.
I38 DYNASTY OF BRAHMAPALA.
the Brahmaputra. Tbe lauds granted by Ratna-
pala's first inscription and by both of Indrap&la's
inscriptions were, as stated in these inscriptions,
on the uttar kul i.e. on the north bank of the river.
From this specific mention of the uttar kul
VidySvinod supposes thit the capital was on the
south bank of the river. Between Tezpur and
Gauhati there is no other suitable site on the south
bank of the river where a fortified city could he
built. The identification of dri-Durjayii with
Gauhati is therefore almost inevitable.
We have two coppcr-plate inscriptions o!
Ratnapola, known as the Bargaon and the Sual-
kuchi grants. It is satisfactory that both these
grants state tbe regnal years in which they were
recorded. The first grant was recorded on the
Vishnupadi Sankranti in the twenty fifth year of
the king’s reign. The second one was recorded
in the following year. It is stated in thoso
records that RatnapKla was a warlike and power-
ful prince and that "by reason of the elephants
pearls, carried forth by the impetus of the un-
rcstrainable stream of blood running from the
split foreheads of the elephants of his enemies*
his, Ratnapela’s, battle field looked beautiful
like a market-place strewn with the stores of
merchants and ruby-coloured through the blood of
the slain (2). A very glowing account is given of
• This fable of pearls, known as Oaja-mttkla, being
found in the frontal protuberances of certain elephants
is referred to in the inscriptions of several old Hindu
kings of the various countries of India.
(2) J. A. 8. B. voL LXvii (1898) p. 99.
DYNASTY OF BRAHMAPHLA. 1 39
the splendour and the strength of tbe fortifications
of Ratnapala's capital named Durjaya. It is stated
that though th e capital was “crowded with a dense
forest, as it were, of arms of his brave soldiers
who were ban leering after the plunder of the camps
of all his enemies, yet was it fit to be inhabited
by wealthy people (merchants). In it the disc of
the sun was hid from the view by the thousands
of plastered turrets which are rendered still
whiter by tbe ncctar-likc smiles of the love-drunk
fair damsels standing on them . • • • • It is
adorned by learned men, religious preceptors and
poets who have made it their place of resort • •
• • • • Like the cloth which protects the kings’
broad chest, its boundaries were encompassed by
a rampart, furnished with a fence strong like that
used tor the game-birds of tbe Sakas, fit to cause
chagrin to the king of Gurjara, to give fever to
the heads of the untameable elephants of the chief
of Gauda (Gaudendra), to act liko bitumen in the
earth to the lord of Kerala, to strike awe into the
Blhikas and Taikas, to cause discomfiture to the
master of the Deccan country (daluhinatya)* • •
It is rendered beautiful by tbe river Louhitya •
• • • Such is the town in which the Lord
of Pragjyotisha took up his residence and which
be called by the appropriate name of DuijayK. • •
• • In that town, which emulated the residence of
VSsava, tbe King • • • • the Parameswara
Parama-bbattaraka MahlrfijadhirSja, tbe illustrious
Ratnap&lavarma Deva, who meditates at the feet
of the MaharSjadhirSja, the illustrious Brahmapftla-
varma Deva, may he prosper.” The above
extract is from Hoemle’s translation. Pandit
DYNASTY OF BRAHMAPALA.
140
Vidyavinod has pointed out that on certain points
Hoernle’s interpretations are not quite correct.
The name of the poet who composed the verses < I
the inscription does not appear but the high literary
merit of the composition is bevond question. The
reference to Gurjara, Gauda and Kerala does not
mean tliat RatnapBla hud actually anv conflict with
the kings of these countries, as supposed by
Hovrnlc. It was simply meant to emphasize tl»e
strength and excellence of the fortifications. The
inscription mentions that the king had certain
copper-mines within his kingdom for it is said that
“he delights in making his copper mines lucrative”.
These mines probably existed and still exist in
tlx: Garo or the Khasi Hills. In spite of what the
court panegyrist has recorded, there is little doubt
that about this time the Kimarupa power was on
the decline.
KatnapAla had a long reign for about thirty
years as his second grant was given in the twenty-
sixth year of his reign. His son was Purandara
Pnla. From some of the verses in the Indra P*la
inscription, found at Gauhati, Moernle supposed
that Purandara P&la died during the life-time of
his father RatnapSla who was therefore succeeded
by his grandson Indra Pfila (1). This supposition
has been confirmed by the subsequent discovery of
the inscription of DharmapSla wherein it is stated
that PundarapSla died as jura raja. In the
IndrapSla inscription Purandarapala is described
as a poet (2). In this inscripion also the capital
(1) J. A. S. B. No. 2 (1897) pp. 128-132.
(2) Ibid.
DYNASTY OF BRAHMAPALA. 14 1
is said to have been dri DurjayH. It is also
stated that Purandara Pala “had the distinction
of obtaining for wife the princess DurlabhX* • •
who was descended &om the royal races of the
extensive kingdoms conquered by the victorious
arms of Jumadagnis son"(i). It is not possible to
find from th is reference from what quarter princess
DurlabhS came. Parasurama is said to have
overthrown all Kshattriya kings and so it can be
surmised that Durlabbi was a Kshattriya princess,
the daughter of some well-known king of northern
India of that time, otherwise she would not have
been so glorified. Vidyivinod says that some
Brahmans were settled near ParasutRma Kundn
where a Hindu kingdom may hove existed and
Purandara P&la may have married a princess of
that kingdom. We do not think that this surmise
is correct. It is stated that “when king Indrapala
sat on his throne the mosaic floor of his atidicncc
hall looked like a fruit-covered tree by reason
of the strewn-about jewels that fell from the crowns
of tire princes as they voluntarily stood rever-
ently bowing before him with joined hands" (2).
It is also said that during his virtuous reign the
earth was “greatly flourishing" and that he “had a
residence of corresponding virtues, a town full of
elephants, horses and jewels and impregnable to
the attacks of any royal dynasty, whence it
was named Sri Durjayi* (3).
(1) J. A. 8. B, No 2 (1897) pp 128-132
(2) Ibid.
(3) Ibid.
142
DYNASTY OF BRAHMAPALA.
We have two inscriptions of IndrapSla the
first being recorded in the eighth year and the
second in the twenty-first year of his reign.
This shows that Indraplla had also a (airly
long reign. He was succeeded by his son
GopSla who ascended the throne probably
about the middle of the eleventh century. In
the first inscription of his grandson Dharmap&la
it is stated that Gopala was a powerful prince who
was also liberal in his gifts. His son Harshapala
succeeded him. It is recorded that the blood of
his enemies killed by him in battle appeased the
thirst of the Rikshasas (i). This indicates that
HarshapKla was involved in war. In the Vitra-
mdnka Chartia by Vihlan it is stated that the
Chalukya prince, Vikramlnka invaded Kimarupa
about this time. Harshaplla married Ratnl, a lady
of high rank and had by ber a son named Dharmi-
pSla who has left two copper-plate inscriptions
both of which have been published by Pandit
Vidylvinod in his "Kawirupci S’OsanavaU". The
first was recorded in the third regnal year and by
this DharmnpSla granted lands to a Brahman, named
Himanga, who appears to have been an expert
in archery, and who was a native of village
Krosanja in Sravasti. In the Silimpur stone-
slab inscription of Prahasa, deciphered by Mr.
K. G. Basak, (2), which must be posterior in time
to the Dharamapala inscription, mention is made of
the locality called Sravasti which Mr. Basak locates
within Northern Bengal. Pandit VidyBvinod
(1) Kamarupa Sasanavali pp. 150-158.
(2) Ibid
DYNASTY OF BKAHMAPALA. M3
has attempted to prove that this locality was
within KSmarupa and that from this plac e some
Brahmans migrated to Pundra (Northern Bengal)*.
In the second inscription, the genealogy of
Dbarmapala is drawn from Gop&la though
in the first inscription it was drawn from
Brahmapfila. We find from this inscription
that the queen of Goplla wai named Nay an*.
Another important fact found from this inscrip-
tion is that the adoration of fliva does not
occur in it. The regnal year in which this
incription was recorded is not stated but there
is hardly any doubt that it was recorded
towards the end of his reign for it contains
an exhortation from the king himself which runs
as follows
“Oh future kings, listen to this prayer ol mine.
Givo up your false pride in your sovereignty
which, like the flash ot lightning, lasts only for
a short while but do not give up Dharma which
leads to eternal bliss.”
This hankering for something eternal must have
grown in his old age. The mention of “dharma”
• It in quite passible that the original home of the
Brahmans to whom Dharma pile granted land and that
of the author of the Silimpur inscription were at Sravaatl
in Cttar Eosala referred to in Boddhist scriptures.
Sravaeti need not therefore be within either Kamarupa
or Gauda. The Hlndn kings used to grant lands even
to persons living outside their dominions. In the tenth
century a Ganga king of Orissa granted lands to n
Knmarnpa Brahman and in the eighteenth century the
Ahom king granted extensive estates in Assam to a
Bengali Brahman of Kavadwip.
144 DYNASTY OF BRAHMAPALA.
is rather striking. As we shall see later, the
Kffmarupa kings from IndrapSla to Dharmaplla
were followers of the Tantrik tenet and about that
period KSmikshaya had become an important scat
of Tantrik Buddhism. The dharma mentioned
in this inscription very probably referred to the
“Sahajia dharma" or the VajraySna cult then
prevalent in Kfimarupa. In both these inscriptions
the name of the king as given in the seal is
"Prlgjyotishldhipati MshlrSjSdhirija Sri Dharma-
plla Varma Deva" but although he is called
“Lord of Pragjyotisha" it is stated in the second
inscription, that he ruled at “KSmarupanagar".
In his first inscription his capital is not mentioned.
Pandit Vidyflvinod supposes that before Dharma-
pala had commenced his reign the capital of the
kingdom had been shifted to Kamatlpur beyond
the Brahmaputra valley. We have already stated in
Chapter I that the capital of the kingdom was
not removed from Prigjyotishpur or Gaulnti to
KamatSpur before the middle of tho thirteenth
century. As already stated, Bukhtiyar's disaster in
Kamarupa in 1 206 A. D. was recorded within the
boundaries of Prigjyotishpur in a rock inscrip-
tion. The next Muslim invasions by Iwaz in
1226 A. D. and by Tughril Khan Malik Yui-
beg in 1255 A. D. seem to have proceeded
as far as Gauhati and this is supported by the find
at Gaubati. in 1880, of two coins, one of lwaz
dated 2nd Jumada 621 A. H. and another ot
Tughril minted at Lakhnauti dated Ramzan 653
DYNASTY OF BRAHMAPALA. 1 45
A. H. (l). There is hardly any doubt therefore
that the capital was at Gauhati or its imme-
diate neighbourhood till at least 1255 A. I).
If it was then at Kamatiipur the Muslim inva-
sions would not have proceeded in the direction
of Gauhati. Mr. Stapleton's supposition that
both Iwaz and Tughril Khan Malik Yuzbeg
were repulsed bv the Kachari king of PrSgjyotish-
pur or Gauhati has no basis whatever (2).
The Kachari aggressions did not evidently then
advance westward further than the present district
of Nowgong, for we find powerful Bhuvan chiefs
bolding Owguri, Luki, I’andu and Gauhati, on the
south bank of the Brahmaputra, till the beginning
of the sixteenth century. The mins in I )imla Thana
of the Kangpur district, described by Buchanan and
referred to by Grierson in the Journal of the
Asiatic Society of Bengal 1878, cannot, with any
degree of certainty, bo identified with "Kimarupa-
nagar" mentioned in tlx? inscription. Tltc city
described by Buchanan was, as we shall see later,
founded by another Dharmapnla, a king of Kamata,
towards the beginning of the fourteenth century.
Our surmise is that the capital named
KSraarupa-nagar, the 11 city of Ksmrtid ’ of the
Muslim chroniclers, was at North -Gauhati near the
temple of Avcakranta. The Kamarujxtr Jluranji
mentions the tradition that a king named Dharma-
pfila had his seat of government there. The
modem town of North- Gauhati possesses
jemples, roads, bridges, fortifications and moats
(1) . J. P. A. S. B. voL VI (1910) pp. 021-622.
(2) . Ibid.
I46 DYNASTY OP BRAHMAPALA.
which are clearly of pre-Abom origin. There
are two temples on the Ancairdnfa hill. The
upper temple contains the image of Vishnu lying
on Ananta-Sajya. It is one of the finest speci-
mens of sculptural skill in KBmarupa about the
beginning of the twelfth century. The western
part of the town is called Sil-Sako because it still
contains a small stone-built bridge over a stream.
The eastern part is known as Raja-duar (king’s
gate), which shows that the Raja’s place was
thero. The second copper plate of Dharmapttla
was actually found in the village of Rangmahal
about two miles to the north of Raja-duar. This
is another indication that the capital was then at
North-Gauhati. In RljaduKr itself exists tire
rock-inscription, dated 1137 Saka, proclaiming
the destruction of the Turkish army of Mahammad
Bukhtiyar. It is therefore extremely probable that
North-Gauhati continued to be the capital from
tire time of DharmapEla till about ra 6 o A.D.
when the seat of goverment was transferred
to KamatHpur. Pandit Vidylvinod’s conjecture
that the capital Kamarupa-nagar was away from
the river because the Brahmaputra is not men-
tioned in the inscription of Dharmapala docs not
seem to be at all reasonable. We find from
the Darrang Raj Vams&vali that the Koch
king Viswa Singha stopped in North-Gauhati, near
the Aswakr&nta temple, for nearly a month and
from a stone-slab inscriptioon found on the hill in
Riija-duSr, abutting on the Brahmaputra, we find
that this small hill was the abode of f$ri Chandra-
bharati, a well-known Kamarupi poet of the
sixteenth century. These facts go to show that
DYNASTY OF RRAHMAPALA.
M7
North-Gauhati was laiierlv the capital and that
South-Gauhati or Pragjvoti shpur, subsequently
called Sri'Durj.tyfi, ceased to be the capital long
before. It would therefore appear that North*
Gauliati or Kfimarupa-nagai was tltc capital of
Kfimarupa for about 160 years from circa 1100
A.D. to 1 260 AD.
Dharmapfda was succeeded probably by
Jaynpula whose name we find from the Silimpur
inscription mentioned above. It appears that
there was a pious Brahman named Prahfcha in
the Syamvaka village of Piindra who though
persistently pressed bv Jstyapdla, a powerful king
of Kfimarupa, refused to accept from the king
the /iilft/mru/tlut gift consisting of gold equal to the
weight of the donor and also a gilt of landed
property. It appears that about the first part
of the twelfth century, probably during the reign ol
JayapKla, Ritma l’il i king of Gauda coiHpiered
Kumartipa. This is mentioned intbe H&ma Charita,
by SandhySkara Nandi' wherein it is stated that a
general of Riimapnla named Mnvana conquered
Kfimarupa. Relying on R. I). Banerji’s statement,
in Ins paper on the “Pahs of Bengal", to the effect
that Rfunnpfda was succeeded by his second son
Kumfira Pfda about 1097 A. I)., Pandit Vidyavinod
states that Rfiinapuh com 1 tiered Kfimarupa pro-
bably about 1095 A. I-). when Dharmapfda was the
king ot Kfunarupa (1). We can not accept this,
statement as correct. Of course the learned Pandit’s
theory is tint after defeating Dharmapfda the king
1 ly Kamumpu Sasaaarali [> II.
148 DYMAITY OF BRAHMA PAL*
of Gauda snatched away only the soutb-westen
part of Kim arup* which was placed under the
control of a vassal-king named Tingyadeva and that
DharmapUa and his successors continued to rule
over the rest of K imaru pa. In Chapter VIII we
shall discuss this point more fully and attempt to
prove that Pandit Vidyavinod’s theory is incorrect.
Here we shall only mention that the chronology
of the Pila rulers of Bengal is still uncertain. It has
not been definitely proved that Kumlraplla suc-
ceeded Rlmapila before the end of the eleventh
century. On the other hand it is quite possible
that Rimapila had a very long reign and that he
was succeeded during the second quarter of the
twelfth century. The Kamauli inscription, which
must have been recorded very soon after Kumar a
Pila’s death is, on palacographical evidence, placed
towards the middle of the twelfth century. On the
other hand it is fairly certain that Kumira Pila
had a very short reign (i). All these circum-
stances go to show that Rimapila reigned probably
till 1 130 A. D. and that his conquest of Kimarupa
took place about 1125 A. D. when Dhurmaplla
could not have been reigning. We are therefore of
opinion that it was Jayapila, the son of Dharma-
plla, who was overthrown by Rimapila.
It will appear therefore that the names of all
the kings of the dynasty of Brlhmaplla have been
found from the inscriptions of Dharmaplla and the
the Silimpur inscription referred to above. These
kings ruled in due order of succession from about
985 AJ). till about 1125 A.D., when the last king
(1) Bangalar Itihaeh vot. I p 2*3
DYNASTY OF BRAHMAPALA.
149
Jayapala was overthrown, by the Psia ruler of
Baikal and a vassal named Tmgyadeva was set
up on the throne. The dynasty of Brahmapala
therefore ended with JayapSla.
The following is the tentative chronology of the
the kings of the dynasty of Brahmapala : -
Name of king.
BrahmapSla
v
• ••
Approximate reign.
985*1000 A.D.
I
RatnapKla
■
• ••
1000-1030 „
A
Purandarapila ( did not reign)
A
Indrapdla...
I
GopAla ...
V
• • •
1030-1055 .
• ••
1055-1075 *
I
HarshapKla
V
• ••
1075-1090 „
1
Dharmapala
• ••
1090-1115 „
JayapAla ...
• ••
1115-1125 „
CHAPTER VII
A KEV1F.U Ol Cl I.T1RAL ASIl MAIEI.IAL I’KOUtl SS.
With Jayapula, who was probably the son or
grandson of liharmapila, the line of KRmarupa
kings, tracing descent from Bhagadat la, comes to
an end. We may therefore now conveniently take
Mock and discuss how far Kftniartipa progressed
materially and culturally during the rule of these
kings from the fourth till the twelfth century A.l).
The materials on which such a discussion may he
based, with some degree of confidence, arc liowever
meagre. TIk* account left by tlie Chinese pilgrim
refers to conditions in tl»c seventh ccntnrv. Thu
•
various copp er -plate inscriptions hoi ;
they were the works of panegyrists afford some
glimpse into the actual Mate of the country and the
people practically throughout the whole period.
The most important development that took
place in Northern India towards the close of the
Upanishad period, not many centuries after the
MahSbhSrata war, was the rise of Gautama Buddha
and his religion. Within a couple ol centuries
I •>! KiiiMi.u i.xiii.I ji liniihiiti
A REVIEW OF CULTURAL CtC. I5I
after Buddha’s nirrUta his religion spread far and
wide. It is difficult to believe that PrSgjyotisha,
which was so close to Uttar Kosala and Magadha,
could remain tree Irom Buddhistic influences, but
though strange, we have it from Yuan Chwang's
account that in the seventh century A.D. the people
of Klmarupa worshipped the Divaa and did not
believe in Buddhism. According to him, there
were a few Buddhists in the country, but for fear
of persecution they had to perform their devotional
rites in secret. It seems that Yuan Chwang made
an exaggerated statement, for, in his biography,
Silabhadra is said to Iwvo informed him, before he
started for Ksmarupa, that tho law of Buddha had
not then widely extended in that country. This
indicates that Buddhism was then prevailing in tlie
kingdom but not to a wide extent. The king
Bhftskaravarman was himself not a Buddhist though
it is said that he treated accomplished sramans with
respect. The eagerness and persistence with which
lac desired an interview with the Chinese Buddhist
scholar in his own kingdom and his reluctance to
part with the scholar show that he really had great
respect for illustrious Buddhist professors. His
Nidhanpur inscription begins, no doubt, with the
adoration of his tutelary deity Siva but, immediately
after this adoration, he proclaims the victory of
“Dharma, the sole friend of the Creation, the cause
of prosperity in this and the next world, whose
form is the good of others and which is unseen but
whose existence is inferred from the results." Here
we have a clear reference to the Law of Buddha.
VidySvinod would ascribe this reference to Bhas-
karavarman’s association with Sri Harsba who,
I52 A REVIEW OP CULTURAL etC.
though not himself a Buddhist, was a patron of
Buddhism and who was, to a considerable extent ,
influenced by his Buddhist sister Rljyafri. This
is not, howevcT, probable lor the inscription was
recorded immediately alter the conquest of Kama-
suvama, at least thirty years before Bhaskaravar-
man met either Yuan Chwang or Sri Harsha.
Evidently the influence of Buddhism was fell in
K&marupa long before Bhaskaravarman came to
occupy the throne. According to the Jlajataran-
the Ksmarup* king of the fifth century, who
was the father of AmritaprabbI, was himself u
Buddhist as his religious preceptor was a Tibetan
Buddhist.
The fact is that Buddhism spread into Klmarupa
at a very early age but it waj not widely accepted
as a faith by the people at large. Gait, in his His-
tory of Assam, writes: -“It was formerly thought
that Buddhism had at one time great vogue in
Assam, but this view seems to have been erroneous
There is no trace of this religion in the old rocords
and inscriptions." The above statement will not
stand scrutiny for, as stated above, the Law of
Buddha is mentioned in tbe inscription of Bhaska-
ravarman himself. Similar mentions are found in
the inscriptions of Indrapffla and Dharmapala*
ludrapala's first inscription mentions a sfoana or
charter connected with tbe name of “ Tathagata "
which cannot but mean Buddha. It seems that
close to the lands granted by this king there existed
a chaitya or slupa, over some relic of Buddha, in
favour of which an endowment was made by a pre-
vious king.
A REVIEW OP CULTURAL etC. I53
We should refer here to tbc strong tradition
current in Nepal and Tibet to the effect that the
mahApari-nirv&na of Buddha took place in Kusi-
nara or Kusinagara, a town in K&marupa. In fact
Waddell identifies it with the modern town of
Sualkuchi, some nine miles to the west of Gauhati
and eight miles to the south of the temple of
llayagriva which is still visited by Bhutanese
Buddhists. Kusinagara was, however, the chief
town of the clan of Mallas who cannot, by any
means, be associated with any part of modem
Assam. Waddell’s identification is evidently wrong.
Very likely Kusinagara or Kosinagara was a town
on the cast bank of the Kosi as it emerged from
the Nepal hills. It was therefore probably a town,
on the Nepal border, within the modern district of
Purnca which was, in the ancient times, included
within Prftgjyotisha. The Tibetan tradition was
not therefore baseless. In his inscription, Bhaska-
ravarman is said to ha%*e revealed the light of
Aryan religion ( Aryadharma ) in his kingdom by
dispelling the accumulated darkness of tbc Kali
age. Wc are not sure that here also we can detect
a particular reference to the Law of Buddha. It
may be that Arya Dharma meant the Buddhist
or Brahmanic tenets as opposed to the tribal
beliefs of the numerous non-Aryans who lived in
the country. BhSskaravarman and his predeces-
sors were Saivas and not Buddhists or Jainas and,
being also regarded as good Kshattriyas, they
were naturally looked upon as the patrons and
protectors of the Brahmans. In the neighbouring
Magadha empire tbe rulers, like the Mouryas and
the Guptas, were either Buddhists or patrons of
*54
A REVIEW OF CULTURAL etc.
Buddhism. The Mourya emperor Asoka, with
his missionary zeal for tlie propagation of the
Buddhist faith, must have done all in his power
to popularise this tenet within his empire without
going to the length of persecuting Brahmans. This
is why a large number of Brahmans immigrated
to Kiimanipa at an curly period. As pointed
out by Yid)Svinod, we liml, in a single village in
Kiimarupa, more than 20D families ol Brahmans
about 500 A. I).
Thu kings of the dvnastv of SSlastamhh 1,
between the seventh and tin- tenth centuries, were
perhaps more orthodox in their religious beliefs
than their predecessors, the descendants of Pusliyu-
varman. In the inscriptions of there king' wo do
not find the slightest trace of any reference to the
Buddhist faith. TIktm- kings were the worshippers
of their tutelary deities "Knmeswara Mahi Ganri 1
mentioned in the inscription of VanamHla. They
had tlicir capital much father up (Ik* Brahmaputra
in modern Tczptir. They therefore IouikI the
necessity of having another shrine like Kflmnkshyii
near their capital. The second Kiirnakshvn temple,
on the Knmakiita hill near Srlgh.it, mentioned in
the inscription of Yanamltla, was therefore founded.
In this inscription mention i‘ made of the numerous
temples in the country and the sound of incanta-
tions proceeding from :1k- various places where
Yajnas were performed. Yanam&la himself rebuilt
the large temple of Hiitakcswara to which he
dedicated a number of prostitutes evidently for
service as Dera</a*ts. This system still persists in
the Siva temples of Hajo and Dubi in Kamrtip and
Neghriting in Upper, Assam, and it may have been
Trtm mil a \ •*! • v •- i;i1 »1et 1 % it !• figure of KinMIm
A REVIEW OF CULTURAL etc. 1 55
part of the Tantrik system. Whatever that may be,
although Bralunanic rites were widely prevalent
amongst the populace there is no doubt that Bud-
dhism also flourished, for it is mentioned in the
*' Santara Diyvijaya that Sankaracharva, the
famous leader of the Biahmanic revival, in the begin-
ning of the ninth century AD., came to Kamarupa
in order to dcleat Abhinava Gupta, the noted
Buddhist scholar, in controversy (i). Abhinava
Gupta probably belonged to KSmampa or at least
flourished there in the ninth century. About the
same time, or a little earlier, Kumlrila Bhatta,
another Brahmanic loader, flourished in India. It is
believed by some that he was a native of KRinarupa
(2). The fact that both Abhinava Gupta and Ku-
mlirila Bhatta, two well-known leaders of two
opposite schools, flourished about the same time in
hnniarupa, clearly shows that there were adheranti
of both Brahmanism and Buddhism in Khmartipa
during the rule of the earlier kings of the line of
Sfilastambha. Sculptured images on stones and
terra-cotta plaques, which unmistakably represent
Buddha and which can be assigned to the tenth or
the eleventh century, have been found from exacava-
tions at Gauhati. One of them is a distinct image
of Buddha 011 a thin stone-slab, the figure exhibit-
ing the Abhayn miolrH. The other is a terra-cotta
votive tablet with lire image of Buddha stamped
on it. Below the figure is inscribed the well-known
Mahayana creed in characters of the eleventh
(1) Sri Sankaiarharya; Dis life and times by C.
KriBlinaswami Aiyar. Page 50*
2). Ibid p 26.
*56
A DEVIEW OP CULTURAL etc.
century. In this plaque Buddha is in the earth-
touching attitude, Bhumitparsd mudrd. It is true
that both of these images are of a portable natuie
and might easily have been imported from outside
the kingdom by some Buddhists. TeiTa-cotta
plaques with the stamped image of Buddha, exactly
similar to the one found at Gauluti and, as a matter
of fact, impressed with the same stamp, have
been found in large numbers in Bengal and Bihar.
Evidently these were sold at places of Buddhist
pilgrimages but their occurrence in Gauhati shows
tiut there were then Buddhists in Klmarupa.
Another important find from excavations in Gauhati
is a large and heavy stone-slab containing the image
of a deity with four faces and eight arms and a
Chaitya above the head as tiara. The image is
carved in the centre of the slab, all round being
lotus-petals carvod deep into the stone. One side
of the slab is broken. The sitting pose of the deity
is adamantine (r ajrdsana). It is probable that
this is the representation of ifahapratieard, a
Buddhist Goddess of the period of Tantrik Bud-
dhism. According to the S&ihanamdla, a Buddhist
work, the Mahapralitard should have a Chaitya
above the head. The image is however so corroded
now that it is hardly possible to interpret it with
confidence. In any case, the stone-slab on which
the image is carved is certainly not portable.
When the Silas tambha dynasty was succeeded
by the dynasty of BrahmapSla and the capital was
removed to the vicinity of Gauhati the same tutelary
deities, mentioned as “Maha Gauri Kimeswara "
in the inscription of Indrapala continued to be
worshipped by the kings. Indrapala's first inscrip-
A REVIEW or CULTURAL CtC.
tion states that bis grandfather RatnapSla establi-
shed numerous diva temples in the country and
that during his reign the houses of Brahmans were
full with riches presented by the king, the places
where Yajneu i were performed had numerous sacri-
ficial altars and the sky was overcast with the
smoke caused by numerous homi. It is said of
Indrapftla himself that he was well-versed in the
Tantras. It is clear therefore that Tantrikism had
then been already introduced into the kingdom.
This system, as an offshoot of Buddhism of the
Mahlytna school, developed about the ninth century
under the Plla rulers of Magadha. It was the
P&la king Dharmap&la who founded the Buddhist
university at Vikramaiilajwhich became the famous
centre of the Tantrik doctrines. From this centre
Tantrikism probably spread into Klmarupa and
Tibet. Babu Nandalal Dey writes
"The improvement which Nlgtlrjuna introduced
into original Buddhism in the first century A. D.
and which was known by the name of MahBySna
system, assumed a new phase on the revival of
Brahmanical doctrines, during the early Gupta
period and gradually developed into Tantrikism
from the eighth century when the P*la kings began
to rule over Magadha and Gauda. The worship
of the images of Buddhi and Bodhisvattas with
their female energies (Sakti) and other Buddhist
Gods came into vogue, which, during the con-
tinuance of the rule of these monarch*, still further
developed into mysticism and sorcery. The min-
im yoijicharyas maintained the popular propen-
sity for magic rites and mystic practices by the
performance of marvellous feats. Hinduism also
I58 A REVIEW' OP CULTURAL etC.
imbibed the spirit of tlx: time and the Buddhist
Tantrik rites were absorbed in its system.” (1).
This is how Tantrikism originated. It ultima-
tely spread into KSmarupa and established for
itself a stronghold in Kamakdixa. This disposes
of Sir Edward Gait’s supposition tliat Tantrikism
originated in Assam. The KSmntiipa kings, pro-
bably alter Brahmupiila, adopted Tantrikism as
their tenet and, as 1 result of this royal patronage,
Kumfikshwi soon became a renowned centre of
Tantrik sacrifices, mysticism and sorcery.
That tins system of mystic Buddhism, knowit
as Vajrayfma and popularly called the "Sahajia
cult ”, found its way into Kimarupi as early as the
tenth century, is corroborated from an unexpected
source. It is found from TiboMn records that
some of the eminent Buddhist professors in Tibet,
of the tenth and (lie eleventh centuries, liailcd from
KKmarupa. Giuseppe Tocci states, on the authori-
ty of two Tibetan works viz “Grub To’b" and
the “ Bka ababs bdun I dan" tint tlx: noted Buddhist
Sitl'lhit Minanatha, wlw was looked upon in Tibet
as an arafflr of Avalokitcswara, was a fu Herman
Irom Kumarupa (2). The latcmcut of Malwmo-
hopiidhfiyn Pandit H :mpr:. .id S:istri that Mina*
n:\thi was a native of Bengal belonging to the
(1) J. p. A. S. II. (Non Seii,s) vol. X 1914 fiage 3»6.
(2) J. P. A. S- I! (Xcn Series) vol. XXVI.
Xo. 1 pi*. 133-111,
A REVIEW OF CULTURAL CtC. 1 59
“Nath" or weaver caste is evidently incorrect (i).
It is also found from the same Tibetan records
that Rahula, another Buddhist teacher in Nepal,
was a Sudra front KSmarupa. It is said that he
was a disciple of Nitgffrjuna who should not, how-
ever, be confused with the famous preacher of the
Mahayona. The preceptor of Rahula was perhaps
the Naj-Srjuna mentioned by Alberuni who stated
that Niigilrjima flourished about too years before
his time. Thus both Nn^rjuna and Rahula can be
placed about the middle of the tenth century.
NRgnrjunn was also a physician and alchemist.
In the Kltmarupt Ayurvedic pharmacopoeia there
are still certain specific, remedies which are asvo-
ci it cd with the namo of N*'trjuna. # Besides
Minanfttlia and Ralmla, twoothcr Buddhist teachers
mentioned in Tibetan record viz. Mohidhir and
D&rik alio very probably belonged to KSmarupa
MinanStha is supposed to have been the author ol
a work known as Ak ilariralautra ami he is men-
(I. «/,WMJfi din O Ibki'' by M. M. Pandit II. P.
Siislri.
We give lelow a /Wi ...iii|«>v<l by Min*n..tlm:
“ Knhonh nm u i hit
K'tnwt Lni’tDtfJtl nam i’lkiki f-.i Ilk
Kttmnbi fvtmihx kihihti «« jtmnrJ
K»m«Ut mu, Ihn fittihi -/*.*!.> « Mumor. i.’»
Tills /Mitt appears »n Ik- in mixed Kainnni|n-M.»itliil
dialect.
• The late M. M. Pandit llaraprasnJ S-vstri fonml the
U 8. «( a nuiiuMi »o.u . niiiiwl ytxra-rtttnta (handled
prescriptions) In die Nepal Jinrtni Library. Those
prescriptions ire attribnM to Hafaijniui. The Pandit
is ltuwev«-r >•( «>i*niou that this Karaijuna is not
the same |>eivon mentioned by Alljciuni. lie lias not
however given any leasons for his opinion.
l6o A REVIEW OP CULTURAL OtC.
tioned in the Sabaralantra as one of the twenty-
four K&pdlika tiddkasii).
The feet that Minanltha, one of the 24 KSpOlxka
tiddhat, hailed from Assam leads one to suppose
that the very revolting religious'practices associated
with the K&pdlika s, perhaps to some extent
exaggerated by their opponents, were at one time
in vogue in KSmarupa, at least among the lower
classes of society, such as the fishermen.* What
connection these K&p&likne had with the votaries
of the Sahajia cult we do not know. There is
however evidence to show that the K&p&Uka sect
existed as early as the time of Asanga and Hari-
varman about the fourth century A. D. Evidently
both of these sects were off-shoots of Tantrik
Buddhism and both practised similar rites.
Abhinava Gupta, to defeat whom SankarScharya
came all the way to Klmarupa, was the author of
two well-known works on Tantra viz, the Tantra -
s&rti and the Tantrjloka. Evidently, in the ninth
century, Abhinava Gupta had a great following in
Komarupa and that is why SankarKch&rya found it
necessary to fight him. These Tantriks have of
course been painted in the blackest colours by the
Brahman revivalists of an earlier age and by the
Vaisnava reformers oLa subsequent period, but a
considerable mass of Tantrik literature has now
become accessible to scholars some of whom do
not seem to subscribe to the sweeping condemna-
(1) J. P. A. 8. B. vol. XXVI, 1930. No, pp 133-141.
• The late Kai Bahador (iunabbiram Bania wa* of
opinion that the Kaibartaa of the Assam valley were
BuddhLsta. They are now. almost to a man, strict
Vaisnavas of tho shool started by Sri Saukar Deva.
A REVIEW OP CULTURAL etc. l6l
tion ot Tantrikiam as a tenet. Here is what
Giuseppe Tucci, a competent authority, has got to
say on the subject : —
“ Very little attention has been paid up till now
to Tantrik literature ; and yet, apart from some
exceptions, the Tantras contain almost nothing
which can justify the sweeping judgment of some
scholars who maintain that they represent the most
degenerate torm of Indian speculation. On the
other hand, after a careful study, I cannot help
seeing in them one of the highest expressions of
Indian mysticism, which may appear to us rather
strange in its outward form, chiefly because we do
not always understand the symbolical language in
which they are written " (i).
The probability is that the esoteric teachings of
the tenet were high and sublime but they were
actually comprehensible only to a lew, called
Siddhaa, whereas the common folk were mystified
by the feats of sorcery performed by the lower
order of the preachers who could thus trade on the
credulity of the common people and compel them
to submit to their demands. It is therefore well
that these esoteric teachers and their practices were
supressed by the Brahmans and the Vaisnavas, of
a later period, not so much with the help of the
ruling kings but chiefly by appeal to the common
people themselves.
The influence of Kamarupi Buddhist preachers
in Tibet incidently proves the close cultural con-
nection between Tibet and Kamarupa in the early
(1) J. P. A. 8. B. toL XXVI pp 133-141.
A REVIEW OF CULTURAL etc.
162
ages. We find the Tibetan Buddhist scholar Stunpa
acting as preceptor to a KSmarupa king, pro-
bably Balavarman I, in the early part of the fifth
century. The image ol Buddha found at Gauhati,
exhibiting the Abh-iya mudra, with its distinctly
Mongolian physiognomy and a thick shawl cover-
ing the whole body, down to the ankles, seems to
be unmistakably of Tibetan origin.
It will appear from what we have stated above
that several noted Buddhist scholars, as well as
critics of the Buddhist doctrines, flourished in
Kfimarupa between the eighth and the tenth cen-
turies. We find from Yuan Ch Wang’s biography
that during his stay in Nalanda a learned pundit of
Kfimarupa went to engage in a controversy with
the Buddhist scholars and professors assembled
there. According to the account of the Chinese
pilgrim, BhSskaravarman was a lover of learning
and Klmarupa was a seat of learning. He found
that during tho first half of the seventh century
students from other parts of India came to Kfimarupa
for study. It has been recently pointed out that
ViSfikha Datta, the author of the well-known drama
Mudrardkshasam, who flourished towards the latter
part of the seventh century, very probably belonged
to that part of Kfimarupa which lay between tho
Tcesta and the Kausika (1). It is reasonable to
suppose that he belonged to the colony of Nagar
Brahmans settled in the Chandrapuri v ishaya. This
is indicated by his surname Datta. It is not there-
fore at all strange that Kamarupi pundits were
(1) J. P. A. 8. B. toI XXVI pp 241-245,
Until* m| l*ni'4j\n<i'h|illi. I'nnrl mu plii.ili
A REVIEW OF CULTURAL CtC. 1 63
honoured in other parts of India also. In the
coppcr-platc inscriplion of Anantavarman, the
Ganga king ol Kalinga ( Circi 922 A.D.) we find
the mention of a Kimanipi pandit, named Vishnu-
somSchSrya, to whom Anantavarman granted lands
(t). This Brahman belonged to the Para4ara go/ra
and his native village was Srangatika in Kamarupa.
It is not possible now to identify this village in
Assam or Northern Bengal with any degree of
certainty* The inscriptions of VanamSla and
RatnapSla, while describing their capitals, specially
mention that they were abodes of many learned
men, as these kings were patrons of learning. The
Ktllika Parana, a well-known work, gives the
Snnskritized names of most of the rivers and hills
o! eastern and western Assam. It gives a full
account of the Naraka legend and the old city of
Priigjyotishpur. It dwells upon the special merit
and sanctity of tlie shrine of Kfim&kshya. There
is hardly any doubt that this work, like perhaps
the Yogini Tantrt i, was compiled in Kamarupa
probably at a time when the kings claiming descent
from Naraka were ruling, when the capital was in
the neighbourhood of the old city of Pragjyotishpur
and the shrine of Kamakshya and when Tantrikism
was the prevailing tenet. We can therefore tenta-
tively assign this work to the eleventh century
when the kings of the dynasty of Brahraapula, who
ft) K. I>. Baneiji’s History or Orissa, vol. I. pp. 233-241.
* The Kilik* parina makes mention of the esistence ot
a ling* iu Sringataka which Kai Bahadur A. C. Agar-
wala identifies with Singri in Darraojt below Ter pur.
(A bahan vol m No 4).
164
A REVIEW OF CULTURAL etc.
claimed descent from Naraka and particularly dis-
tinguished themselves from the previous mUchha
dynasty, were ruling. In the Kdlika Purdna the
mantra given to consecrate the sword meant for
the human sacrifice runs as follows : —
11 A sir visasana Khadyastikhnadhiro durdsatlah
Srigarbho Vijayasehcvba Dharmapdla namaituU."
The sword is here eulogised as DharmapSla
meaning “ protector of the faith In our opinion,
however, it is possible to detect here a reference
to king Dharmap&la of the Brahmapftla dynasty.
It would not therefore be quite unreasonable to
suppose that the Kalikd Purdna was compiled
during his reign and perhaps under his auspices.*
In the seventh century Yuan Chwang found
that the language spoken by the people of Kfimarupa
differed only a little from that spoken in mid-India.
This shows that the language then spoken in Ki-
marupa was a Sanskritic dialect. It was probably
an eastern variety of Prakrit bearing close affinity
to Maithili and it was no doubt the parent of modem
Knmarupi or Assamese language. The Chinese
traveller’s account also makes it clear that, even at
such an early age, the people in general had adopted
an Aryan language and that therefore Aryans had
settled in the kingdom and diffused their culture
many centuries before his visit. The language used
in the dohas, by the Buddhists of Kamarupa in the
ninth or the tenth century, was not necessarily the
actual spoken language. These dohds were cora-
• According to Pandit Jogesh Chandra Rai Vidyanidhl,
the Kftlika Parana was compiled in Ae;am about the
tenth centaxy (Bharatvarsba, Baieakh 1337 B. 8.).
A REVIEW OP CULTURAL etC. 165
posed in a language which was perhaps the lingua
franca in Eastern India at that time.
We lind horn the inscription ol Vanamala that,
towards the middle of the ninth century, he re-
erected the " lofty (like a peak of the Himalaya)
white temple of Hiitaka diva which had fallen
down." Probably the temple had been destroyed
by an earthquake. It is evident that this temple
was rebuilt with bricks and stones and was white-
washed. The inscription of Balavarman III states
that Vanamala erected a huge palace consisting of
many rooms and decorated by carvings. Again in
the Kataap&U inscription we find it mentioned that
in his capital at dri Durjavii, towards the middle
of the eleventh century, “ the disc of the sun
was hid from view by the thousands of plastered
turrets.' The IndrapUa inscription states that
Ratnapftla constructed numerous white temples of
diva throughout tl>e kingdom. These references
make it clear that architecture had reached a high
state of perfection during the rule of these kings
and also earlier. As a matter of fact, architectural
remains, going back to the pre-Ahom and the pre-
Koch period, exist to this day. Although no re-
gular archaeological exploration has yet been under-
taken in Assam the existing remains arc by no
means inconsiderable. In sites of old cities like
Gauhati, Tezpur, Silghat and Bishnath, one can
notice scattered remains in abundance.
That both the builders and the sculptors of
ancient Kiimarupa reached a high standard can be
judged from the few remains that have so far come
to light without any regular exploration. The
1 66 A REVIEW OF CULTURAL etc.
modern town of Gauhati, which represents the site
of old Pragjyotishpur, was probably sacked and
destroyed after the death of Bhaskaravannan when
Salastambha usurped the throne. It ceased to be
the capital for more than three htindred years
during which period perhaps even the ruins largely
disappeared. It is not known definitely whether
the kings of the dynasty of Brahmap&la used it
as their capital. Latterly the Kacharis perhaps
occupied it for a time and the Muslim invaders also
carried on raids up to this town. Subsequently the
Muhammadans occupied it for a considerable time
and they were dislodgod by the Aboms after a long
period of bloody conflicts during which much
devastation must have been done. The town was
practically re-built after British occupation. Some
50 years ago, the foundations of an old stone and
brick enclosure wall in the eastern part of this town
were dug up in order to find out stones to be broken
into road-metal. Numerous carved and chiseled
stones were broken into fragments to proride road-
metal. Some were preserved, not by the authori-
ties, but by individuals taking interest in relics of
antiquities. Since the establishment of the Kama-
rupa Anusandhan Society, some of these scattered
relics have been collected and placed in the small
museum of the Society. These collections include
some pre-Ahom sculptured images of deities,
chiselled octagonal or hexagonal stone pillars,
carved stone pedestals of pillars and finely carved
panels containing figures of elephant-heads en face,
lion-heads and human heads, used to decorate the
outer side of the stone plinths of palaces or temples.
The elephant-head en face is a peculiarity of Prag-
A REVIEW OF CULTURAL etc.
I67
jyotisha as the kings invariably used the same
emblem in the metal seals of their copper-plates.
The rock-cut images of Vishnu and Gane&a found
in or near Gauhati similarly go back to an early
age.
The shrine of Pandu contains five rock-cut
figures four of which represent Gane^a and one
represents a female deity, probably Durga. Two
more figures cut in the open rock below, facing the
Brahmaputra river, represent, according to Mr.
Dikshit, the sun-god and Indra respectively (1).
Numerous cuttings on rock are to be seen also on
the western slope of the KamBkshyS hill. These
include miniatures of temples of the tikhara type
with small lingas enshrined in them and also rock-
cut niches containing linga$ and figures or Gane&a.
On the west side of the KlmikshyK temple is a
modern temple, known as GhantXkama, into the
basement of which stone fragments of older temples
have been built. One of these fragments, as
described by Mr. Dikshit, "is a bcautiiully carved
frieze in which the band represents a series of gar-
lands and the lower scroll-work, in which some
very spirited representations of animals occur.
Only four animal figures of the scries viz a buffalo,
a deer, a lion and a tiger are extant, but the quality
of the art manifested in them is unsurpassed in
Assam” (2). This is also undoubtedly a pre-
Ahora piece of sculptured art. Mr. R. D. Banerji
(1). Annual Report of the Archaeological 8urvev 0 /
India, 1923-24, pp 8<»-81.
(2 . Annual Report of the Archaeological Survey of
India, 1923-24, pp 80-3i,
1 6 S A REVIEW OF CULTURAL CtC.
thinks that these carvings belong to the seventh or
the eighth century A. D. (i). The ruins existing in
or near Tezpur are much more extensive and varied
in character. The late Dr. Bloch conjectured that
the modern civil stations of Gauhati and Tezpur
stood upon large mounds “ which contain the re-
mains of two ancient cities.” In 1906, while founda-
tions were being dug for additions to the Deputy
Commissioner’s office in Tezpur, the excavators
came upon the remains of an ancient stone build-
ing. A large number of carved and sculptured
stones were discovered. 'Hie majority of thorn
were transferred to tbs compounds of the European
officers and the tca-plantcrs club for the purpose
of decoration. Some of them were subsequently
brought to the Cole Park and arranged there. The
late Mr. R. D. lianerji, Superintendent, Eastern
Circle, Archaeological Survey of India, wrote as
follows in the Annual Report for the year 1 9 24-
25 : “
“On examination of the remains in the
park at Tezpur ami thoic preserved in the Planters'
Association or Club at the same place I find that
the carvings belong to three different periods of
history and therefore mint hive belonged, at least,
to three separate buildings. The most remarkable
sculptures of the first group are two shafts of pillars
at the entrance to the Planters* Club and a heavy
lintel of a stone door-frame now lying in the public
park. The shaft of one of these pillars is sixteen-
sided, the upper end being ornamented with a
broad band having kirtimuika* at the top and the
(1). Annual Report A. S. I. for 1924-25 pp 100101.
••nr tullnr ••! <>npi:i
.1 ILimpi- i.u
i; mi ii
A REVIEW OP CULTURAL etc.
lower with dentils. Over this band the shaft is
round and appears to be lathe-turned like the
upper parts ot the Western Cbalukyan columns ol
the Bombay Presidency. In the second pillar the
upper part of the shaft is dodecagonal and near the
top is divided into three raised horizontal bands
two of which contain kirtimukhas and the third a
scries of diamond-shaped rosettes. Id style, both
of them belong to the same period and appear to
have come from one and the same building. The
lintel of the stone door-frame in the public park
also belongs to the same period and most probably
to the same building. It is divided into two
different parts. The upper part represents five
miniature temples with the phallic emblem of diva
in each of them. In the lower part we see a con-
tinuation of the ornamentation on the jambs, viz.,
two vertical bands containing meandering creepers
and two others consisting entirely of rosettes which
turn an angle and are continued on the soffit of the
lintel. In the centre of the lower part of the lintel
is a small niche containg a miniature image of
Ganc&i. It appears from the nature of the carvings
that the temple to which these three architectural
specimens belong was erected late in the tenth
century A. D. The length of the lintel is 6' 10*
and the breath l' 5$'.
“The second group of sculptures at Tezpur
consists of specimens from a massive temple on
the ruins of which the office of the Deputy Com-
missioner has been built. On each side of the
entrance of the Planter’s Club at Tezpur lie the
door-sill and the lintel of the principal entrance to
this enormous temple. The size of the lintel enables
170 A REVIEW OF CULTURAL etc.
ns to determine the size of the door-frame and con-
sequently of the principal entrance to the sanctum-
The enormous lintel is to' 3' in length and 1 8' in
breath. There are three raised panels on it, one
in the centre and one on each side an J each of them
is divided into a large niche in tho centre with a
smaller one on either side. The panel on the
left contains a standing figure of ltrahuifi in the
central niche with an attend int on c ich side. The
central panel is occupied by a figure of Surya with
two attendants while the panel 0.1 tlu extreme
right contains a standing figure of diva with an
attendant in each of the side niche*.. Tho spice
between these raised panels is divided into six
niches, three to the left of the central panel and three
to the right. They contain six divine figures which
cannot be identified. All tins nichos are separated
from each other by a round pilaster 2‘ in height,
the height of the lintel itself being 2' 7$'. Accord-
ing to the general practice in Hindu temples the
central niche or panel of the lintel of the stone
door-frame of the sanctum is generally occupieJ by
the presiding deity of the temple, it appears cer-
tain, therefore, that this gigantic temple was dedi-
cated to Surya or the Sun-god. Tho sill of this
door-frame is also of gigantic dimensions and shows
a vase in the centre flanked by two lions sat at ant.
Each end is occupied by a niche containing a male
and a female and flanked by a smaller and narrower
niche on a recessed corner, containing a single
human figure. It is a pity that the jambs of this
enormous door-frame have not been discovered as
yet. The large jamb in the public park appears to
belong to a much later period. It is impossible
Ruin* of llimpi
A REVIEW OF CULTURAL etC. 17!
therefore to deduce the height of the door-frame
correctly, but it is obvious from the length of the
lintel and the sill that the height of this door-frame
could not have been less than 15'. If the height
of the stone door-frame of the main entrance to the
sanctum was 15' then the height of the interior of
the chamber must have been 20' to 25', leaving us
to imagine the total height of the spire or sUhara
of the original temple, which must have been con-
siderably over too'. The majority of the carved
stones in the public park at Tezpur arc taken from
the plinth mouldings and string-courses of the
gigantic temple, the door-frames of which have been
described above. The string- sour ses were orna-
mented with kirlinutkJiat of various shapes and
sizes and sunken panels containing ornamental
rosettes and meandering creepers. Some of them
are evidently portions of enormous capitals which
were held together by metal clamps or dowels.
In the centre of some of these pieces there is a
projecting niche flanked bv round pilasters contain-
ing divine figures. In one of these niches we find
a fat female squatting on the ground, holding a
piece of cloth over her head, while a female stands
to her left with her hands clasped in adoration.
The second specimen of the same type contains the
figure of a goddess holding a lyre in her hands,
evidently Sarasvati, the goddess of learning. A
third specimen contains the well-known group of
Kamalatmika or Gnjnlakthmi, more commonly
known in Bengal and Assam as Kamale-Kamini in
which two elephanLs pour water over the head of
a goddes from vases held in their trunks. A fourth
specimen contains figures of Siva and Durga seated
I 72 A REVIEW OF CULTURAL CtC.
in the well-known conventional posture so common
in images of this particular type in northern India.
The outlines of the plinth mouldings show that the
mediaeval architects of Assam employed the same
motifs and figures as those in other provinces of
northern India. Some of these ornaments appear
in relief as diamond-shaped and circular rosettes,
set in between arabesque work ol a type known to
us from the temples of Orissa. Tl»e most remar-
kable specimen in the collection in the public park
at Tuzpur, however, is a slab taken from the upper
part of the plinth mouldings. It is divided into
a number of sunken j ancla by means of circular
pilasters, each containing a male or female, two
females or two males. Hegmning from the right
we find a man fighting with a lion, a male playing
on a flute and a female dancing bv his side, two
males playing on conch shells, a male playing on a
drum and a female dancing by his side, a female
playing on a lyre and another dancing to her right,
a male playing on a drum and another dancing to
his left. This slab apparently formed part of a series
of similar panels all round the lower edge of the walls
of the sanctum. Another slab bears on it a con-
ventional representation of the Chaitya-window
pattern, so common in the temples of Central India,
especially those in the Rewa State and at Khajuraho.
The interior of the sunken panels is entirely covered
with geometrical patterns with a half rosette in the
centre. The second group of sculptures at Toepur
belongs to a temple erected in the twelfth century
A. D. if not later. The size of the stones indicates
that the temple was very large in size and provided
with a very tall spire. There are two specimens
Geoml view of Bamuni llill lttiiu<. Ti7|Mir
A REVIEW OF CL"LT«*RAL CtC.
>73
in the public park at Tezpur which appear to be-
long to another temple of some later date. One of
these is a high door-jamb and the second a slab
bearing three sunken panels occupied by very crude
human or divine 6gurcs. The entire collection
contains only a single specimen carved in the round,
a lion, presumably on an elephant. Tlie conven-
tional representation of the lion shows that the
inhabitants o( the Assam valley were not very
familiar with the king of beasts."
As remarked by Mr. Banerji '• Assam is the
only province of India the history of the architec-
ture and sculpture of which is still practically un-
known." It is for this reason that we have made
a lengthy quotation from the report of a competent
authoriry on the subject. We are, however, in
doubt whether Mr. Banerji'* conjecture that the
ruins in Tezpur town represent only temples is
correct. The remains of the stone building dug up
in the Kutchery compound may be of the palace
of VanamSla which he erected in the ninth century.
Wc cannot, however, agree with Mr. Banerji that
any of the buildings mentioned by him was erected
in the twelfth century for, towards the end of the
tenth ccntujy, the capital Hfiruppcswara was, in all
probability, abandoned by Brahmapala. The build-
ings in Tezpur must therefore belong to the ninth cen-
tury. Further, the lofty temple the ruins of which
he has described in the quotation given above and
which, he conjectures was a sun-temple, may be
the Himalaya-like temple of Hataka Sulin which
VanamSla is said to have rcerectcd.
In his report for the year 1925-26 Mr. Banerji
gives a full description of the Bamuni Hill ruins to
*74
A REVIEW OP CULTURAL etc.
the east of Tezpur town. In his opinion the remains
belong to a group of seven shrines. He writes : —
"Six of these shrines are situated in a large
rectangular enclosure, namely, one in each of its
four corners and two large ones in the centre,
while the seventh stands to the cast. The
pavements inside the garbhaprihas of both of the
larger shrines in the middle ot the enclosure are
still intact. One of these central temples was
originally smaller in size than the other. The
larger temple faces the north and an antarala with
a circular sculptured door-step intervenes between
its sanctum and its mandapa, which must have
been gigantic in size. The shaft of a pillar seen
in the debris measures to' 8' in length and x' 8'
in diameter. I may also mention a cross-shaped
bracket which measures 4' 6’ x 4' 9' and a huge
lintel ornamented with hornod kirttimukhas which
measures 6' 8' in length and 1 ' 8' in breadth. An
image of Nataraja measuring 2' I' in height and
1 ' 6* in breadth, with one head and six hands was
discovered among the ruins. Another lintel
measures 12' 1' x 3' 6' x a’ 5'. The door-jambs
of the larger temple are lying on the top of the
ruins and measure 5' 4' in length and 2' 4' in
breadth. Each o! them is decorated with a raised
band on each side with a row of miniature temples
superimposed in the centre. The band on the
left jamb bears a meandering creeper pattern and
that on the right a row of rosettes alternately
square and round. There are three miniature
shrines in each horizontal row in the centre.
There is a large panel bordered by two round
A REVIEW OF CULTURAL etc.
175
pilasters with a trefoil arch on the top in the
centre and an exactly similar panel or recessed
corner on each side. The smaller panels contain
male or female attendant figurines. The central
panels contain the figures of the Man- lion,
Parasurama, BalaiBma, Boar and Ramachandra
incarnations of Vishnu. Many of the the facos of
the square brackets bear oblong panels with bas-
reliefs. One of them bears the figure of a male
and a female dancing side by side."
The ruins discovered at Parbatia, to the west
of Tezpur town, arc far more interesting. The
following is Mr. Banorji's description of these
ruins : -
“ Close to the modem civil station of Te/.pur
is the small village of Dah Parbatia which possesses
the unique distinction of having within its limits the
ruins of the oldest temple in Assam. The ruins
consist o! the remains of a brick-built temple of
fliva, of the Ahorn period, erected upon the ruins of
a stone temple of the later Gupta period, circa sixth
century A. D. The former collapsed, during the
earthquake of 1897, revealing the stone door-frame
of the older structure. At some subsequent date
the local villagers built a crude hut on the mound,
which had collapsed at the time of my visit. The
mound is nearly 20 above the surrounding ground
and is entirely covered with large rubber trees and
small undergrowth. The door-frame stands in front
of a large block of stone with a squire cavity in its
centre. Most probably the older linga was fixed
in this hole. The carving on the door-frame is
characteristic of the style of the early Gupta schools
of sculpture, of which so many examples have been
I76 A REVIEW OF CULTURAL etc.
discovered at various sites excavated bv Sir John
Marshall in northern India. The carving on the
jambs consists of high reliefs in the lower part and
four different vertical bands of carving in the upper.
In the lower part of each of the jambs is the figure
of a female deity whose divine nature is indicated
by the halo behind Iter head. Each of the goddesses
stands with a garland in Iter hinds in an elegant
posture and these two figures appear to represent
(ianyii and Yamun J, so common in door jambs oj
ancient Gupta and mediaeval temples. These two
larger figures are attended, in each of the jambs,
bv a number of smaller one*. At the bottom of
the jamb on the right are two female figure*, one
standing with a chnmnra and tlie other kneeling in
front, with a Hat receptacle containing flowers.
A third female figure is seen with a chtmara behind
or to the right of the m .in figure. To the left of the
halo we find a n tgi kneeling ami to the right two
geese flying towards the main figure. The lower
part of the jamb on the left is not so well preserved as
that on the right. Here we find 1 female standing
with an indistinct object to the left and another to
the right or in front of the main figure, the lower
part of which is damaged. On this jamb also is
the figure of a hwj< 1 kneeling to the right of the
halo of the main figure and two geese Hying to the
left of it. The upper part of each of these jambs
is separated into four long narrow vertical bands
two of which are continued on the lintel. The first
of these begins from the bead of the nag a or of the
nagi and consists of a meandering creeper with
extrcmclv beautiful ornamental foliage in the inter-
spaces and the second of a straight vertical stem
£tlUirp*il ri*u ot (fau^u itj dwi n unit
A REVIEW’ OF CULTURAL etc.
177
from which issue a number of lotus leaves and other
conventional flowers. Two dwarfish figures are
observed at the bottom holding on to the stem.
The third band is nude up of four super-imposed
panels containing human figures standing on oblong
bosses bearing ornamental foliage on their surfaces-
At the top, each of these bands ends in a vase with
ornamental foliage hanging from its corner. A
pilaster, square in section, rises from the vase and
ends in a cruciform capital, with a sprawling gana
on each of its amis. The fourth band consists of
a vertical row of ornamental rosettes. As in the
case of the Gupta temples at Bhumra in the Nagod
State, Nnchna-Kuth.it a in the Ajaigadh State and
at Dcogarh in the Jbansi district, the lintel is larger
in size than the door-frame, extending a little on
each side of the jambs. Two of the inner bands
of carving on the jambs arc continued as horizontal
bands at the bottom of the lintel and exhibit in the
centre in high relief a beautiful living male figure
holding a garland in its hands. Above these two
ornamental bands is another band in higher relief
containing a number of Chaitva-windows so common
in the Gupta temples at Bhumra and Deogarh.
In this case there are five Chaitva-windows in all,
arranged in a row- on the surface of the lintel
Three of these windows arc large while two are.
comparatively smaller in size. The one on the
extreme right contains the figure of a male seated on
a throne, with four hands, two of which are broken.
One of the left hands holds a a'amaru, the peculiar
small drum ofSiva while the space below the throne
shows the waves of the sea. The. window between
this one and the central one contains a horse-headed
I78 A REVIEW OF CULTURAL CtC.
male figure, with two hands, kneeling. The central
Chaitya- window is the largest of all and has a «i-
pama, the mythical deity half man and half bird,
on either side. The Chaitya- window itself is
occupied by a figure of Siva, in the form of I/xbi-
lisa, seated with a rope tied round his leg. A
female is holding a cup to his left while another
stands to the right. The window between the
central one and that on the extreme left contains
the figure of a man seated and playing on a flute
while over his head is seen the hood of a snake.
That on the extreme left contains in its medallion
a beautiful image of Surya seated cross-lcggcd
holding lotus flowers in both of his hands. The
attendant to the left holds a pen and an ink-pot
while that on the right holds a staff of the orthodox
description. The door jambs are 5' 3' in height
and t' 4' in breadth while the lintel measures 3' 9'
in length and l' 3* in breadth. The artist's sense of
proportion, the beautiful symmetry of the figures
and ornamental devices and the excellence of execu-
tion tend to prove that this door lintel belongs to
the same period as the great schools of sculpture
which existed at Pataliputra and Benares in the
fifth and sixth centuries A. D."
The temple at Parbatia is therefore not only
the oldest but the finest piece of architectural
work in Kamarupa. This temple must have
been built by a predecessor of Bhlskaravarman
in the fifth or the sixth century A.D. During the
clearance of the ruins of this temple a number of
terracotta plaques, showing a seated human figure
in each, were discovered. According to Mr. Banerji
the moulding of the torso ard tl>e general technique
Knlurgrtl «»r Jmu
III tl'M»t-fi;tni«
A REVIEW OF CULTURAL CtC. I79
proves beyond doubt that these plaques cannot be
later in date than the sixth century A. D. Two of
these plaques reveal the existence of a modified
form of the acanthus motif in Assam in this early
age. This device has been noticed in some of the
Gupta temples of other parts of northern India
notablv at Bhumra and Kachna Kuthara. Another
striking feature of this piece of work is the pose of
the figures of GangS and JamunS which seems to
be characteristically Greek while in their anato-
mical correctness the»<- figures resemble Hellenic
art more than anything else.
Relics of ancient architecture and sculpture are
not confined to Gauhati and Tezpur. They arc to
be found in many other places. Two images were
discovered on the Gobghat - Dima pur road One
of them is an image of Vishnu which is now pre-
served in the museum of the Kamarupa Anusan-
dhan Samiti. With tegard to this image Mr. K.
N. Dikshit writes : —
“It is a very fine example of the ninth century
art of Assam and is inscribed in characters similar
to those of the Harjara inscription from Tezpur.
The right hands and the feet of the image have
broken off, and the halo behind the head is lost.
The left upper hand holds the conch and the left
lower the gada. Vishnu has all the usual orna-
ments, the kaustubfa and srivatta symbols, the
sacred thread and the long cable-like garland reach-
ing to the knees (» -anamdla). The expression of
the face and the treatment of the lower lip and the
crown are characteristic of the late Gupta sculpture.
The inscription is engraved on the right side of the
image and consists of four lines in verv rorrunt
180 A REVIEW OF CULTURAL etc.
Sanskrit verse" (i).
Ruins of pre-Ahom edifices have been found in
Bishnath and also in Ncgriling. In the last named
place the Ahom temple was actually built on the
mound containing the ancient stone-built temple.
Both in Umanar.da and Aswakranta in Gauhati the
Ahom temples were built with stones and carved
images belonging to more ancient temples. The
Ananta-Snyi Vishnu of Aswakranta is a piece of
of sculpture of very high merit. It belongs proba-
bly to the tenth or the eleventh century. Another
very fine piece of sculpture, now deposited in the
museum of the Kama ru pa : Amis::wlhnn Samiti, is
an image of Vishnu of il»c Yoyastrximi variety
sculptured on black schist. The image exhibits
the Dhyd> a mudr < f and is surrounded bv Awrana
derates such as Durga, Ganc6a and KBrtikeya
with the winged'Garudu below it. With regard
to this image Mr. K. N. Dikshit writes to us
that "the presence of GancSa and Mahithamardini
on the right leads to the inference that the idea
was to depict Vishnu in the centre of the five gods
(Pavchaderata). The deities on the left one should
have expected to be Siva and Stirva, but actually
they are different. The upper ■ figure is apparently
in the attitude of Hanuman or some attendant of
Vishnu while the lower one resembles an ascetic
seated cross-legged. It is likely that the figure
represents the donor as a devotee." There is a
collection ol stone images and other architectural
fragments preserved at ibe entrance of the Sub-
(l) Annual Report of tbe Archaeological Survey of
India, 1923-24 p t*2.
Hrokrn Irrm rotta pU|U.- louml in 1‘iiikMlih
i/i.v •' *»- *'
A REVIEW OF CULTURAL etc. 1 8 I
divisional officer’s residence in Sibsagar. These
are believed to be the remains of a Vishnu temple,
in the neighbourhood, dating approximately from
the tenth to the eleventh century A. D. Accord-
ing to Mr. Dikshit the sculptures follow in the
main the artistic traditions of the school repre-
sented by the Tezpur and R.muni Hill temples of
Central Assam, which are assigned to the ninth and
tenth centuries '. Very probably the ancient tem-
ple near Sibsagar was constructed by the Kftma-
rupa kings of the tenth or the eleventh century and
it is thus evident that even till the eleventh century
the Kamarupa kings exercised their rule as far as
the easternmost corner of the Assam valley. Mr.
Dikshit also remarks th it “the affinities of Assamese
art would seem to lie more with the schools of
Bihar and Orissa than with the contemporary I’fila
art of Bengal. This is not unnatural as of the
streams of influence that have moulded the culture
of Assam, the strongest current has always been
from North Bihar and Mid-India' (i). The cul-
tural affinities between Mithila and Kamarupa have
already been alluded to by us.
Another instance of the architectural and engi-
neering skill of the people of KSmarupa in ancient
times was the construction ol stone bridges over
rivers. There is still a small stone bridge in the
western part of North Gauhati which is called SU-
sdko. The other Sil-adko (stone bridge) was over
a channel of the Bamadi and it was this bridge
over which Mahammad-l-Bukhuyar and his Turkish
(1) AnDnal Report of the Archaeological Survey of
India, 1927*28 pp. 112-1-3.
1 8 2 A REVIEW OF CULTURAL CtC.
cavalry passed in the year 1206 A. D. A descrip-
tion ot the bridge, which was destroyed by the
great earthquake of 1897, will be given in a sub-
sequent chapter.
It appears that this bridge was constructed
without lime and inortur and such construction
was no doubt necessitated by the hcaw rainfall in
the country and the luxuriant vegetation which
attacks all niasonrv structures in which mortar is
used. Hannav, who in 1851 saw and measured the
bridge, wrote as follows
“From the great care taken in tlw chiselling,
squaring and fitting up ol the component parts of
iIr- whole, well a' the gieat site and weight, the
work is one of great strength and solidity. And
this accounts for the good state of preservation in
which we find it in the present day; lor with the
exception of the masonry of the abutment at each
end, in which large trees hive taken root and dis-
placed the stones, the rest of the structure may be
said to be entire. From a fracture in one of the
pillars I ob<>er\ed that the upper blocks were kept
in their places b\ means ot iron pins firmly wedged
into the lower one^ ; four apparently through the
centre and ore on each side of the square of the shaft,
and although not visible, '.other portions of :1 k- work
may be iron-clamped ; the slabs of the platform
were marked with clamping boles and on the edge
of the outside slabs arc three square holes (3 inches
square) which were no doubt intended for the
wooden suppoits of n balustrade. Several frieze-
carved blocks art- rlso King near the end abutment
from which I imagine the entrance of each may
have been ornamented or these may have been
1^4 A REVIEW OP CULTURAL etc.
utilized by architects of more recent times in recon-
structing temples demolished either by the Muham-
madan invaders or by earthquakes. Old bricks also
have been similarly utilized. Such old bricks and
also pottery, belonging to a period much earlier
than the advent of tire Koch and the A horn rulers,
can also be met with here and there. The collec-
tion of pottery m the museum of tlic Kftmarupa
Anusandhan Samiti, recovered from excavations in
Gauhati town, includes certain specimens which
exhibit the ceramic art of a bygone age - may be
a very old age, possibly pre-Aryan - but here also
lies a field of study entirely unexplored. Remains
of military fortification* like (ra/Aa and of works of
public utility such as embanked roads and tanks,
belonging to tl» • prc-Ahom period, arc still in exis-
tence. The large rectangular tank in Gauhati,
known as the I)igholi tank, is dearly of prc-Ahom
origin for the Ahonis, who constructed numerous
tanks in the Sibsagar district, had a much more
scientific system of constructing large reservoirs of
drinking water. The Digholi tank in Gauhati is
believed to date back to the time of Bhngadatta
for, it is said, the tournament of archery, arranged
in connection with the marriage o! Bhagadalta's
daughter BbSnumati, was held on a platform erec-
ted over this tank. It is said that a fish was tied
aloft at the end of a long pole and the great archer
Kama looking at the image on the water aimed
overhead and pierced the eye of the fish with his
arrow. He thus won the tournament and obtained
the hand of BbSnumati but, at his request, she was
married to Duryodbaua, the eldest of the Kauravas.
It is on account of tiiis relationship that Bhagadatta
A REVIEW OF CULTURAL etC. 1 85
sided with Duryodhana in the Mahabharata war.
The Hajarapukhri in Tezpur is a large tank exca-
vated by Harjaravarman in the'ninth century.
Masonry buildings, roads and fortifications con-
structed by the kings of KSmarupa were not con-
fined to modern Assam. They existed also in that
part of modern Bengal which was included in the
old kingdom of K4marupa. One can find in the
accounts of Buchanan Hamilton and Glazier and
also in the contributions to the Journal of the Asiatic
Society of Bengal, in the last century, many re-
ferences to cities, temples, roads and fortifications
erected by these kings long before the rise of Viswa
Singha the first Koch king. In his notes on the
Rongpur district, Mr. Grierson, in 1876-77, men-
tioned the existence, till that date, of a vast dyke or
an embanked road or Garh extending right across
the district from east to west which in his opinion
was built to resist Muhammadan invasions (1).
We get no mention of such a fortification having
been constructed in the Rangpur district by the
Koch rajas. This garh must have therefore been
built by the kings of Klmarupa probably after
Bukhtiyar’s invasion.
We have already alluded to the development
of arts and industries during the time ol BhRskara-
varman, the extensive use of iron in making weapons
of war and armours for men and even elephants
and the building of large war-boats which con-
stituted an important arm during the attack on
Karnasuvarna both by land and water. Even till
the time of the Koch and the Ahom rulers the
(1) J.A.3.B.(1877)p. 166.
lS6 A REVIEW OF CULTURAL etC.
soldiers of Assam were proficient in naval warfare
and, on many occasions, defeats sustained in naval
engagements compelled the Muslim invaders to
retreat. Harjaravarman’s rock-inscription, in the
early part of the ninth century, shows that the
boats maintained by the king were numerous uml,
even in so wide a river as the Brahmaputra, regu-
lation of boat traffic was found to be necessary in
order to prevent collisions between the royal barges
and the boats of (fishermen. Vanamftla's inscrip-
tion states that the royal boats were beautifully
carved, painted and decorated and also fitted with
musical instruments. Iron was plentiful as in the
adjacent hills iron-ore could be hid in abundance
and iron-smelting by a crudo process was known.
Till very recent times the Khasis of Assam used to
smelt iron from ore after this process. Of the more
precious metals, gold and copper could be obtained
within the kingdom itself. From time immemorial,
till very recent times, gold- washing had been prac-
tised in the rivers of Assam. The Subansiri (Su-
varna-sri) derives its name from the gold that it
carries. Even the water of the Lauhitya (Brahma-
putra) was known to contain gold for we find a
clear mention of it in the inscription of Vanamlla
wherein it is stated that the river carried the gold-
dust caused by the friction of huge gold-bearing
boulders of the Kailasa mountain. The Muhamma-
dan historians tell us that the temple, where
Mahammad-i-Bukhtiyar and the remnanti of his
forces took refuge, being surrounded by the Kama-
rupa troops, contained a huge image of solid gold
weighing, according to the Riyaz, one thousand
A REVIEW OF CULTURAL eiC. 1 87
maunds (1). Javapala, the last king of the dynasty
of Brahmapala, offered, according to the Silimpur
inscription deciphered by Mr. Basak, to make a
gift of gold equal to his own weight to a learned
Brahman over and above goo gold coins. It is
evident therefore that gold was, by no means, a rare
metal in the kingdom in the old days. Incidentally,
the reference in the Silimpur inscription proves
that the KSmarupa king-, used to mint gold coins
though unfortunately no such coins have yet been
discovered and though wc have found coins minted
by the Koch and the Ahum kiugs of the subsequent
period. The inscription oi Rjin.tpiila mentions
the existence of a copper-mine within the kingdom
which the king worked with profit. Evidently
copper was used (or coinage also. Harjaravar man's
ordinance, inscribed on the rock, prescribed a
penalty of 100 cowries for infringement of the
regulations. This shows that the cowri was a legal
tender but it does not mean that metal coins were
not then in circulation. In the vicinity of Sadiya
existed a temple having a roof made of copper-
sheets and this temple was dedicated to the goddess
Durga called Tdmencari nidi. This temple was
erected by the pre-Ahom Chutia kings.
Rice was then, as now, the staple crop. The
extent of the lands, granted by the various inscrip-
tions, was stated in terms of the yield of paddy.
Yuan Chwang noticed that cocoa-nut and jack
trees were numerous. As a matter of fact cocoanut
thrives within the present districts ofGoalpara and
( 1 J Kiraz-us-Sa’.atin. Abdns Samad’s translation.
1 88 A REVIEW or CULTURAL CtC.
Kamrup. As regards the cultivation of arcca nut
and betel leaf in Kimarupa, we find a mention not
only in tbe Nowgong inscription of Balavarman III
but also in tbe Apbshad inscription of Adityasena
( circa 67a A. D.) wherein tbe betel-plants being
in full bloom on the banks of tbeLaubitya is stated.
The Nowgong inscription describes tho areca-nut
trees within Prlgjyotisbpur being wrapped by the
betel-creepers (pin), a system of growing pan
which persists till today. Pragjyotishpur was,
even in the ancient times, noted for its betel-nut
grovos which subsequently gave the name Gul-h*ti
(Gauhati) to this town. The presents sent by
Bblslcaravarman to flri Harsha, about 606 A. D.
included sugar in the form of liquid molasses in
earthern pots. This indicates that sugarcane was
cultivated even in tbe most ancient times. The
other more important products o! tbe kingdom as
stated by Yuan Cbwang, and also mentioned in
some of tbe inscriptions, were Aguru or Igar-
essence, musk, silk-fabrics and elephants.
There is evidence to show thatifrom the earliest
times tbe people of Kimarupa traded with the
people of other parts of India. This trade was
carried on by a class of people called Sadi jars and
the main trade routes were the river Brahmaputra
and the various navigable tributaries feeding it. It
appears that tbe Sadagars of Kimarupa carried their
merchandise in large boats down the Brahmaputra
and reached the sea after skirting round the Garo
Hills. They crossed this sea and traded in sea-
ports like Tlmralipti. The bardic tales relating
to Behula mention that CKand Saddgar, whose
mer-ghor in Chaygaon, built of stones, existed
A REVIEW OF CULTURAL etc.
189
till recent times, used to trade in sea-going boats.
It appears that the Kalitas of Assam were then the
Sadayars and the gold coins or rather pieces with
which they used to buy goods were known as
Kalrit. The name of this coin is mentioned in
the 11 Peri plus of the Erythrian sea" a Greek
account of the first century A. D. wherein it is
supposed that a gold-mine existed then in this part
of India. As a matter of fact, the gold was obtained
by washing in the Brahmaputra, Subansiri and other
rivers.
In one of the aphorisms of Dik, who is placed
about the eighth century A. D, mention is made of
the profitable trade with the people of Lanki.
Probably this Lanki is not to be identified with
Ceylon but with the country on the Burma coast
which Yuan Chwang turned Klmalanki and which,
according to him, lay to the south-east of Snmatata
on a bay of the sea. Perhaps traders from Cbampl,
Kimarupa and Vanga visited this coast for purposes
of trade.
CHAPTER VIII
The later kamarupa hi nos.
The Kamauli grant of Vaidya Deva deciphered
by Venis, which on palaeographical evidence has
been placed about 114a A. D, records that Vaidya
Deva was the favourite minister of Kumlrapila
king of Gauda, that Vaidyadeva’s father Bodbideva
was the minister of Ramapila and that Vaidyadeva
was not only a capable minister but also an efficient
general for it is stated that in southern Bengal ho
won a naval battle over a certain enemy. It is
also recorded that “in the direction of the east’ ,
the “respected King" Tingyadeva having rebelled
the lord of Gauda (KumSrapala) appointed the
illustrious Vaidyadeva as the king of that country
( 1). The powerful Vaidyadeva, obeying the order
of his master, after a few days hurried marches,
defeated Tingyadeva in battle and became himself
king." It is stated that the battle was fierce, the
number of killed was large and that the enemy
vol. II p 34?
THE LATER KAMARLTA KINGS. I$l
king was slain. The inscription then narrates the
various qualities of Vaidyadeva and states that be
was a devout worshipper of Vishnu. By this grant,
recorded on the Vishuva sanirOnti of Choitra,
in the fourth year of his reign, Vaidyadeva donated
to a Brahman named Sridhara, lands included in
the bbuk/i of Prigjyotisha, Mandala of Klmarupa,
vis hay a of Bada and villages fJanti Bada and
MandBra. The grant was issued from the victo-
rious camp of Hangsakonchi and Vaidyadeva is
described as “ Mahlxljadhirija Parameswara Para-
mabhattlraka " (i). It seems that Tingyadeva,
who was a vassal of the Pftla rulers, finding the
Plla King engaged in warfare with an invader in
■outbern Bengal, rebelled and therefore Vaidyadeva
had to be despatched in haste to subdue the rebel
king. Tingyadeva put up a desperate fight but
having been defeated and slain in battle Vaidyadeva
became himself the king. It appears that, soon
after, he threw off the allegiance to the PKla ruler
and became independant.
Pandit Padmanath Bhattacharya Vidyayinod
thinks that RAmapIla could not conquer the whole
of KSmarupa but wrested from the Kamarupa
king a largo slice of territory towards the south-
west, over which be installed a vassal-king who
was designated as nripati. This ruler was Tingva-
deva who, having rebelled after the death ot RKma-
pKla, was crushed by Vaidyadeva, the minister and
general of RSmapSla’s son K urn Sr a Pfila. Vaidya-
deva therefore, by the Kamauli grant, donated
(i; Epigraphia Indica voL II p. 347.
THE LATER KAMARUPA KINGS.
lands within this slice of territory the eastern
boundary of which was probably a large river
(i). Pandit Vidyavinod strengthens his theory by
pointing out that, in the Kamauli inscription, Ting-
yadeva is not mentioned as the ruler of K&marupa
or Prlgjyotisha but he is described as the “ruler
in the direction of the east There is no doubt
some force in the contention of Pandit Vidyavinod
whose researches into the history of ancient K5ma-
rupa are so well-known and whose theories are not
to be lightly set aside. In this matter, however,
tho Pandit has evidently fallen into an error. He
says that the slice of territory ceded to Rlmapftla
was sufficiently large, for its ruler was called
nripati or nartsicarn. If this was a fact then nearly
the whole of the tract which subsequently got the
name of Kfimata, including Rangpur, part of Bogra
and Cooch-Behar, to the cast of KaratoyE, had to
be ceded. On the other hand, the Pandit locates
Kfimarupanagar, the capital mentioned in Dharma-
pala’s second inscription, near KaratoyE and places
the conquest of KSmarupa by RimapSla about
IC95 A. D. which is also the approximate date of
DharmapSla’s first inscription ( 2 ). Now if about
the date of his first inscription Dharmapiila was
dispossessed of the western part of his kingdom,
which contained his capital, bow is it that his second
grant, recorded towards the end of his long reig^
was issued from the same capital ? As we have
already stated, Pandit Vidyavinod seems to have
antedated REmapala's invasion of Kamarupa by
K amarupa Sasacavali page 40.
Ibid P 41, footnote (4).
THE LATER KAMARUPA KINGS.
193
nearly twenty five years. We do not think that
any part of Kamarupa was conquered by any one
during Dharmapala’s reign. It was probably during
the reign of his successor Jayapala that Ramap&la
conquered K&marupa. Vidyavinod’s theory that
DharmapSla and Jayaplla were ruling in the
eastern part of Kimarupa simultaneously with
Tingyadeva and Vaidyadeva, who ruled over the
ceded western part of the kingdom, is perhaps in*
correct. We find no mention of such an intervening
kingdom, between Gauda and Kimarupa, in the
beginning of the next century when Bukhtiyar'a
invasion took place. At that time the kingdom,
to the east of Gauda, was "Kamrud” and tho ruler
of this kingdom was the " Rae of Kamrud " This
kingdom then bad the river Karatoyt as its boun-
dary.**
The lands donated by Vaidyadeva were within
Kimarupa mandala and Prlgjyotisha bhukti. It
** Both Galt and Vidyavlnod appear to have over-
looked the fact that till the middle of the thirteenth
century when Minh^l wrote hie account, the Tabaquat i-
Katiri, KamatA or KamatApur was unknown and the
name 01 the kingdom waa Kamrud, its capital ‘‘Kamarupa-
nagar” being called the “City of Kamrud”. Later
Mualim historians, liko the author of the Jiiyaz, only
make mention of “ Eamru-Kamata ” as if both were
synonymous terms because the seat of government waa
then at KamatApur and KamatA became the name of the
whole of the weatern portion of the old kingdom of
Kamarupa. KamatApur could not possibly have been
the capital of DbarmapAla in the beginning of the twelfth
century or nearly 160 years before the TabaqwU-i-Natiri
was written. “ Kangnr ”, as mentioned in the Dharma-
manga), may have been an abreviation “ Kamatapur "
but it could not have been the a ame as u Kamarupa-
nagar
THE LATER KAMARUPA KINGS.
seems that when RimapSla conquered and annexed
the whole of Prlgjyotisha that kingdom became a
bkukti within Gauda. The mandala of Kimarupa,
within the Prigjyotisha bhukti, probably referred to
the area which now constitutes the present district
ofKamrup. Vaidyadeva’s victorious camp, Hangsa-
konchi, from which be issued his grant, appears
to have been within the modern district of Kamrup.
The suffix Konchi, Kunchi or Kuchi occurs in the
names of numerous villages in this district, e.g.
Sualkuchi, Kamarkuchi, Ranakuchi, Patacharkuchi,
Vyahkuchi, Kahikuchi, Majkuchi, Dongarkuchi
etc. Such names are rare even in the contiguous
districts of Goalpara, Darrang and Nowgong.
Evidently Hangsakonchi is the Sanskritizcd form
of H&hkuchi. Kuchi means a bundle. A bundle
or collection of dwelling bouses is a village or
Kuchi. There is hardly any doubt that Hlhkuchi
was a village in modern Kamrup and therefore
Vaidyadeva had his camp or headquarters within
that district. The lands granted could not there-
fore have been anywhere in modern Bengal as
supposed by Vidyavrinod. We are therefore forced
to the conclusion that Vaidyadeva was the king of
the whole of Kamarupa though probably the eastern
districts of the Assam Valley were then outside
KSmarupa. Tingyadeva, who was probably not a
scion of the Pala line but a local feudatory chief ol
repute, was established in Kttmarupa as a vassal
ruler and he, no doubt, had his capital at North
Gaubati or Kimarupanagar founded by Dbarmapala.
Vaidyadeva had evidently his headquarters at
Hshkucbi for some time. There are even now
remains of a fort in northern Kamrup known as
THE LATER KAMARUPA KINGS. 1 95
Vaidyar Garh (fort of Vaidyaj. Local tradition
no doubt ascribes that fort to Arimatta who, as wo
shall show later, was probably a king of KamatB
ruling two centuries later. It is quite possible
that this fort was originally built by Vaidvadeva
and therefore it was named Vaidyar Garh. Subse-
quently Arimatta, while fighting with Fingua Koar,
of the line of DurlabhnlrByan, repaired or rebuilt
this fort and occupied it.
Tingyadcva did not probably rule, as a vassal-
ruler, for more than five or six years at the longest.
He rebelled as soon as KunuLra Plla ascended tho
throne. We can tbereforo suppose that he was
overthrown by Vaidvadeva about 1x31 A. D. and
tint Vaidyadova’s Kamauli grant was issued about
1 1 35 A. D. According to R. D. Bancrji, Kuraira
Pftla had a very short reign, not exceeding two
years and his immediate successor Gopala III was
also assassinated after a brief reign (1). Vaidya-
deva therefore found it very convenient to throw
off the yoke of the Pila rulers four years after the
overthrow of Tingyadcva. R. D. Banerji thinks
that Vaidvadeva asserted his independence after
tho death of Gopala III (2).
During the reign of MadanapSla, who succeeded
Gopala III, the Sena king Vijayascna conquered
practically the whole of Gauda and became the
immediate neighbour of the Kfiraarupa king. This
conquest is mentioned in the D copara inscription
of Vijayasena wherein a reference is made to tbe
king of Kamarupa (Gaudendra madrabat apUkrita
(1) Bangalar It ih aa h vol. 1. p. 285.
[ 2 ) Ibid p. 284.
I96 THE LATER KAMARUPA KWGS.
Kamarupa bhupam). This has been taken by
some scholars to mean that Vijayasena conquered
KSmarupa. Pandit Vidyavinod, however, surmises
that the word ap&knta indicates that the Kfima-
rupa king having encroached within the limits of
Gauda Vijayasena drove him out ( 1). Mr. C. V.
Vaidya interprets the stanza to mean that Vijayasena
actually subdued the king of Gauda who had trou-
bled the king of Klmarupa (2). Mr. Vaidya’s
interpretation may be correct. In any case, it was
not perhaps anything more than a skirmish on the
frontier. About this time, towards the middle of the
twelfth century, perhaps Vaidya deva was ruling
in KEmarupa. He probably ruled till 1250 A. D.
R. D. Banerji, however, states'that Vijayasena died
about the beginning of the twelfth century and was
succoedod by bis son VallKlaseoa ^3). On the
other band, in the Gauda R&jatnOla, the reign of
Vallilasena is shown as 1 159-1 169 A. D. This
seems to be more correct because Vallllasena's
son Lakshman Sena, the Rae Laksbmania of the
T a baqital- i- Sat iri t was an aged king when Maham-
mad-i-Bukhtiyar invaded Bengal in 1202 A. D.
R. D. Banerji seems to have antedated the death
of Vijayasena by fifty years. Vaidyadcva was
therefore very probably a contemporary of Vijaya-
sena.
From his Madbainagar inscription it appears
that Lakshman Sena invaded Kamarupa and dc-
(1) Kamarupa Sasanavali p- 42 , foot note.
(2) History of Mediaeval India, p. 240 .
( 3 ) Bang alar Itiimsh roL 1 p. 291 .
THE LATER KAMARUPA KINGS. I97
feated its king (1). This must have taken place
about the end of the third quarter of the twelfth
century when a successor of Vaidyadeva was pro-
bably ruling. Wo do not know who succeeded
Vaidyadeva but we know that, towards the close
of the twelfth or the beginning of the thirteenth
century, there ruled in Klmarupa a virile king who
is not named but simply called " Rae of Kamrud "
in the account of Minhaj. This Rija of Klmarupa,
who evidently had a long reign, caused the destruc -
tion of the entire army ol Mahammad Ibo Bukhtiyar
in the year 1206 A. D. Before we take up that
narrative in the next chapter we should mention
that, some 45 years ago, a copper-plate inscription
was discovered in Tezpur and it is known as the
Assam plate of Vallabhadeva. It was edited and
published by Keilbom. This inscription relates to
a grant of land made by a ruler named Vallabha-
deva in the year Salta 1107 corresponding to 1185
A. D. It is not stated over what kingdom Valla-
bhadeva ruled but the genealogy mentioned therein
is shown below : —
Bhiskara
I
Rlyan Deva
1
Udaya Kama
I
Valla bha Devi (1185 A. D.)
Evidently these Kings could not have been
rulers of Klmarupa for the simple reason that
( 4 ) J. A. 8, B. vol Y,
198 THE LATER KAMARUPA KINGS.
there is no room for them between Vaidyadcva and
1185 A. D., the date of Vallabha Deva's inscrip-
tion. Our impression is that they were, like Tingya
Deva, feudatory chiefs perhaps under the later
KSmarupa Kings. This supposition is streng-
thened by the fact that of the seven villages granted
by the inscription two bear Kimarupa names.
They arc Devuni-Konchi and Sangsrahi-Konchika.
Further, according to Kielborn, the characters of the
inscription belong to a variety of the northern
alphabet used about the twelfth century in the
most eastern parts of northern India. There is
mention in the inscription of Ka)firi Deva being a
valiant fighter. It is stated that “at tire gorgeous
festival of battle which was fearful on account of
the presence of the lordly elephants of Vanga he
made the enemy abandon the practice of arms
It is quite possible that RKy&ri Deva fought on the
sido of the Kamarupa king during the hostilities
on tire frontier with Vyayascna, the Sena king of
Vanga. As we shall see later, one Purusottam, a
feudatory chief under the Kamati king, in tho early
part of the fourteenth century, similarly granted
lands to Brahmans by a copper-plate inscription.
If Vallabha Deva and Iris ancestors had been kings
of KBmarupa that fact would have been prominently
set forth in the inscription.
Vaidya Deva must have been followed by two
other kings after whom came Pritbu who was pro-
bably the king ruling when Mahammad-i-Bukhtiyar
invaded Kamarupa. We find his name indirectly
from the Muslim historians as well as from the
account of Buchanan Hamilton. Minhaj, the author
of the T aba ka l-i-Aasiri, refers to him as Bartu
THE LATER KAMARUPA RINGS.
*99
(Britu) and Sir Wolsely Haig, in the Cambridge
History of India voL III, supposes that he was no
other than the king of Kamarupa who repulsed not
only Bukhtiyar in 1206 A. D. but also Hisam-ud-
din Iwaj (Sultan Ghiyas-ud-din) in 1227 and was
ultimately oveT-thrown by Nasir-ud-din, the son
of Iltumish in 1228 A. D. As we shall show in
the next chapter, Prithu was undoubtedly a king
of Kamarupa and very probably be was a descendant
of Vaidya Dcva. After he was defeated and
slain probably Nasir-ud-din set up his son or any
one else on the throne and exacted a promise from
him to pay tribute. The hold of the Muhamma-
dans on Bengal, at that time, was not very secure
and so it was not possible for Nasir-ud-din to annex
the kingdom of Kimarupa and administer it direct-
ly. After Prithu, probably two of his successors
ruled at North-Gauhati before the capital was
removed to Kamatipur. When Malik Yurbeg,
otherwise known as Sultan Mughis-ud-din, invaded
K&marupa and advanced as far as Gauhati in 1254-
55 the king of Kamarupa was perhaps Sandhyff
who is mentioned in the Guru Charitra by
Ramcharan Thakur. It was this king who defeated
Sultan Mughis-ud-din and destroyed his army.
Soon after, be removed the capital to Kamatipur
in the neighbourhood of which his predecessor
Prithu had already erected extensive fortifications.
The following is the approximate chronology
200 THE LATER
KAMARUPA KINGS.
of tbe KSmarupa kings after the extinction of the
Pila dynasty:-
Name of king.
Probable extent of reign.
Tingya Deva
Vaidya Deva
• •
1125-1131 A. D.
... 1131-1150 „
• • •
Prithn ...
• •
... 1200-1228 „
• • •
Sandhyl...
... 1250
CHAPTER IX
THE MUHAMMADAN INVASIONS.
The closing years of the twelfth century pre-
sented a turning point in the history of northern
and eastern India. The Muhammadans who had
gained the Punjab attempted to conquer the whole
of northern India. The most important and power-
ful Hindu kingdoms of northern India at this time
were Delhi and A j mere of tbe Chauhan Rajputs
under Prithvi Raj, the Chllukya kingdom of Guzerat
ruled over by Bhim, the Chandcla kingdom of
Bundelkhand the ruler of which was Pararaardi-
deva and the Gihadvftla kingdom of Kanauj under
JaychSnd. Let it be said to the credit of Muham-
mad Bin Sam, their leader and of the rank and file
of his troops, that their dash and perseverance
made them masters of practically the whole of
northern India within tbe short period of ten years
beginning from 1190 A. D. In 1186 it was the
Hindu king of Jhammu who invited Muhammad to
202
THE MUHAMMAD AH INVASIONS.
make his second invasion of the Punjab (i). After
settling himself in the Punjab Muhammad, instead
of making only plundering raids, like Mahmud of
Ghazni, resolved upon tbe regular conquest of
India. His first blow was to fall upon Prithvi Rftj
or Rai Pithaura, as tbe Muslim historians called him.
Muhammad captured Bhatinda and placed Quazi
Ziauddiu in command of it. Hearing that Prithvi
Raj was advancing to meet him he turned to meet
tile Hindu king. The two armies met on tho field
ofT&rouri or Tirouri in the winter of 1190-91.
The Muslims were over-powcrcd and both their
wings were driven from tbe field. In sheer des-
peration Muhammad led a furious cavalry charge
against the Hindu centre and personally encoun-
tered the Raja's brother, Govinda Rai. Muhammad
shattered his teeth with bis spear but Govinda Rai
drove his lance through Muhammad's arm (2).
A young Turk thon leapt upon Muhammad’s horse
and, sitting behind him, prevented him from falling.
The Muslim army then fled and Muhammad re-
turned to Ghazni discomfitted. Prithvi Rsj then
advanced upon Bhatinda and recovered the place
though Ziauddin held out for a long time (3). It
took little more than a year for Muhammad to
organize and equip a fresh army to enable him to
avenge his defeat. This was ample time during
which tbe Hindu Rajas of northern India could
have formed a confederacy in order to resist the
common enemy but each Raja was envious of the
(1) Cambridge History of India, vol. Ill p. 39.
(2; Ibid p 40.
(3) Ibid p 40.
THE MUHAMMADAN INVASIONS. 20$
other and instead of coming to the assistance of
Prithvi Rsj the other Rajas preferred to watch and
witness his downhill, little thinking that they them-
selves would fall one by one. As a matter of fact,
each one of the contemporary kings had been
humbled by Prithvi Raj during a period of in-
ternecine war. His most powerful rival was tho
GahadvSla king Jaycbind. This fratricidal war,
with the enemy at the gate, was the main cause of
the downfall of Hindu India for when Muhammad
of Ghor attacked die Hindu kings, one by one, they
were all exhausted by previous fighting and although
they all fought valiantly they failed fo resist the
Muslims. If, however, they had combined and
offered united resistance to Muhammad of Ghor
very probably history would have recorded a
different tale. In 1 19a Muhammad again invaded
India and found Prithvi Rfij encamped on tho same
field of Tarouri. Muhammad, this time, by his
clever tactics, outwitted the Hindus who were at
last completely routed. Both Prithvi Raj and his
brother, Govinda Rsi, were slain. This victory
gave Muhammad tlic whole of northern India up to
the gates of Delhi. After this Ajmcre was also
takon and Muhammad generously appointed the
son of Prithvi Raj as governor of Ajmere (1). By
the end of 119a Muhammad's trusted general,
Qutb-ud-din Aibak, captured Delhi from the
Chauhan Rajputs. Meanwhile a Turkish leader
under Aibak, named Muhammad Bin Bukhtiyar
led a plundering raid to Bihar and Tirhut. He
(1) Cambridge Hiatory of India vol HI p. 41 ,
204 THE MUHAMMADAN INVASIONS.
attacked Odantapnri, destroyed the great monas-
tery there and put to death the Buddhist monks
who had taken arms to protect their sacred place.
After this both Bin Sam and Aibak attacked Jay-
chand, the GahadvSla king of Kanauj, who had
looked on unconcerned when his old rival, Prithvi
Rfij, was being destroyed. The two armies met
on the banks of the Jumna. After a severe fight
the Muslims were on the point of giviug way when
a fortunately aimed arrow hit Jaychand ou the eye
and he fell dead on his elephant, whereupon the
Hindus broke and fled and were pursued with great
slaughter. Thence the Muhammadans marched to
Benares where they destroyed several temples,
Muhammad then returned to Ghazni leaving Aibak
in India as his viceroy. In 1195 Guzerat was
invaded and the Hindu commander, Kunwar Pal,
was defeated and slain (1). The king, Bhimpal,
escaped and, after the Muhammadans withdrew,
again made preparations for a fight. In 1197 Bhim
attacked Aibak near Ajmerc, and defeated him (2).
Later in the year however re-inforccmcnts arrived
from Ghazni and with these Aibak marched upon
Guzerat and attacked Bhira's army. The Hindus
obstinately resisted till midday when they broke
and fled. About 15,000 Hindus were slain and
about 20, coo were captured ( 3). None of the
other Hindu Rajas came to the assistance of Bhim.
Three hundred years before the Christian era, the
small Hindu states of the Punjab were, one by one,
0) Ibid p 43.
( 2) Ibid p44.
(3) Ibid p 44.
THE MUHAMMADAN INVASIONS. 2©5
subdued by Alexander. If these states had then
joined the Paurava king and fought together on the
banks of the Jhelum a different tale would have
been recorded in history. Fifteen hundred years
alter, history repeated itself Within less then ten
years the chief Hindu kings were overthrown one
by one and the whole of northern India, from the
Sutlej to the confines of Bengal, lay prostrate at
the feet of the Muhammadan invaders. Accord'
ing to Mr. Vaidya the principal causes account-
ing for the defeat of the Hindu kings, in quick
succession, one after the other, were internecine
fighting, absence of a common national fooling,
rigidification of caste, weakness in cavalry and
undue importance given to the elephant corps as
an arm ot war (i^. We would add to these the
valour, dash and strength of the Turks and Afghans
and the undoubted superior military talents of some
of their generals. During the last two years of the
twelfth century Magadha was occupied. After
conquering Magadha Muhammad Bin Bukhtiyar
led an expedition into Bengal in 1202. According
to the Mussalman historians, Muhammad Bin
Bukhtiyar, with only seventeen followers, took the
cityofNuddca by surprise. The reigning king,
Rai Lakshmania, hurriedly fled to Vikrampur
leaving bis palace and the city to be plundered by
the invaders.* The only two Hindu kingdoms in
Eastern India which successfully resisted the
(1) Downfall of Hindu India by C.V. Vaidya pp. 360-
372.
• Bukhtiyar evidently led a marauding expedition inlo
Nuddea. It appears that even after (he retreat of
Lakshman Sen his sons ruled over a part oi lower
206 THE MUHAMMADAN INVASIONS.
Muslim invaders lor a considerable time were
Orissa or Jajnagar and Kfimarupa. Tbe kings of
Orissa repeatedly attacked and defeated tbe Muslims
and included a part of southern Bengal within
their dominions. In Kfimarupa several successive
Muhammadan invasions, beginning with Muham-
mad-i-Bukhtiyar's ill-fated enterprise in 1205*06,
were repulsed by the Hindu kings before the rise
of the Koch power in western Kfimarupa and the
Ahom power in eastern Kanirupa. The hostilities
between the Muhammadans and tho Ahoms con-
tinued during the sixteenth and the seventeenth cen-
turies and at length tbe whole of the western part
of Kamarupa, as for the Manas river, had to be
given up to the Mughuls, the Ahoms retaining only
the rest of the Assam Valley to the east of tho
Manas.
As we have noticed in the last chapter, the
chronology the Kimarupa kings can be traced to
the middle of the twelfth century il wo take the
Vaidyadcva grant as tbe last epigraphic record
relating to these kings. The period of the history
of Kamarupa from the beginning of the thirteenth
till about the middle of the ftfteenth century is
however comparatively dark. We shall try to
piece together history, as far as possible, by tho aid
of the lights shed by the Muslim chronicles, the
Ahom Burunjis, such local records as the Guru-
Bengal for a considerable time though with much
difficulty being pressed not only by the Muhammadans
but also by the kings of Orissa and the Mags of the
Amen coast.
THE MUHAMMADAN INVASIONS. 30 7
ek&ritra (i) and reliable traditions recorded by
Buchanan-Hamiltoo more than 100 year ago-
These records however very rarely mention the
names of the kings, nor is it clear where they ruled.
The Muslim chronicles, though on the whole trust-
worthy, cannot be relied on with regard to all par-
ticulars.
The first Muhammadan host to enter Kftmarupa
was led by Muhammad, son of Bukhtiyar, in the
year 1205-C6 A. D. Muhammad was a Turk of
the Khilji tribe who came into prominence as a
military leader under Qutb-ud-din, the viceroy
under Muhammad of Gbor. Muhammad Ibn
Bukhtiyar became governor of Bihar and thence
he invaded Bengal in 1202 A. D. By a rapid
movement he suddenly appeared in Nuddea with
only a few mounted soldiers and surrounded the
palace of Rae Lakshmania, the Bengali king, who
hurriedly escaped, first perhaps to LakshanSvati and
thence to Vikrampur in cast Bengal. Muhammad
followed him as far as Lakshanavati which he found
to be the capital town. This city was originally
named RamKvati, after Raraap&la the PlU king, and
subsequently Lakshman Sena, Rae Lakshmania of
the Muslim historians, renamed it Lakshnffvati.
Since Muslim occupation the city came to be known
as Gaur. Muhammad Bin Bukhtiyar, instead of
following the Bengali king to Vikrampur, establi-
shed himself at Lakhnauti which became his capital.
He also assumed the honorific name Ikbtiyar-ud-din.
Three years later be decided upon further conquests
(1) The biography of Sri gaakar Deva, the Vaianava
reformer of Assam,
208 THE MUHAMMADAN INVASIONS.
and equipped an army of mounted soldiers. The
Mussalman historians have recorded that his objec-
tive was Tibet, Turkistan or China, beyond the
Himalayas. Towards the end of the year 1205
A. D. he marched from Devkot, within the modern
district of Dinajpur, at the bead of to or 12 thousand
horsemen. It appears that a Mech chieftain, whom
Muhammad had converted into Islam and who was
known as Ali Mech, guided the army. Muhammad
proceeded with his army to a town called Burdhan-
kot on tho binks of a river which was called Bega-
mati and which in magnitude, depth and breadth is
said to have been throe times more than tho Ganges
(1). Thence he followed the course ot the river
northwards for ten days until lie came to a place
where ho found the river spanned by a stone bridge
consisting of more th m 20 arches. He then crossed
the river and entered Klmarupa (2). It is said
that the king of Ksmampa,* who was evidently
informed previously of Muhammad's intentions,
sent the following message : - " It is not proper at
(1) TabaqnntiNasiri, Translation by Ruverty, j». 661.
Milihaj writes:-
“They relate after this manner, that in ancient time**
shah Gu«htn«ib returned from the country 01 Chin and
cam* towards Kammd and by that route got into
H indust ban and founded that city (Bardhankot).”
(2) Ibid p. 661
• Gait writes that at this time the ruler of K&marupa bore
the title KArueswara but this Is not orrect. The earliest
mu slim account of this expedition is that given in the
Tabaquat-i-Nasiri wherein the rulerof Kamarnpa iscalled
tho “ Rae of Knmrud” and not Kameswara. On this
point the later Muslim accounts should not be depended
upon. The Rajas of Kamata, a century later, bore the
little Kameswara.
THE MUHAMMADAN INVASIONS. 2C>9
this time to march into the country of Tibbat, and
it is necessary to return, and to make ample pre-
parations, when in the coming year I, who am the
Rae of Ramrod, agree that I will embody my own
forces and will precede tbe Muhammadan troops
and will cause that territory to be acquired " (l).
Muhammad disregarded this advice and continued
the march until he emerged into a plain which was
woll-cultivated and thickly populated and in the
midst of which stood a strong fortress. The Turks
started plundering tbe villages whereupon the in-
habitants of the country joined the garrison in the
fort and offered stubborn resistance. Muhammad
was soon forced to fight a defensive battle. Through-
out the day he held his ground in spite of very
hoavy losses. At length be got information that
the enemy was being rc-inforccd from another
fortified town, 15 miles off, which was named
Kararpatan or Karnmpatan and which was inha-
bited by Brahmans (Hindus; and Munis. As a
matter of fact, a horde of Mongol horsemen emerged
to oppose the invaders. Muhammad then held a
council of war and decided on immodiate retire-
ment. This retreat was disastrous. The road in
the rear of the invaders had been blocked and all
supplies had been cut off. The Raja of Kamaiupa
attacked the retreating army. Large numbers were
killed or captured. After enduring gTeat hardship
and privation Muhammad, with tbe remnant of his
forces, reached tbe river only to find that two arches
of the bridge had been destroyed and the river was
unfordable. He then took shelter in a Hindu tem .
(1) Taba4juat-i-S<uiri p 564.
aio
THE MUHAMMAD AH INVASIONS
pie in the vicinity which contained a huge image of
gold (i). The Rija besieged him and threw up
a bamboo palisade all round the temple.* The
Turks then grew desperate and, breaking through
the palisade, made for the river. A few of them
tried a ford and, having found the river fordable to
a certainldistance, shouted to the others to follow.
Then all rushed into the river headlong. Hundreds
were carried away by the rapid stream and these
found a watery grave. Only Mahammad and a few
of the beat-mounted soldiers, with much difficulty,
reacbod the opposite bank. Mahammad passed
through Koonch or Kuch Behar and thence he
returned to Gaur and in 1 206 A. D. he diod of
grief and mortification. Some authorities assert
hat be was murdered by ooe Ali Mardan. This
(1) Ibid p. B69. M lafca). wrote:.
“They pointed oat an Idol temple, In the vicinity of
that place, of exceeding height, atrvngth and iubllmUy
and very bandeome and in It name rone idol*, both
of gold and ailver, were deposited and one great
idol eo large that ita weight wee, by conjecture,
upwards of two or three thonund mti%i of beaten gold.”
* The nearest existing Hindu temple ie the Siva temple
of Gopeswir about 4 miles from the site of tho Sil-Mko
aa the crow fliea. There may have been a temple nearer
to the brigs. Captain Dalton writing in the Journal of
the Aaiatio Society of Bengal (b'o.l of 1855) stated that
there were ruina of no leas than eighteen temples “Just
outside the fortiiications of the ancient city and not far
from the great stone bridge.” He, however, supposed
that the temple where Bukhtiyar took shelter was the
famous temple of H^jo which is lower down the stream
spanned by the bridge. He, conjectured that the
Muhammadans were compelled to “proceed lower down
the stream in search of a ford”. The Hajo temple still
exists and it is certainly more well-known than the
Uopeawar temple, bot it is not nearer to the bridge.
THE MUHAMMADAN INVASIONS.
2 1 1
is the story, in brief, depicted by the Muslim his-
torians.
The earliest Muslim account of this ill-fated ex-
pedition is contained in the Talaquat-i-Xariri the
author of which, Miahaj-ud-din gathered the story,
some 35 years after the disaster , from one Matammad-
ud-Dawlah "a trusted vassal of M aha m mad I bn
Bukhtiyar”. It is not stated whether this trusted
vassal was one of those who marched with Muham-
mad into Tibet or Kfimarupi. In Kfimarupa there
is an epigraphic record of this expedition. It is a
rock-inscription in North-Gauhati which was, about
this time, the capital of the kingdom and which we
have identified with “ Kfimarupanagar " mentioned
in the second inscription of DharmapSla. This
rock-inscription reads as follows : —
STlke lurctya jujmth madhumiia (rayodait.
Kd'narupam mm&pitya Turusl&h Khyayamd-
yayvh.
" On the thirteenth of Choitra, in the year S >ka
1 127, the Turks coming into Kimarupa were des-
troyed
Now it is clear frem the Muslim account as
well as the rock-inscription that the Muhammadan
host had entered Kamarupa and was destroyed
there, but it is not clear whether Mahamm; d’s
objective was Tibet itself or China via Tibet or
Kfimarupa. Further, it is not clear from the Mus-
lim records what river he crossed and how far into
Kfimarupa he had advanced.* It is however
• According to the Tabaquat-i-Xaiiri. the river croMed
wae Begamati. Accordin to the H<y<uui Salatin it
212
THE MUHAMMADAN INVASIONS.
reasonable to suppose that his objective was not
Kfimarupa but China, for in the rock-inscription
it is not stated that the Turks had invaded Kfima-
rupa. They simply btd "come into KEmarupa "
(Kamarupam aandjatya). If it was a hostile inva-
sion into Kamarupa itself the text of the inscription
would have been different. Our conjecture is that
Mahammad followed the course of the river Teesta
and nearing the hills crossed it by fording. There
ho was told thu a more direct route to China lay
to the further east. He therefore travelled east-
ward within Kfimarupa over the high road leading
from Jalpaiguri to eastern Assam. On this road
he crossed the stone bridge to the north-west of
Gauhati. This bridge then spanned the Rarnadi
river which, running through the present abandoned
bed known as Puspabhadrfi, fell into the Brahma-
putra several miles below its present confluence."
Bukhtiyar then followed the course of this river
towards the north and reached the foot hills near
about Kumrikata on the Bhutan border which is
due north of Gauhati. This Kumrikata is probably
the place mentioned as KararpaUn or Karampatan
in the Taiaquat-i- Natiri . Near about this place or
in the interior of the hills, the Bhutanese outpost and
the Mongol horsemen opposed Bukhtiyar so stre-
nuously that he bad to fall back on the main road.
was known as Xamakdi while according to the Tarikk-i
Feriila the river was Timkari. Probably Xamakdi was
the Bodo name of the river.
• It baa been ascertained locally that the river at the
point where it was spanned by the stone-bridge was
known in old times aa ajuii meaning a combination of
nine streamlets.
THE MUilAMMAOAX rVVASrOSS. 213
The Raja of K&narupa hid, during Bnkhtiyar’s
march towards the hills, removed the flat stones of
the platform and rendered the bridge impassable.
He also blocked the road in the rear of Bakhtiyar
and cut off supplies. He thought that he was
justified in doing so as Mahammad Bukhtiyar had
disregarded his advice, his soldiers had plundered
village:, for supplies and had advanced almost up to
his capital Mahammad, on getting information that
his communications were threatened and the Rsja
had turned hoatile, hastily fell back and found him-
self caught in a trap. The RSjS’s troops surrounded
him when he took shelter in a neighbouring Hindu
temple. In sheer desperation he and his horsemen
galloped into the river and, in ;is attempt to ford it,
all except a small remnant died. This took place
on the date mentioned in the rock-inscription which
exactly tallies with the date given by tin Muslim
historians. This memorable event was recorded
in the rock-inscription on the eastern extremity of
North-Gauhati, the then capital of the kingdom.
Only the occurrence and the date were recordoJ.
The script is of the thirteenth century. It is not
stated who destroyed the Turks or how they mot
with destruction. Evidently the K*mirupa king
did not consider that a glorious deed hid been
done, but military considerations demanded the
destruction of the foreign host so near the capital
and the occurence was so memorable that it was
thought worth while to record it We have no
doubt that it was the stone bridge, over a channel
of the B irnadi, over which M thammad passed in
the year 1205-06 A D This bnije was isitro/sJ
by the great earthquake of 1897. The stumps of
- M 4
THE ML HA MM AD AN INVASIONS.
the piers and the abutments on both sides however
still exist.
A drawing of this bridge by Captain Dalton
was published by llannay in the Journal ol the
Asiatic Society lor the year 1851. Hannay wrote
as follows : —
“This bridge, a remnant of ancient times in Kamrup,
is situated about 8 miles N. YV. of North Gauhati,
on the high alley which, no doubt, formed at one
titr: the principal line of land communication with
am .cut Gauhati (Prigjyotisha) ;.nd western Kamrup,
• • * • The structure is of solid ma-
son y, built without lunc or mortar, of the same
matsive and enduring material (gneiss and granite)
fou id in the neighbouring hills, and which appears
to have been used so largely in the construction ol
the more ancient temples of central and lower
Assam. There arc no arches - the superstructure
being a platform with a slight curve 140 ft. long
and 8 ft. in breadth composed of slabs of stone six
feel nine inches long and ten inches thick, number-
ing live in the whole breadth, resting on an undcr-
structure of sixteen pillars, three in a row, equally
divided by three large solid buttresses; with a half
buttress projecting from a circular mass ol masonry
forming the abutments at each end of the road,
there being, in the who'c, 21 passages for the water.
The accounts by Muhammadan writers of the
earliest conquests of Kamrup by the subordinates
of the Moslem kings appear to be mixed up with
so much of the fabulous that it is quite impossible
to place much reliance on them as historical re-
cords. If, however, we could suppose that the
expedition of 1205-06, as above quoted, came in
The Sil»~iko a* il rtUIrri in 1*51
/tjr II0J r»m«ln tf (tf .With .*• w(; «/ &«jJl
THE MUHAMMADAN* INVASIONS. 2 1 5
sight of the Brahmaputra at Rangamati, crossed the
Minas and marched through northern Kamrup, the
possession ot which would oblige the Rij5 to sub-
mit, it is not improbable that this is the stone bridge
over which Bactiyar Khilji and his Tat tar cavalry
passed, previous to entering the outworks of the
ancient city of Gauhati (or Prigjyotisha), the bridge
being but a short distance from the line of hills
bounding Gauhati on the North N. W. and west,
on which are still visible its lines of defences extend-
ing for many miles on each side from the N. W.
gate of entrance or pass through the hills.
The Muhammadan general is also said to have
been obliged to retreat from an advanced position
(perhaps Charduir) hearing that the RijI of Kamrup
bad dismantled the stone bridge on his rear ; now
it is quite evident, from tbo marks on the stones of
the platform, that they had been taken off and re-
placed somewhat irregularly
The reasons which have led us to reach the
conclusions stated above may be summarised as
follows : —
I. As stated by Sir Wolseley Haig, the vague
accounts of the Muslim historians, ignorant of
geography and preserved in corrupted texts, cannot
be relied upon. It is stated by M inhaj that in
ancient times Shah Gustasib, on his way from China,
first entered Klmarupa and through that route
reached Hindustan (i). Mahammad Bin Bukhtiyar
therefore wanted to reach China by the same route.
The Muslim historians believed, without the least
(1) Tabaquat-i-Ntuiri p 561.
2l6 THE MUHAMMADAN INVASIONS.
hes ration, the story that Gustasib actually came
into India from China by way of the "City of
Kamrud’’ and that he left in that city twelve
hundred "hoards’ of treasure which subsequently
fell into the hands of Sultan Mughis-ud-din, alias
Ikbtiyar-ud-din Malik Yuzbcg, when he occupied
the capital of Klmanna temporarily in the year
1254-55 ('). Evidently Mahanunad liin liukhliyar
also believed that the route to China lay through
the “City ot Kamrud
2. If, as stated above, China and not Tibet
was the real objective of M diitnm.nl lie must have
been informed when he reached the fo >t hills that the
move direct route to China Lv through the north-
eastern corner of Assam. He had therefore to
traverse the Assam valley, north of the Brahmaputra,
by the old highway and pass over the stone bridge
8 miles to the north west of the KAtnirup.i capital
which was called "KSmarupa Nagar” or the "City
of Kftmrup."
3. Mabammad had no idea of the difficulties
of a march through the hostile hilly country and tho
R*;.i of Knmanipa properly warned him that much
more ample preparations were to be made for
transport and supplies before forcing a passage
through the hills. M ihammad disregarded this
advice but still the Riia refrained from attacking
him until he had actually approached the outer
defences of the capital when military considerations
dictated that a foreign armed host, so near tho
capital, must be destroyed by any means fair or foul.
(1) Tabaquat-i-X<uiri p TCI.
THE MUHAMMADAN INVASIONS.
217
4. If Mahammad simply passed through the
north-western corner of Kimarupa, i.e. the Jalpai-
guri district, to reach Sikhim the Rsja would not
have attacked the retreating Turks. No stone
bridge over the Teesta or the Karatoya is known
to have ever existed and it is not at all likely that
a river 011 the boundary of the kingdom would have
been spanned by a stone bridge. The river when
it debouched from the hills was uo doubt fordable
in the winter and therefore a bridge at such a point
was unnecessary.
5. Towards the end of the twelfth century and
earlier the Bhutia* were in possession of the Dooars.
In northern Bengal a Bhutia (Kamboja) dynasty
ruled for somo time after the Pftla power declined.
Muhammad must have encountered stiff resistance
from the Bbutias on every point along the Bhutan
border. In north K imrup, on the Bhutan border,
which was no doubt the open cultivated country
referred to in the Taba-juit-i-.Xa/iri, thcro were
Bhutia forts to guard the frontier and one of them
was perhaps at Kumrikata which is spelt as Ka-
rampatan. As this town is said to have contained
a Brahman or Hindu population it could not have
been anywhere in Sikhim, Bhutan or Tibet. Besides,
it is stated by Mmhij. that a large number of
Bhutia ponies called 7 ang^ia were daily sold in
this town. Even now B’.iutia ponies are called
Tangna in Kamrup and the cold weather mart for
Bhutia ponies is at Daranga which is quite close
to Kumrikata. A horde of Mongol or Bhutia
horsemen and the Bhutanese soldiers in the forts
checked Muhammad who had therefore to fall back
2 18
THE MfHAMMADAN INVASIONS.
on I he road within the territories of the Rsja of
K&marupa. The Rija of Kimarupa then turned
hostile and caught him in a trap as already descri-
bed.
6. According to the account of Minhaj the sol-
diers of the fort and the surrounding country, who
so fiercely opposed Bukhtiyar, all looked like Turks
i.e. they had Mongoloid features and their offensive
and defensive arms consisted of long bows and
arrows, pieces of the spear bun boo and cuirasses,
body armour, shields and helmets all made of slips
of bamboos fastened and stitched overlapping each
other. This war-outfit seems to have belonged to
the Mongoloid people living in the plains and the
foot-hills rather than the inhabitants of Tibet or
upper Bhutan.
7. The bridge crossed by Mah ammad was no
doubt the one described by Hannay who in 1851
found the large stone slabs of the platform irre-
gularly replaced after they had been removed in
order to block Maham mad's passage. There was
no other stone bridge, within the kingdom, of similar
dimensions, of which any mention can be found.
According to local traditions, Mahammad Bin
Bukhtiyar crossed this bridge. The Kamarupar
Buranji, a historical puthi c Elected by the Assam
Government and published by the Departin ent of
Historical and Antiquarian Studies, states that
Bukhtiyar Khilji advanced as far as KBmpith i.e.
that portion of Klmarupa which lies between the
Sonkosh river and Duimuni&la above Tezpur.
North Gaohati is in the centre of KBmpith.
8. Raverty has adduced several reasons to
THE MUHAMMADAN INVASIONS. 31$
prove that it was not the Silsako, described by
Hannay, which Bukhtiyar crossed over but his
arguments are not convincing. He himself says
that so large a river as the one described by Minhaj
could not have been spanned by a bridge of “ over
twenty arches". According to his own supposi-
tion the river referred to was the Teesta and the
bridge over it was within Sikhim. If so, it is not
understood how the Klmarupi Hindus could go
there to destroy the bridge or how there could be
a Hindu temple on the opposite side of the river.
Kaverty’s conclusions arc entirely wrong for it is
clear from the Muslim accounts that the bridge
was within the territories of the Raja of Kfcmarupa.
It is absurd to suppose that at this period the king-
dom of Klraarupa included any part of Bhutan,
Sikhim or Nepal. Minhaj makes the astounding
statement that between Kiraarupa and Tirhut there
were no less than thirty five mountain passes (i).
9. It is stated in the Talxu/uat-i-Nasiri that
Ali Mcch guided the Muslim army as far as the
bridge and that when Mahatnmad with a few follo-
wers crossed the river, on his return, Ali Moch
again met him and guided him back to Dcvkot.
This shows that the " Kuch " and " Mej " (Mech)
country was to the west of the river. In other
words, the river spanned by the bridge was to the
east of Kuch Bihar. It could not therefore have
been either the Teesta or the Dharla which are to
the west of the “ Kuch " country. On the other
hand, Kuch Bihar was always within Klmarupa.
(1) Tabaf*at-i~Na*iri p 568-
220
THE MUHAMMADAN INVASIONS.
So the statement of Minhij that the river crossed
formed the boundary of the kingdom cannot be
true.
io. Raverty thinks that the removal of the
flat stones of the platform could not have prevented
the Turks from crossing over the bridge as wood
and bamboos must have been plentiful in the locality
and the Muslim soldiers could easily throw up a
temporary bridge as the piers were not destroyed.
It should not however be forgotten that the KSma-
rupi troops, who surrounded tin Turks, were not
idle spectators. They must have been raining
arrows and other missiles at the Turks all tbs time
and the Turks themselves and their horses were all
in a famished condition. It is statod by Minhaj
that the Muslim troops were fatigued and knocked
up by the march and a large number were martyred
and disabled on tho the first day of the fight.
Further, " when they retreated, throughout the
whole route, not a blade of grass nor a stick of
firewood remained as the inhibitants had set fire
to the whole of it and burnt it ; • • • • •
During these fifteen days not a pound of food nor a
blade of grass did the cattle and horses obtain ;
and all the men were killing their horses and eating
them This being the position one can easily
imigine tbit the Turks were re illy re diced to
great straits and becime desperate when they
reached the bridge-head.
It is therefore abundantly clear tbit B ikhtiyar's
host had actually penetrated into K*m arupa and
were destro/el no? f»r fron ths rC in iruna capital.
As Sir W. Haig puts it, this was the greatest dis-
THE MUHAMMADAN* INVASIONS. 221
aster that had yet befallen the Muslim arms in
India (i).
A contributor to the Journal of the Asiatic
Society ol Bengal, writing in 1840, held the view
that Bukhtiyar must have entered Assam through
Sjlhet and, crossing the Khisi and G.iro Hills
range, north 0: Svlbet, invaded Kinurupa. He
wrote : —
“Muhammad Bukhtiyar was t hr Governor oi
Bihar and in 1203 A. D. entered Bengal, and
having rapidlv overcome tint country, he immedia-
tely turned his forces against K mrup, which ad-
pears to have been then a powerful kingdom and
worthy of his arms’ (2).
The theory of Bukhtiyar crossing the IChisi Hills
is perhaps untenable but the view tint he actually
came into the heart of Kamrupa is no doubt
correct.
Mr. S. N. Bhattr.cfnryn, in his recent book
"Mughal North-East Frontier policy", admits that
the "place of discover) of this inscription, its date
as well as its phraseology raise a natural presump-
tion that the first Muslim host penetrated into the
heart of Kamarupa and reached the vicinity of
Gauhati where they were thoroughly worsted ”,
He however thinks that “ in view of the testimony
of the contemporary Muslim chronicler and the
peculiar political conditions of Bengal and the
Brahmaputra Valley of the early thirteenth century
ft) Cambridge History of India vol III p 50
(2) J.A.S.B. voL IX pp S3 3- $40.
3 22
THE MUHAMMADAN INVASION'S.
the presumption appears rather untenable." It has
already been stated that Minhaj gathered the story
35 years after the occurrence. A more competent
authority, Raverti, found that even Minhaj was not
to be trusted with regard to a Muslim reverse.
Mr. Bhattacharya has not explained what "peculiar
political condition of Bengal and the Brahmaputra
valley" at that period prevented Bukhtiyar from
marching into Klmarupa. Did not Hisamuddin
Iwaz proceed as tar as Gauhati, twenty years after
and was he not repulsed ?•
As stated by Raverty the hold of Iltumish over
Bengal was very partial. Since the time the Khilji
Maliks had set him on the throne at Lakhnauti,
Hisamuddin Iwaz paid scant regard for Iltumish.
Iwaz occupied the throne in the year 1211 A. D.
• The la to* t contribution on the subject is a paper on
“Mahammad Bukhtiyaria Invasion of Tibet: A revs-
Instion of the text of Tatoht-i-Sariri as in liaverty’s
Trim -hit Ion” bj Mr. Nalinikanta Bbattasali, M.A. The
contribution is being shortly published. After wo hud
sent this book to the press, Mr. Stapleton Informed ns
that Mr. Bbattasali had written «uoh a paper. At our
request Mr. Bbattasali kindly favoured us with a typo-
written copy of bis paper. We cannot therefore quote
from that important and authoritative paper, in rxfea-o,
in our text which we would have otherwise done. Wo
must therefore refer to that paper in this foot note.
It is rather striking that Mr. Bbattasali has come to
practically the same conclusions as wo have reached.
These are:—
(1) The large river named as Beganuti, Bangmati, or
Nangmati and which was also called the “Samand”,
was no other than the Brahmaputra in front of
RangiimatL (The early Maslim historians, who named
Prithu as Bartu or Britn, Jagannath or Peri as
Sankanat and httja Ganesh as Kaja Kans, could certainly
have named Bangamati as Bangmati).
THE MUHAMMADAN INVASIONS,
2-3
and ruled till 1226 A. D. During these years
Iltumish hid to invade Bengal on several occasions
to assert his authority. In his T %ba tpAftf- i - Nasiri
Miniuj writes tint “the august Sultan Sharasuddin-
wa-ud-Duniya Iltumish, on several occasions, sent
forces from the capital Dchli towards Likhmuti "
(1). I war minted coins in h»s own name ar.d one
such coin struck by him in 621 A. H. (1224 A. D.)
was found at (1 luhati in 1880. Iltumish could not
tolerate the insubordination of I war any longer and
in U25 A. I). marched into Bengal. Iw.iz then
prudently submitted to Iltumidi .rvl pil'd him
tribute (2). A f ter lltumi-h hid withdrawn I war
again rebelled ard occupied Bihar which Iltumish
(2) From Raagamati All Mecli guided Muhammad
Bnkhtiyur alone the north bank of the BrnhmAputru,
within tin* kingdom ol kamarupa. us far an the stone-
bridge.
(3) It was the Sit j to described by llannav which tin*
Turkish army of Bukhtiiar rrmaed."
(*) Alter cro«ing the bridge Mahammad turned
northward toward* the hill#, via Rangiva and Tambnl-
prtr. Aftererossi ig the fir#t line of hill* he probably
reached a* far a* Karu-gompa wliich may bo tiro
Kararpatan or Karampatan mentioned by Miniuj.
(5) Being strenuously oppo*cd by tho hill men
Mahammad retired with heavy tea and coming back to
the bridge found two arcbea of it destroyed The disaster
then took place a* described by Miniuj.
Mr. Bha'tasall thinks that a temple nearer than the
present temple of Uopeswara »ecms to be Indicated. It
Is possible that a temple nearer to tLe bridgewas then
existing It should however be noted that a distnnre
of 6 miles, over a well-maintained road, is nothin-' to
an army of mounted soldiers.
fl) Tabaquat-i-Nauri pp 590 - 59 1.
(2) Ibid p 593.
224 THE MUHAMMADAN INVASIONS.
had left in charge of Malik Izzudin Jani (i). Then
in the year 1227 A. D. Nasir-ud-din Muhammad,
the eldest son of Iltumish, again invaded Bengal
learning that Iwaz was then away in an expedition
into "Bang and Kamrud ” (2). As soon as Iwaz
received information of th? invasion bv Nasiruddin
and the occupition of his capital he hurried back
from K Amaru pa, but as stated by Raverty, “whether
part of or all his army returned with him is doubt-
ful” (3/. This was the second Mu dim host to enter
Kfimarupa. According to Minhnj Iwaz led his
army from I.ikhnauti towards the territory of
" Bang and Kunrud This indicates tint the
line of advance was along the Brahmaputra from
the direction of Rangpur or Mymensing or, as con-
jectured by Gait, Iwaz advanced up the Brahma-
putra by boats. Minhaj ao?s not say that this
expedition was successful or that Iwaz could even
invest the KSmarupa capital. The fact is that, as
stated by Gait, he was defeated and driven back.
During his hasty retreat he suffered such heavy
losses that he was unable to resist Nasir-ud-din at
Gaur. He was completely defeated and put to
death. Nasir-ud-din then ruled over Bengal as his
father's deputy for about two years
During this short rule Nasir-u J-din, as stated
by Sir Wolseley Haig, attacked and defeated a
Hindu R ijn named Bartu or Britu (Prithn) (4).
Minhaj makes the following reference to Britu : -
" The accursed Bartu (Britu) beneath whose
(1) Tahaquat-uXanri p 594.
(2) Ibid p 594.
(3) Ibid p 594. Foot note.
(4) Cambridge History of India vol DI p 54.
THE MUHAMMADAN INVASIONS. 225
sword above a hundred and twenty thousand
Mussalmans hid attained martyrdom he (Na&irud-
din) overthrew and sent to hell ; and the refractor)'
infidels, who were in diflerent parts of the country
of Awadh, he reduced and overcame and brought
a considerable number under obedience
From the above reference one is led to think
that Nasiruddin subdued the Hindu chief, ca>lod
Bartu, while be was in Oudh prior to his invasion
into Bengal and tliat Bartu was a Raja somewhere
in Oudh.* The account of Minhaj is not however
chronologically arranged and, besides, history is
silent as to any Hiudu king of Oudh who had,
about this time, destroyed such a large Mussalman
army. Sir Wolscley Haig supposes that this Britu
(Prithti) was no other than the Hindu king of
Kimarupu " who had until that time defeated the
Muslims on every occasion on which they had
attacked him" (l). The feeling of bitterness with
• Ravcrty write*:—
"Who this Hindu chief was we have no rooatiF of
dincovering, I fear, an other subsequent writer* do not
notice them* event* at all. He is styled in norm* of the
beet copies an above, which in prolubly ro.-j.nt tor Prit .u".
(1) Cambridge History of India vol HI p 54.
The quotation I clow will *how the *»«|ucuce of event*:—
"After the retirement of Iltumi-b from Bengal lu 1225
Iwaz rebelled, expelled the king's governor Iroio Bihar
and Ultreated those who had akuowleged his imtho.itv.
The governor fled to Oudh aud in 1227 Mahmud, the son
of Iltumish, invaded Bengal from that province to punish
the rebel. Iwaz being absent on an expedition, be
occupied Lohhnauti without opposition and when Iwaz
returned he defeated him. captured him, put him to
death and imprisoned the Kbalji nobles who had for ned
a confederacy to oppose the Suzerainty of Delhi.”
"Mahmud now governed Bengal as his father’s deputy
a 26 THE MUHAMMADAN INVASIONS.
which Minhaj refers to Britu suggests that it was
he who 22 years before had destroyed the forces of
Mahammad Bukhtiyar and had subsequently driven
back the host of Iwaz inflicting severe losses. The
supposition of Sir IVolseley Haig is therefore
correct. In the Yogini Tantra, which must have
been compiled in the early part of the sixteen:h
century, it is recorded that a Saiva king named
Jalpcswar ruled over Klmarupa and that it was
he who built the Siva temple of Julpesh in Jalpai-
guri. The author of th= Kd'narupar Bvranji, a
historical puthi, states that Prithu was the other
name of Jalpcswar. Not knowing that Jalpcswar
and Prithu were indentica! Buchanan, alluding to
the so called prophesies in the Yogini Tantra, wrote
as follows : -
“After him (N«*a danlcar), but at what inter-
vals is not mentioned, would be a Rftja named
Jalpeswar, who would still further encourage that
{ling a) worship and who would build the celebra-
ted temple of Jalps. Very considerable ruins are
at no great distance from that place, as will be
hereafter described, but they arc ascribed to a
Prithu R<)ja who may however have been a person
of the same family ”•
w
and made the most of an opportunity which was closed
by bin early death in April 1229, for he defeated and
alow Raja Brito, possibly the Raja of Kamrup, who
had, until that time, defeated the Muslims on every
occasion on which they had attacked him."
It U therefore clear that Nasimddin Mahmud attacked
and defeated the Hindu Raja Biilu after overthrowing
Iwaz and some time before his death, probably in the
year 1228 A I>.
THE MUHAMMADAN INVASIONS. 22 7
“ This Prilhu Raja, from tbe size of his capital
and the numerous works raised in the vicinity by
various dependants and connections of the Cot rt,
must have governed a large extent of the cour. ry
and for a considerable period of time. Although
he is, in some measure, an object of worship among
the neighbouring Hindus, they hive few traditions
concerning the place from whence he came nor at
what period he lived; and 1 heard itonlv tnentior cd
by one old man that he governed before tlie time
of the dynasty which will be next mentioned."*
Glazier refers to Prithu ns an important king of
KSmarupa who hid constructed extensive tonifi-
cations in the present district of Jalpaiguri ( x It
is very probable that this Prithu K tja was die
king of Klmarupa who caused tlic destruction of
Bukhtiyar’s forces in 1x06 A. I)., who, in 1 27
A. D., repulsed Ghiyasuddin Iwaz inflicting Ret ire
losses and who, probably in the following voar,
was overthrown by JCasinsddin, son ot Iltmnisli.
It is related by Buchanan tint, according to tr. di-
tions, when an army of untoucliables entered his
capital he, for fear of having his purity sullied,
threw himself into a tank and died. The capita 1 of
Prithu was in North-Gauhati in the vicinity of
• Buchanan Manuscripts, publi-died by I lie Department
of Historical Studies In As^am. The dynasty next
mentioned by Bncbanan is tbe one of Dbaimupila whose
sister-in-law was Mainamati tlie mother of Go|)ichnn.ira.
We are unable to connect this nbarmiqiala v irh any
line of kings ruling in Kimaruna or Kamata. Tbe next
dynasty mentioned is that fotoded by Niladhraj.
(1) Report on the District of Raogpar page, 8.
228 THE MUHAMMADAN INVASIONS.
which he repulsed both Bukhtiyar and Iwaz. The
extensive fortifications in Jalpaiguri, referred to
by Glazier, were no doubt erected by him alter
Bukhtiyar’s invasion by that route in order to be
in a position to offer stronger resistance to an in-
vader at the entrance to his kingdom.
It appears that although Prithu was overthrown
and killed Nasiruddin could not get a hold over
KBmarupa. Probably he placed a successor on the
throne and, on promise of annual tribute from him,
retired from Kftmarapa. It is not known who
succeeded Prithu but it seems that after the Muha-
mmadans had left the country the Raja gradually
assumed independence. The next invasion by
Malik Yuzbeg was undertaken evidently because
the then Raja of KBmarupa, stopped payment of
the tribute.
This invasion was in the year 1254-^5 corres-
ponding to Heziri 655. Minhaj, in his Tabaquat-i-
Natiri gives the following account of the inva-
sion : -
“After he (Malik Yuzbeg) returned from Awadh
to Lakhanawati, he determined upon marching into
Kamrud, and transported an array across the river
Bcg-mati. As the Rae o! Kamrud had not the
power to resist him, he retired precipitately some
whither. Malik Yuz-Bik took the City of Kamrud
and possessed himself of countless wealth and
treasure, to such extent, that the amount and weight
thereof cannot be contained within the area of
record.”
“ The author, at the time he was sojourning at
Lakhnawati, had heard from travellers whose
THE MUHAMMADAN INVASIONS 339
statements are to be relied upon, that from the
reign of Gmht-isib, Shih of Ajara, who h id invaded
Chin, and had com- towards Hindustan by that
route (by way of Kamrud >, twelve hundred hoards
of treasure, all se-ded, which were (there deposited),
and any portio.t of which wealth and treisures not
one of the Rues h id availed himself of, the whole
fell into the hands of the Mu» ilman troops. The
reading of the K hut bah, and Friday religious ser-
vice were instituted in Kamrud, and signs of the
people of Islam appeared there. Hut of what
avail was all this, when the whole, from phreniy,
ho gave to the winds? for tit-- wise hive said that
"the seeking to perform overmuch work hath
never turned out fortunate for the seeker.”
“ After Kamrud was taken (possession of), so
they related, several times the Rue sent confidential
persons (to Malik Yuz-Bik), saying: "Thou hast
subdued this territory, and no M thk of the Musal-
man people ever before obtained such success.
Now do thou return, and replace me upon the
throne, and I will send to thee tribute every year
so many bags of gold, and so miny c'.ephmts, and
I will continue the Khutb.ih unchmgcd, and the
Musalman stamped coin as established.''
"Malik Yuz-Bik did not become willing to
agreo to this in any way ; and the Ric gave com-
mand that all his train, and the peasantry, should go
to Malik Yuz-Bik, and get him to pledge his right
hand (for their safety), and buy up all the grain
procurable in (the city and country of?) Kamrud,
at whatever price he might require, so that the
Musalman troops might have no provisions left.
They did so accordingly, and bought up from them
23O THE MUHAMMADAN INVASIONS,
all the produce that was obtainable at heavy rate.”
" Depending on the cultivated state and flouri-
shing condition of the country, Malik Yuz-Bak did
not lay up any stores of grain ; and, when the time
of the spiing harvest came round, the Rae, with
the whole of his subjects, rose, and opened the
water dykes all around, and brought Malik Yuz-
Bak and the troops of Islam to a state of help-
lessness, in such wise, that they were near perish-
ing through destitution. They now took counsel
together, and came to the conclusion that it was
necessary to retreat, otherwise they would die of
starvation
"They accordingly set out from Kamrud with
tlic intention of proceeding towards Lakhanawati.
The route through the plain (country) was flooded
with water, and occupiod by the Hindus. The
Musalmans obtained a guide to bring them out of
that country by conducting them towards the skirt
of the mountains. After they hid proceeded some
few stages, they got entangled among passes and
defiles, and narrow roads, and both their front and
rear was seized by the Hindus. In a narrow place
a fight took place in front of the leading rank
between two elephants ; the force fell into confusion,
the Hindus came upon them from every side, and
Musalman and Hindu mingled pell mell together.
Suddenly an arrow struck Malik Yuz-Bak. who was
mounted on an elephant, in the breast, and he fell,
and was made prisoner; and all his children, family,
and dependents, and the whole of his force, were
made captive.”
"When they carried Malik Yuz-Bak before the
Rae, he made a request that they would bring his
THE MUHAMMADAN INVASIONS.
23*
son to him ; and, when they brought his son to him,
he placed his face to the face of his son, and yielded
his soul to GoJ. The Almighty's mercy be upon
him !”
As the army was “ transported across the river
Begamati " clearly th?re was no stone bridge over
this river as stated by Minhij in his account of
Bukhtiyar'i invasion fifty years before. Raverty
says that the Kainrupi capital at this time was
Kamatapur but he is wrong. Threo coins minted
by Malik Vuzbeg at Likhaauti, in Rarnjan 653
A. H, were found at Gauhiti in iS8o(i>. This
proves almost conclusively tbit the "City of
Kamrud’ occupied by M dik Yu/bcg was North-
Gaubati or its immediate vicinity which DliarmapBla
had namod ** K tmarupanagar " or the "City of
Kamrup Stapleton rightly conjectures that the
threo coins discovered at Gauhati " represent a loot
captured from the Mussalmms” but his other sup-
position th it the Rie of Kamrud who defeated
Malik Yuzbcg alias Sultan Mughis-ud-din was the
(1* J.AS.B. (1910) P. 621.
* If, as conjectured by Mr BhatUaall, Begamati or
Bangmati really meant the Brahmaputra in front of
Rangamgti, it would appear that Malik Yosheg’g advance
' n ,l *e direction of Gauhati and not Kamatapur which
was not then the capital. If Malik Yu < beg, advancing
from the direction of Rangpnr, crossed the Brahmaputra
at RaDgamati hie march was against the old capital
Gauhati which he temporarily occupied. This is more
probable because his coins have been found at Ganbati
and his retreat was along the Khasi and Oaro Hills on
the south of the Brahmaputra When Malik Ynzbeg
occupied Gauhati the Ra Vs palace was on the 1 orth bank
of the river. On the Bight of the Raja he may have
occupied the Raja’s palace also.
232 THE MUHAMMADAN INVASIONS.
Kachari Raja of Gauhati is incorrect.
According to the Mussalman historian, Malik
Yuzbeg, in order to avoid the flooded country, was
retreating along the slopes of the hills and it was
in a defile that be was surrounded and defeated by
the troops of the Raja. This shows that he was
retreating from Gauhati along the foot of the Khasi
Hil s and the Garo Hills in the direction ol
Myraenaing. There could not have been any hilly
country intervening between Kamaupur and the
scat of the Muhammadan Sultan ol Bengal. Con-
sequently Malik Yuzbeg could not have attacked
Karnatapur. As already stated, it was after the
repulse of this expedition that the scat of Govern-
ment was transferred westwards.
Alter the repulse of Malik Yuzbeg, alias Sultan
Mughis-ud-din, Kimarupa enjoyed freedom from
serious foreign aggressions lor a period of more
than two hundred years until the closing years of
the fifteenth century. There were however occa-
sional Muslim raids, particularly from the direction
of Mymensing, during this period and though
chronologically they should be mentioned later we
shall, for the sake of convenience, cnumcrato them
in this chapter.
There was probably another expedion into
Kimarupa about 1321-22 A. D. undertaken by
Suit in Ghiyas-ud-dtn. That he subjugated the
northern part of Mymensing, east of the Brahma-
putra, which had from the early times been included
within Kamarupa, is beyond doubt for a coin
minted by him at Kasba Gniyaspur, within this
tract, has been found. The find of another coin of
this Sultan dated 721 A. H, within the district of
THE MUHAMMADAN INVASIONS. 233
Nowgong, however may raise the presumption that
he invaded Assam as far as Nowgong. There is,
however, no mention of this expedition in the
Muslim chronicles. In any case, it was perhaps
nothing more than a marauding raid which was
probably repulsed by the Kacharis who had then
occupied the Nowgong district. The Kamarupa
capital was then at Kamatapur and the Gauhati
region was then probably under a local Bhuyan
chief.
Wc need hardly refer to the supposed invasion
of Assam by Muhammad Bin Tughlak referred to
only in the Alamgimamah. The find of his coins
in the Mymensing district cannot raise any pre-
sumption that he invaded Klmarupa. This expedi-
tion into KSmarupa did not take place at all though
it is true that 1337-38 A. D. Muhammad Tughlak
attempted a march into Tibet through Nagarkot
or Kangra and this ended in a disaster (1). The
author of the Alamjirnamah perhaps thought that
the only way to Tibet lay through Assam.
The next invasion of KEmarupa by Sikandar
Shah in 1357 A. D. is mentioned both by R. D.
Banerji (2). and by P. N. Bhattacbarya (3).
The authority for this statement is a silver coin
bearing the name of Sikandar Shah minted at
"Chawalistan urf (aliat) Kamru*’ and dated 759
A. H. (4). This invasion is not mentioned by any
of the Muslim historians. Mr. Stapleton's surmise
(1) Cambridge History ot lad.a, vol III, pp 154-155,
(2) Bengal ar IUhash, vol. II, p 32.
(3) Moghul North Eastern Frontier Policy, p 63.
(4) Catalogue of coin* in the Indian Museum vol II.
p 152.
234
THE MUHAMMADAN INVASIONS.
that Sikandar’s activities were confined to the north
ot Mymensing, east of the Brahmaputra, which con-
stituted a part of Klmarupa and that the coin was
minted in that part of Mymensing appears to be
correct and we can dismiss as unfounded Mr.
Bhatticbarya’s theory that Sikandar advanced as
far as the Barnadi. Mr. Bhattacharya argues that
Sikandar' s invasion in 1357 was opportune as at
that time the Raja of Kamata was involved in war
with the Ahora king Sukhrangpha. As a matter ol
fact Sukhrangpha ascended tho throno in 1332 and
the plot against him by his half brother Chao Pulai
was hatched soon after the accession. The Kamata
RXja's invasion of the Ahom territories to help his
relative, Chao Pulai, therefore must have taken
place before 1340 A. D. or long before the alleged
invasion of Sikandar in 1357 A. D. The statement
that at that time the Kamata king was otherwise
engaged and could not therefore ofler resistance to
Sikandar is incorrect. On the other hind it ap-
pears that Illiyas Shah died at the end of 758 A. H.
and was succeeded by his son Sikandar Shah.
Before his death Illiyas Shah had heard of the pre-
parations mado by the Emperor Firoz Tughlak for
his second expedition into Bengal and being alarmed
at this news, Illiyas had sent envoys with presents
to Delhi towards the cad of 758 A. H. (1).
Sikandar Shah on ascending the throne had there-
fore to make preparations for resisting the invasion
of Firoz Tughlak. It is not at all likely that im-
mediately after ascending the throne he started on
(1) Coins and chronology of the Early Independent
Saltan a of Bengal by >\K.Bh*tiasali, p 44.
THE MUHAMMADAN INVASIONS. 235
an expedition into the interior of distant Kaniarupa.
As a matter of fact, Firoz Ttighlak started on his
second exj»cdition to Lakhnauti in 760 A. H. and
in the same year compelled Sikaodar to retire to
Ekdala fort which was invested bv Firoz. All
0
these circumstances go to show that the alleged
conquest of Kamni, as recorded in tire coin of 759
A. H., was an empty boast. It appears that when-
ever they effected a lodgment in east Mvmensing
these Sultans boasted ol the conquest of Kamru
and minted coins. Even Svlhct was considered
0
a part of Kamru.*
Mr. Uhattachirva s other theory that in 1394
A. I). Ghiyasuddm Az.im Shah invaded Kflnurupa
seems to be equally untenable. Mr. Bhittasali has
shown that Sikandar S!uh lived till October 1393
A. I). (U. Glnyasuddin who had revolted against
his father was busy fighting with his father till the
end of 1393 A. D. It is not at all likely that in
the following year, instead ol consolidating his
position in Bengal, he set out on an invasion into
Kfimarupa. The Muslim historians make no men-
tion of such an invasion. Neither R. D. Banerji
• Ibn Batata who visited Be or»l daring 13J6 17 A. I),
wrote in hi* narrative that be came to tbe “mountains of
Kamru” to visit a saint named Shaikh Jalaladdm Al-
Tabrizi. It is now recoin iicl by historian* that this
Jalal addin was no other than the famous Shah Jalol of
Bylhet who died about 1346 A. D. shortly after Ibn
Batuta visited him. It will appear therefore that the
country to the east of Mymensing was called "Kamru”
irrespective of the territories actually within the kingdom
of K&marnpa.
( 1 ; Coins and chronology of the Early Independent
Sultans of Bengal, p 71
j 3 6
THE
INVASIONS
nor Mr. Bhattasali make any such mention. It is
however true that the Muslims invaded Kamata
some time after 1397 A D and prior to 1407 A D
and that they were driven out with the help of the
forces pespatched by the Ahom king Sudangpha.
We shall refer to this matter in the next chapter.
Next we come to the conflict between the king
of Kamatapur and Sultan Barbik Shah of Bengal
said to have taken place about 1473-74 A. D. or
about a hundred years after the alleged invasion by
Sikandar. The story is based on what is stated in
a Persian manuscript, the /Htalal-Csh-Shuhada.
According to this account Barbak's army having
been repeatedly defeated by Kffmeswar (Kamates-
war) the king of Kimarupa, whose name is not given,
Barbak selected a holy man named Ishmail Ghazi,
and appointed him as his commander. The power-
ful king of KKmarupa advanced and met Ishmail
Ghazi's forces near Suntosh in the modern district
of Dinajpur. After a sanguinary battle the king of
KSmarupa completely defeated the Muslim com-
mander and destroyed practically the whole of his
army. The Muslim commander then made peace
overtures which the king of KSmarupa rejected.
Warfare was therefore continued and this time, it
is said, Ishmail brought into play his supernatural
powers which over-awed the KSmarupa king so
much rhat he was compelled Dot only to submit to
the Muslim commander but also to accept the
Islamic faith.
The Persian M. S. entitled Risalat- Uth-Shuhada
was found by Mr. G. H. Damant, I. C. S. in the
possession of a fakir in charge of Ishmail Ghazi
Durgah at Kanta Duar and he published the text
THE MUHAMMADAN INVASIONS.
3 37
of the M. S. with a sketch, iu English, of its contents
in the J. A. S. n. for the year 1R74. The author of
this M. S. was one P:r Muhammad Shittari who
recorded this account in 1633 A. 1 ). as it was re-
lated to him by three Mussulmans, viz, Shaikh
Kabir, Sh. ikh Latif and Shaikh M.isud who wero
then the keepers of Ismail Gbzi’s tomb. This
account was therefore written more than a century
and a h df after the death of Ishmail Ghazi.
It is stated in this account tbit the Sultan fir t
sent Ishmail as commander of the army against
Raja Gajapati of Orissa who had previously defeated
th«i Sultan’s trooj*. Ishmail succeeded in defeating
Gajapati who was taken prisoner and beheaded,
The Sultan next deputed Ishmail to subdue the
Raja of KBmarupo who bid repeatedly repulsed the
Muslim forces and who was known as K&mcswar.
According to the M. S. Kimcswar was " one of
the greatest heroes of his time and possessed good
military talents The first battle was fought "on
the field of Santosh within the borders of Islam "
which shows that it was the Raja of Kumarupa who
was the aggressor. Mima i I was completely defeated
and his army was annihilated. It is stated that the
only survivors were Ishmail, his nephew Muhammad
Shah and twelve paiks. Ishmail subsequently rein-
forced himself and is said to have garrisoned his
troops on a piece of high land, surrounded on all
sides by water, and that the piece of high land was
actually raised above water by God on the prayer
of Ishmail ! From this place Ishmail is said to have
sent the following message to the Raja of Ivama-
rupa : -
2 3 8 THE MUHAMMADAN INVASIONS.
" Sultan Barbak has appointed me to receive
your submission, you must present yourself before
me, ready equipped for a journey, in order that
I may take you to the Sultan and recommend him
to grant you your life and restore to you your
kingdom and preserve your standard. If you do
otherwise, you must suffer the consequences ".
The envoy came to the Raja and delivered ibe letter.
After reading it the Raja " became violently en-
raged ” and replied to the envoy in the following
terms : —
" 1 save your life because it is not my custom
to slay envoys ; however tell Shah Isbmail to meet
me on the field of battle. I order him to meet me
there. Tell him that I i m not that Gajapati whom
he has conquered and whose kingdom he has sub-
dued. Let Ishmail remember what befell his first
army. When all bis zealous comrades have fallen,
what can he do with bis single arm P
On receiving this reply Ishmail advanced and a
battle took place. Both sides fou2ht till darkness
but the issue was indecisive. On the cessation of
fighting, taking advantage of the darkness, Ishmail
disguised himself and riding stole into the Raja’s
camp unnoticed and penetrated into the apartment
where the “ Raja and the Rani were lying aslocp
in each other’s arms *. He did not kill them, as he
might easily have done, but fastened their hair
together, and unsheathing a sword, which was lying
near the Raja, he placed the blade across their
breasts. Having done this he rode back to his
camp. Next morning the Raja and the Rani awoke
and were surprised to find themselves in such a
predicament. At first they thought it was the
THE MUHAMMADAN INVASIONS. 239
work of some evil spirit but when horse's fool-
marks on the courtyard were discovered the Raja
came to the conclusion that *omeonc on horseback
had trespassed into his camp. He then kept strict
watch but on the next morning also he found the
sword in the same position over himself and his
queen. The s me thing happened on the third
night also. Tire Rija then became thoroughl v
alarmed and believed that I lunail w: s possessed of
supernatural powers, lie tltereforc rent a messen-
ger to Mim.til within- to come and p.y respects il
his life was secure. I h mail replied assuring safety.
The Raja then came bringing with him tribute and
rich presents and fell pro'tr.it< b?iore I.h iuil. He
also ate some food given out ol Ishmail s mouth thus
making himself a Muslim. As a reward lor his
voluntary submission Mirnsil conferred on him the
title of “ /lira btr<r (great fight'-r). He sent
information to his Stdtau thit KilnCswar lnd
voluntarily submitted and p iid tribute. The Suit in
was overcome with joy and showered presents on
Ishmail.
After this, according to this account, Bhmdasi
Kai, the Hindu governor of Ghor-ighn, re pre salt-
ed to the Sultan tint thi alleged voluntary submis-
sion of Karnes war was a fraud and th it I h n iil h id
really formed an alliance with the Rtja of Kama-
rupa in order to set up an independent kingdom
for himself. The Sultan, believing the information
to be true desp itched an armed force against
Ishmail who repulsed the Sultan's force; several
times but at last submitted. He was then behead-
ed by order of the Sultan on Friday, the ijtli
Shaban 878 A. H.
24C
THE MUHAMMAD AX INVASIONS.
This is the story narrated in the Persian M. S.
Stripped of all legend it seems that Ishmail con-
cluded a truce with the Raja of Kimarupa to whom
he had to cede some territory, probably in Ghora-
ghat. We find that the Kimarupa king, Nilam-
bar, built a road from Kamatlpur to Ghoraghat
and erected a fort at Ghoraghat.
The whole story about the alleged conflict
between Ishmail Gbazi and the Raja of Kamatlpur
and the beheading of Ishmail under orders of Sultan
Barbak is probably a myth for we find that Ishmail
Ghari, as general of Alauddin Hussein Shah, in-
vaded Orissa in 1509 A. D. He sacked Puri and
destroyed temples there. The king of Orissa then
hurried from the south and Ishmail retreated. The
Orissa king, Pratapa Rudra, pursued him and
defeated him on the bank of the Ganges within tho
district of Hugli. (B.ineTji’s History of Orissa,
vol. I p. 325-326). The kings of Orissa were no
doubt known as “ Gajapati ", but the story that
Ishmail defeated the king of Orissa, took him as
prisoner and beheaded him is entirely false for it is
found that in 1510 A. D. Pratapa Rudra recorded
his Kavali grant wherein it is stated that he defeated
the king of Gaur. Pratapa Rudra, who was a con-
temporary of Sri Chaitanya, died in 1 540 A. D.
after a long reign.
It would therefore seem to be probable that if
Sultan Barbak had any conflict at all with the Raja
of Kamatlpur his general was not Ishmail Ghazi
but some one else who was defeated by the Raja.
Ishmail Ghazi may have, as general of Alauddin
Hussein Shall, attacked Nilambar, the king of
THE MUHAMMADAN INVASIONS. 24 1
Kamatapur towards the end of the fifteenth century
before his expedition into Orissa. I*ir Muhammad
Sh ittari, the author of the Risal'it-Ush- Shuhada
evidently confused dates and introduced a legend
in his book.
It will appeal fiom the above that the various
Muslim invasions, lroni the beginning ol the thir-
teenth century, failed to overthrow tbi line of
Hindu kings reigning either at Giuhiti or at
Kamatapur. All these invasions, except those
undertaken by Bukhtiyai, Xasiruddin and Malik
Yuzbeg alias Sultan Mughisuddin, were only raids
which left no peimuncut impression. Bukhtiyar
and Malik Yuzbeg were severely defeated and their
armies annihilated. Even Nasiruddin's success
against Prsthu was a temporary success. Sinco
the defeat sustained by Malik Yuzbeg in 1255
A. D. KSmarupa enjoyed freedom from serious
foreign aggressions for a period of more than 200
years, until the end of tho fifteenth century.
During the first fifty years of this period the seat
of government was shifted to Kamatapur and in
KRmarupa proper Bhuynn chiefs were establish-?!
at various places as wardens of inarches. It is
true that these chiefs owed only nominal allegiance
to the Kamata kings and that they often fought
against one another but when a foreign foe appeared
they combined and oficrcd united resistance.
CHAPTER X-
The kikos or kamata.
During the long period of peace and lreedom
from external aggressions many changes took place
in the internal condition of the kingdom. It seems
that during this period the Kacharis became
powerful and advanced towards the west up to the
boundary of the present district of Kamrup.
Owing to the extension of the Kachari power the
Kftmarupa kings were, it seems, compelled to
remove their capital from Gauhati further west to
Kamatapur. Since then they were known as the
kings of KamatS and the kingdom included only the
Goalpara and the Kamrup districts of the modern
Assam Valley besides a portion of northern Bengal
and a portion of Mymensing to the east of the
Brahmaputra then flowing through that district.*
• The name Kamto or Kamata may have been derived
from Kama da, Kama or Kaott which were the various
THE KINGS OF KAMATA.
243
The Ahoms entered Assam from the north-east
during the first part of the thirteenth century.
About 1253 A. D. Sukiphl, the leader of the
Ahom invaders, had firmly established himself at
Charaideo (1). During the reign of his successor
the Kach.it is on the south bank of the Brahmaputra
were forced to retire to the west of the Dikhu
river. Sukhlngphft, the great grandson of Stlklphl
ruled from 1293 A. D. to 1332 A.D. (2). During
his reign the Ahoms pushed so far to the west as
to come into corHict with the Raja of Kamatl who
then ruled over the western part of the old king-
dom of KAmarupa. On the north bank of the
Brahmaputra the country seems to have been ruled
by a line ot Chutia king* and also by some Bhuyans
who were ultimately subdued by the Ahoms.
mines of the deity known »' Kauitksbyi an stated In
tho KltlikA Puran According to Vidyaviaod, "KArnes*
war* Mali \ Oourl M worshipped by the king* of Harjara’.s
line In Horappaswar* and “Mahu Gouri K.uneswuro”
worshipped by the Liofa of the Hrabraapila dynasty at
Sri DnijnyA were tho came Idols which were removed to
KnnuitApnr by the later king* and these then got the
iiniiifa u Katnuteawar’ , and “Karas teswari” or “KAntoswur”
nod ‘‘Kantoswuri Nearly • century and a quarter ugo
Huchanan aaw the min" of KamatApur aud recorded tliut
the idol or the iiar*kn of i amateswati w«* not actually
desecrated by the Mussulmans but, according to local
tradition current at that time, it concealed itx-lf during
the Mualim occupation and r*-»pp«>ared dining the
regime of the flinduixed Koch klugs or Kaioarupa.
Buchanan noticed a small heap where the temple of
Kamateswari stood and other ruins to the west which
indicated the existence of another temple dedicated to
another deity. Thia was probably the temple of
K am ate* war.
(1) Gait's History of Assam, p. 78.
(2) Ibid. p. 80.
344
THI RINGS OP RAMATA.
During the latter part of the thirteenth and the
beginning of the fourteenth century, it appears that
the Chutias on the north and the Kacharis on the
south intervened between the A horns and the
Kamatl Icings. As already stated, the Abora king
SukhingphI made war against the Kamatl king
probably towards the end of the thirteenth century.
Hostilities continued for several years. At length
the Raja of Kamatl was obliged to sue for peace,
which he did, by giviog his daughter or sister named
Rajani to the Aborn king. The five villages given
by tho Kamatl king as dowry with princess Rajani
included one called Patil*-dohi which is still a
populated village in the Barpeta subdivision of the
Kamrup district. This indicates that the kingdom
of Kamatl then extended as far as the present
district of Kamrup towards the east.*
Sukhingph! bad, by this princess, a son named
Chao Pulai who was old enough to be appointed
aa the Siring raja on his father's death in 1332.
It is therefore evident that peace between Su-
khlngphl and the Kamatl king was concluded
about the beginning of the fourteenth century. On
the death of Sukhlngphl his eldest son, SukhrBng-
phl, ascended the throne. Soon after, his half-
brother Chao Pulai, the son of the Kamatl princess,
hatched a conspiracy against him(i). When the
plot was detected Chao Pulai fled to Kamatl.
The king of Kamatl thereafter marched into the
• It should howsver be noted that Pat la- Dob was also
the name of a locality in Ghoragbat Paigana between the
Karatoya and the Brahmaputra and therefor* within the
kingdom of Kamarupa.
Vl) Gait’s Bistory of
P 81.
THE KINGS OF KAVATA.
245
Ahom kingdom ns far ns Siring. Sukhhrftngpha
did not dare to oppose the KamatS king but, open-
ing negotiation*, became reconciled with Chao
Pulai. Thereupon the KuinalS king withdrew his
forces. Tb s took p'..ce about 1340 A. D.
Gait says thit, if the Hftro-Bhuvan accounts
can be relied upon, DurLbbnSrayan, the king of
KamatS, who settled th« Biahmans and the Ivavas-
tbas including Cbandibar, the grcut-grcat-gr.ind-
father of Sri S.inkar Deva, in Kamarupa, would
seem to have ruled towards the end of the thir-
teenth century (1). It is stated that Durlabhiutrtt-
yan had hostilities with one Dbarmanfirayan who
styled himself as Gaudcswar. When peace was
concluded Dh trmanlriyan presented seven families
of Brahmans and seven families of Kayasthns to
DurlebhnSi&yan who settled them within his king-
dom. K.'yasthi ChanJibar was the ablest of all
these immigrants and he was settled in the eastern-
most part ol the kingdom which was then subject
to raids by the Bhutias. It is stated in the Guru
Char itra that be repulsed tbe Bhutia raids with
only a handful ol men.
The Guru Charitra by Ramcharan Tbakur,
who was the nephew of Sri Madhava Deva and
who must have written towards the end of the
sixteenth century, gives a rather confused account
of DurlabhnirSvan. According to this account
there was a king named Sandhva who became
the Gaudeswara. Mis son was Sindhu Rui
who became a Rdin-rSjtucara i.e. paramount over
other kings. Sindhu Rsi was succeeded by his
(1> Gait's History of iwo p 81.
THE KINGS OF KAMaTA.
son Rup (RupnarlvSn ?) whose fame spread to
other countries. The son and successor of Rup
was Singbadbvaj , whose minister was a Kayastha
named PratSpadhvaj, son of Liharia. Pratfipa-
dhvaj killed Singhadhvaj and became himself the
king. He had a son named DurlabhnirKyan by
his queen Parvftvati. It is stated that Durlabh-
nlrSyan,, as Gaudeswara secured a kingdom after
some time, but it is also mentioned that a cousin
( belegi&bh&i ) of DurlabhniiAyan named Dliarma-
plla alias DharmanlrSyan was the K&mcswara.
Now we have it from the contemporary Muham-
madan accounts that the kings of Kam&ta, in the
fourteenth and the fifteenth centuries, were called
Klmeswara. So we can suppose that Dharmapftla
alias DharmanirKvan was the king of Kamatfl
or Kimarupa. As a matter of fact, Ramcharan
Thakur calls him also Kamateswara. It is stated
in the Guru Charitra that all the Bhuyans were
subordinate to Dbarmap&la. The Goddess KfimH-
kshyfi having cursed him be left his kingdom
and went to another country. Then there was
anarchy and the Bhuyans became supreme in
every village in the northern territories. Durlabh-
narSyan, who is styled Gaudeswara, established
his headquarters at a place called Garia after
bunding a river with the help ol Chandibar and
this place was nine hours journey from Cooch
Bebar. It is said that Dharmapfcla had his head-
quarters in Gboraghat in Rangpur and that he
had a son named Tamradbvaj. Aftenvards there
was a long-standing war between Durlabhnarayan
and DharmapSla alias Dharmanlrayan. At length
THE KINGS OF KAMATA.
347
peace was established and the Gaudeswara present-
ed to the Kainates wara the fourteen families of
Brahmans and Kayasthas. It would thus appear
that, according to this account, it was Durlabhna*
rlyna the Gaudeswara, who presented the Brahmans
and the Kayasthas to Dharmanii 5yan, the Kainate-
swara or, in other words, the popular tradi-
tion that Dharmanarlyan presented the families
of the Bhuyans is reversed.
It is not clear from this account where San-
dh)i and his successors ruled, but it is clear
that Dharmanlxlyan alias DharmapKla was the
king of Kamatl. This is corroborated by the
reference to Kamlkshyi, Cooch Behur and Ghora-
ghat, all places within the kingdom ol Kftina-
rupa. Now it is not probable tliat Durlabh-
nlrftyan's father ruled over ooe kingdom and
his relative Dharmanhrlyan ruled over Kamatl.
Our supposition is that SandhyS and his suc-
cessors were all kings of Kamatl. Very likely
they styled themselves also as Gaudeswara as
a part of Gauda was within their kingdom or
the title was then considered to be more high-
sounding. The mention that Sandhyl became the
the Gaudeswara indicates th.it it was he who
shifted the capital from Klmarupa-nagar to
KamatSpur and commenced using the title
Gaudeswara. His great-grandson Singhadhvaj
was killed by the minister Pratlpadhvaj who
occupied the throne. From Rumcharan Thakur's
account we may conjecture that when Pratlpa-
dhvaj died Dharraanirayan, his nephew, usurped
the thorne and styled himsell as Klmeswara-
In order to provide for a possible contingency
THE KINGS OF KAXATA.
* 4 $
in future, he built a new city near Dimla in
the RaDgpur district and this is the city descri-
bed by Buchanan.* He removed the seat of
government to this city. This removal is refer-
red to in the Guru Charitra as being due to
the curse of the Goddess Klmlksbyl. After
the removal of the headquarters to the new
city in Rang pur the Bbuy an chiefs in the north-
ern and eastern part of the kingdom raised
their beads for a time. Durlabhnlrayan then,
finding an opportunity, seized a part of the nor-
thern territories and established his headquar-
ters at Garia. This led to hostilities between
the two cousins but at length peace was con-
cluded and, it seems, the kingdom was divided,
the northern and the eastern part with Kamatl-
pur going to Durlabhnlrly-n and DbarmanlrR-
yan retaining the territories to the south inclu-
ding perhaps Rangpur and Mymensing. It is
clearly stated that after the meeting in which
the treaty was concluded Dbarmanfcr&yan proceed-
ed to Ghoraghat where his son Tlmradhvaj
received him. Hema Saraswati, a contemporary
writer, makes Durlabhnlriyan the king of "Kama-
tfl mandala”. It is stated by Kaviratna Sara-
’ Buchanan wrote:—
'‘About two miles from a bend in the Tista, a little
below Dimla, in the Rangpur district, are the remains of
a fi rtifled city, said to hare bewn built by Raja Dbarma-
pala, the first king ot (he Pal dynasty in Kamarupa.”
Buchanan was wrong because Dbaimap&la, of the dynasty
of Brahmapdla, was not the first king of that dynasty.
The founder of the city near Dimla had evidently
no oonnection with the Pala sings of Kamarnpa.
THE Kiycs OF KAMATA.
249
swati, another contemporary writer, in his Jaya-
dratha Vadha , that his father, Chakra plni Kay-
astha, was a petty revenue officer under Durlabh-
n&iiyan in Chota-Sila, now a village in the
Barpeta Sub-division. The kingdom of Durlabh-
narSyan therefore included the present Assam
districts of Krmrup and Goalpara, the State
of Cooch Behar ard the Bengal district of
Jalpaiguri. It is pTobable that after this divi-
sion of territories Durlabhnfiilyan became the
Komcswara and Dbarmanlrlvan styled himself
as Gaudeswara.
In order to fix the chronology of these kings
we have to proceed from the birth date of fJri
Sankar Dcva. We know that ( 3 ri daakar Deva
was born in the year 137 1 flaka, equivalent to
1449 A.D. His great-great-grandfather Chandi-
bar was the contemporary of Durlabhnariyar.
We can therefore place Durlabhnit Ivan's reign
about the second quarter ol the fourteenth cen-
tury and that of SandhyK about the middle
of the thirteenth century.
Durlabhnlriiyan was an important king of
Kamatl. He was a patron of learning. During
his reign some Klmarupi poets flourished.
They were Hema Saraswati, Kaviratna Sara-
swati and Haribor Bipra. They all wrote in
Assamese verse. According to Ramcharan Tha-
kur’s account Durlabhnaxlyan had seven queens.
He was succeeded by his ton IndranKrlyan who,
according to Kaviratna Saraswati, was a devout
Vaisnava. It is not known bow long Indranirl-
yan ruled or who succeeded him. Neither do
we know anything definitely as to what became
THE KtSGS OF KAMATA.
250
of DharmanarAyan and his son Timradhvaj.
Kaviratna Saraswati wrote in his Jayadratha
Vodka , that through the blessings of Siva Indra-
nSrSyan would be the “Pancha Gaudeswara" i.e.
king over all the five Gaudas. Evidently
Kaviratna Saraswati died during the reign of
I idranarSyan. As wc shall see later, very proba-
bly, Indranarlyan did not enjoy a long reign.
He was probably defeated and killed by an
usurper and that the line to which he belonged
ended with him. The following chronology of
the Kamati kings down to IndraoAriyan can
thus be tentatively sugges'ed:-
Sandbyl 1350-1270 A.D.
I
Sindhu 1270-1285 "
I
Rup 1285-1300 ’’
I
Singbadhvaj 1300-1305 "
Pratlpadhvaj *305-1325
Dharmn caravan 1325-1330
Durlabhnarivan 1330-1350 "
I
IndranSrSyan *350-1365 "
It was very likely Sandhyi, the king of
Kfcmarupa, who after defeating Tughril Khan
Malik Yuzbeg, also known as Sultan Mughis-ud-
din, in 1255 A.D., removed the seat of government
to Kamatftpur about I260 A. D. This removal
was probably. necessitated by the menace of the
Kacharis and also by the feet that Gaubati was
then easily accessible to raiding Muslim inva-
THE KINGS OF KAMATA. 25 1
ders from the direction of Sonar gaon. Pratftpa-
dhvaj was perhaps the Kamata king who conclu-
ded peace with the Abooi king bv giving to tbs
latter his daughter R .jam in marriage. Durlabh-
nlrfiyan was evidently the Kamata king who sub-
sequently marched into the Abom kingdom as far
as Soring.
It is possible to glean from the Gum Charitra
and other records that about this time, and proba-
bly earlier, the Dhuyans who were mostly Kayas-
thas and Kalitas, but who included also Brahmans
and Ganaks, were the leaders of the popu-
lace. Tbe\ were the feudal batons under the la-
ter kings of Kffmarupa. As the overlordship of
the degenerate kings was not however strong these
Bhuyar.s often fought with i ne another and some-
times combined against a common foe. From the
Raut Kuchi gTant of one of these Bhuyans viz, Pit-
rusottam Da sa, recorded in the year 1251 Saka
corresponding to 1329 A. D., we find that lands
were given by him to a Brahman in Raut Kuchi,
not far from N'albari. It is stated in this grant
that Purusottam's grandfather, Vusudcva, was the
right hand of the king of Kamarupa and that he
always marched at the head of a thousand swords-
men on the side of the king (1). He might have
been a contemporary of SandhyK or bis son Sin-
dhu. His son was Jayadeva who is described
as the “lotus of bis own race and who posseessed
the characteristic qualities of the Aryans”
(2). This reference indicates that Jayadeva Das
(1) Social History of Kamaropa. rol I p 247.
(2) Ibid p 247.
*5* THE KINGS OE KAMATA.
was either a Kayastha or a Kalita Bhuvan.
"From him was born the illustrious Purusottama
who on account of his great wealth was matchless
and was like the Kalpa tree on earth. By dint of
the valour of his arms and heroism he had defeated
the rival kings (chiefs?) and obtained the glory of
sovereignty" (t). It is clear from the above ex-
tract that Purusottam subjugated several other
Bhuyan? and the Kamati king had to recognize
him as a vassal king over a specified tract rather
than as an ordinary feudal baron. History tells us
that even at a much later period, during the rule of
the Koch kings, feudatory local chiefs of Rani, Luki,
Dimorua, Rangjuli and Soosung (in Mymensing)
were designated as Rajas.
Relying on the Gurucharitra by Ramcharan
Thakur and the works of contemporary writers
like Hema Saraswati and Kaviratna Saraswati we
can trace the history of the Kamatl kings down
to the middle of the fourteenth century after which
the history of the kingdom is most uncertain.
We know that DurlabhanlrSyan was succeeded
by his son Indranirftyan but we do not know
for certain who succeeded the latter. From the
Ahom Buranjis it is found that towards the end
of the fourteenth century the Kamatl king again
came into conflict with the Ahom king SudSng-
phl. It appears that one Tao Sulai, who was
paramour of SudingphS’s queen, fled to KamatB
and when the Ahom king demanded his return
the Raja of KamatS refused to give him up
(1) Ibid p 8.24
THE KINGS OP KAMATA.
*53
(l). Sudlngphfi then despatched an expedition
into KamatS under the Bargohain. The Raja of
KamatB was, in the meantime, attacked by the
Muhammadans. He therefore submitted to the
Ahom king and sought his aid to drive out the
Muslim invaders. Sudangphi ordered the Bargo-
hain to help the KamatB Raja. The combined
forces of the KamatB Raja and the Bargohain de-
feated the Muslims and drove them out ol KamatB.
The Raja, being pleased, gave his daughter BhSjani
in martiage to StidBngphB with a suitable dow:y
consisting of hor:es, elephants, ornaments and
servants. This must have taken place about the end
of the fourteenth or the beginning of the fifteenth
century, for SadingphI died in 1407 A. U, This
Raja ot KamatB was no doubt a successor of In-
draririyan*. Gait has not mentioned the assistance
(1) Gait's II (story of Assam p S«.
• With regard to the two Ruinate piinceaaes Rajani
and Bhajeot the several Buranfii do not agree.
According to the Dtodkoi Buranji iujnni wan man led
to Sukiiangpba who reigued from 1293 A D. This ia the
version accepted by Galt and It seems to bo the correct
one. Tha Ptodkai Huron): ho* ever makes Rajani the
sister of the Kamata king whose daughter wbh Bhajani.
It ia stated that Rajaul iutervened and persuaded her
brother to give hla daughter Bhajani to Sudangpha.
This is not probable because it ia not at all likely that
princess Rajani whose son Chao Pulai was a grown up
man in 1332 A I) lived till Sndangpbs became king in
1397 A 1). On the other hand, the Dohooria tluragokoin
Uuranji makes tho incorrect statement that Rajani and
Bhajani were two daughters of the KamalA king and
that they were both givsn in martiage to Sukhrangpha
and that a subsequent Ahom king Sndangpha got
another princess from Kamata. It U also said in this
Uuranji that to this prineeaa was given as dowry the
estate* known aa Sberpur, Karaiburi, DaBbkaanin,
Balilrbund and Bbitarband which are all localities in the
THE KfHGS OF KAMATA.
254
given by the Aboms to the Kamatl Raja but this
is mentioned in the Assamese Buranji called
m SuargavSrJI’/3n Mah&rnj&r Ahhrana m wherein
it is stated that the Bargohain drove out the Mus-
lim invaders and cleared the country as far as
the Kara toy I.*
According to the account given in the M. S.
of an Assamese Buranji known as the “Stcarg'i-
n&r&yan Mah&r&j&r Janma Chari tra 9 a king of
Kamata became very friendly with the Sultan of
Bengal who gave his daughter to the Kamatil
Raja. This princess was very beautiful and was
named Susuddhi. It appears that after having been
Hinduized ihc became the chief queen of the Raja.
The other queen was SulochanI by whom the
Raja had a son named Durlabherdia. SuAudhi fell
praaant districts of Rangpnr and Mymenalng.
According to tba Ih*dixi Buranji the father of
Kajuni >u named Sekbang while the father of
Bbnjani was named Manik. It seem* that the author
of (be Buranji mlaolneed the namea. It in moro probable
that the father of Bhajani "ai named Sole hang, perhaps
the Ahom rendering of the Hindu name Sukarnng,
(Sukarunkn), the eon of Arlmatta who, no we ahall «b on-
later, wan probably the king of KumatA nbont thin time.
Gajankn, ^nVaranka and Mriganfca uwd to bo popularly
called tiajang, Hukarang and llrignng. Manik wan
probably the name of the minister of Singhadhvaj
who haring killed the king and usurped the throne
assumed the blgbsounding name Pratapadlivaj.
• This is supported also by the Iftodkai Buranji and
the Bakaaria Bur a G»iain Buranji. In the former it
ia stated that Sudangpba ordered the Bargohain in these
terms:— “Kamuteswara ha* asked for our assistance to
fight the Muslims. You better go and support him aud
if he gives a princes* bring her with you." The
statements of Blocbman and Prinsep, rrfered to In the
footnote to page 8* of Gait’s History of Assam, are thus
confirmed.
THE KWflS OP KAMATA.
a 55
in love with Chandrasekhara a son of Nilambar
who was the Raja’s priest. Chandrasekhara used
to visit the queen at night secretly. This was de-
tected and Chandrasekhara was put in chains. Su-
iudhi, who was known also as GaurmA (Princess
of Gaur), was disgraced, turned out of the palace
and made to live in a hut attended only by a maid
servant. She then managed to send information
to her hither. In the meantime the Raja had
caused the secret murder of Kesava Rai, the son
of Satlnanda, the chief gate keeper, on the suspi-
cion that he assisted Chandrasekhara to enter the
palace at night in order to bold intrigue with (be
queen. A part of the flesh of Kesava was cooked
and his father was invited to dinner. He came
and unwittingly ate of his son’s flesh. When at
length he came to know the real fact he fled to the
Sultan and urged him to invade KamatL At
length the Sultan despatced Turbak with an army
with orders to rescue GaurmA and seize the Raja.
At this the Raja fled to the Ahom kingdom and
sought the aid of the Ahom king- This was in
1401 Saka. When the Kamata king left his king-
dom Su£udbi invited the Kachan king to come
and take her away. The Kachan king sent men
who carried GourmA away. He made her bis
chief queen. This was in 1405 Saka equivalent
to 1483 A. D. Turbak came to Kamata but did
not find Gournni there. He learned that she had
been taken away by the Kacbari king. On getting
this information the Sultan sent Meet Manik to the
assistance of Turbak. They invaded the Kachari
kingdom and about tbe same time tbe Aboms also
THE KINGS OF KAMATA.
attacked the Kacharis. The Aboms killed the Ka-
chari king and captured GourmA with her baby
the issue of the Kachari Raja. She was presented,
to the Ahom king who, enamoured of her beauty,
took her as his wife. Then the Aboms continued
war with Turbak for several years. They were
not at first successful but at length the Bargohain
visited Turbak in bis camp on the false pretence
of tendering submission and assassinated him.
The Muslims were then defeated. At KamatK
Durlabhendra, the son of SulochanI became king.
He was killed by Fingua, a kinsman. Fingua de-
feated and killed Arimatta but Arimatta’s son Ra-
tna Singha defeated and killed Fiogua. He then
became king of Gaubati as well as Kamatipur. He
spared Suchiruchand, the son of Durlabhendra.
Tho Abom king then drove away Ratna Singha
and placed Sachiruchand, on the throno of Kamatl.
The above account does not appear to be re-
liable because Turbak s invasion took place
about 1532 when the Koch king Viswa Singha was
ruling in Kamarupa, whereas this account anetdates
that invasion by nearly 50 years. The line of Ka-
tnat* kings came to an end after the sack of Ka-
matBpur by Sultan Alauddin Hussein Shah, to-
wards the end of the fifteenth century. There is
hardly any doubt that Durlabban&i&yan continued
to rule till about the middle of the fourteenth cen-
tury and that he was succeeded by his son Indra-
nlrSvan. On this point the testimony of a contem-
porary poet is much more reliable than a Buranji
writen some centuries after. The story of Qour -
m# alias Suiudhi therefore appears to be a legend
THE KINGS OF KAMATA. 857
to which no historical importance can be attached.
No such story is mentioned in the Ahom Buranji
translated by Rai Sahib G. C. Barua. Durlabhendra
Nlrlyan was perhaps the same as Indraniriyan.
It appears that the names of Durlabhnirlyan
and his son Indraniriyan have been wrongly
combinod in Durltbhcndranirlyan. Sucblruchand
might have been the name of Indranirlyan's son.
It seems that after Indraniriyan, the regular line
ended and an era of upstarts and adventurers fol-
lowed. Indraniriyan himself might have been de-
posed by such an adventurer. We are inclined to
think that this usurper was no other than Arimatta
alias Gajinka who, for a time, was contested by
Fingua, a member of the family of Durlabhaniriyan.
At length Fingua was vanquished and slain.
Arimatta was succeeded by his son Ratnasingba
alias Sukaiinka who, in his turn, was succeeded
by Sutarlnka whose son was Mriginka. It is said
that Mriginka, who was ruler over tbe whole
kingdom as far as the Karatoyi, died without
leaving any issue.
There are numerous conflicting legends con-
cerning Arimatta. He is supposed to have been
the son of a queeu begotten on her by the river-
god. The KAmarupar Buranji makes him the
descendant of Dharmapila. This Dharmpala may
have been the same person know’n as Dharmanl-
rayan alias Dharmapila. We know that Tim-
radhvaj was the son of Dharmanlrayan. Arimatta
may have been the son of Tlmradhvaj and there-
fore a nephew of Indranirayan. One of the tradi-
THE KINGS OF KAMATA.
258
tions mentioned by Gait makes him a descendant of
one Tlmradhvaj. (1). According to Wade’s account
compiled in 1800 A. D. , either from traditions
or from written records, Arimatta defeated and
killed the Raja of Kamatlpur named Durlabhendra
and succeeded to the kingdom .• Then be killed
Fingua Koar, a nephew of Durlabhendra and
overthrew Rimcbandra, a local chief, who ruled
somewhere in the modern district of Darrang.
(1) Q ait's History of Assam, p 18, Footnote.
• According to traditions, incorporated in Wade's
account, Durlabhendra, whom Arimatta alow, was the
Bad* of Behar ,Coo«h Behar) and was known as Esmale-
swara (perhaps Kamateswara or Kameswarai. Having
socurrd the throne of Dnriabhendra Arimatta marched
into Kamaropa and established bie headquarters at
Vaidyargarh where he erectsd a fort. Thence he removed
to Pratappor, near Bishnath, and established his
oapital there. Sukaranka, the eon of Arimatta, reigned
there and died at Aswakranta in North-Oauhati. His
son Sntaranka also reigned at Pratappor bat Mriganka,
the son of Sntaranka, was the king over the whole of
Kamarupa as far as the Karatoya river on the west.
It is also stated that Arimatta and his three
suoeesjors ruled from 1238 A.D. to 1478 A.D. It is
further added that when Mriganka died without a male
issue the line of Arimatta became extinct and then the
Bara-Bbnyana commenced s a nr dymufy of kings who
became Kajae of the country.
This account would give 240 years for ths reign of
four moosrehs which cannot obvionaly be accepted.
When Mriganka died a new dynasty of kings originating
from the Bhuyana began to rule. As we shall show later,
this dynasty was the Khin dynasty founded by biladhvaj
which came to an end about 1493 A.D. Mriganka there-
fore died about 1440 A.D. and Arimata usurped the
throne of Kamata about 1365 A.D., thus allowing 75
years tor the reign of four kings of Anmatta’s line. Any-
way, this account makes Arimatta a king of Kamata
though antedated, perhaps, by a century. It, however,
THE KINGS OF KAMATA.
359
He was succeeded by Sukaranka, Sutaranka and.
Mrigftnka. When Mriginka died without any
issue the Bhuyans commenced a new dynasty and
ruled the country and during their rule Hussein
Shah invaded Kiimarupa. The probability is that
Arimatta, who was probably the grandson of
Dharmap&la alias Dh armai irfiyan, usurped the
throne oi Kamatl either after the death of IndranS-
rSyan or by deposing and killing him and that he
subsequently subducJ the local chiefs in eastern
Kfimurupa who had previously thrown off the yoke
of the Kdmata rule. He founded a dynasty in Ka-
ma 1 5 which ended with Mriginka before the
middle of the fifteenth century. Another dynasty
tl»cn ruled the kingdom and it was during the reign
of a king of this dynasty that Hussein Shah invaded
Kfimarupa about 149S A. D. The tradition cur-
rent in Assam that Arimatta killed his own father
can perhaps be explained by the supposition that
he deposed and killed IndranSr&yan who was
his uncle.
Curiously enough, we find the name of Arimatta
makes Pratuppur the headquarters of all the king? of
Arimatta'a line. Thu b net quite probable because, as
will be shown in chapter XI, the powerful Chutis kings
were then ruling in north eastern Attain, It is quite
possible that Arimatta bad his capital, for some time at
lea*t, in the modern A Mara Talley and that is why
traditions about him are still extant In the A Mam valley
but his successors Sukaranka, Sutaranka and Mriganka
are more or less unknown in the Assam valley. They
were kings of Kamata who bad but little influence over
eastern Assam, though they were the western neighbours
of the Chutia kings on the north and the Kacbaris on the
south of the Brahmaputra.
360 THE KWGS OP RAMATA.
sought to be confirmed from another unexpec-
ted quarter. It is stated in the Kashmere chroni-
cle that king Jayapida, grandson of Muktapida
Lalitaditya, who overthrew Yasovannan of Ka-
nauj in the eighth century, came as far as Pundra-
vardhana and led an expedition against a neigh-
bouring king of Nepal named Arimuri.* A writer
in the Calcutta Review (1867) identified this Ari-
muri with Arimatta and thus placed him towards
the close o! the eighth centurv A. D. The follow-
ing is a quotation from the Calcutta Review: -
*Tbe C^hmerian prince advancing into the
country, found Arimuri posted with bis forces on
the bauk of a river. Excited with the hope of a
speedy triumph, be plunged into tbe stream, but
found, when it was too late, that be could not
stem the current. Many of bis soldiers followed him
into tho water and were drowned, and he, power-
less to defend himself was captured by a party
of Arimuri’s men who launched out into the torrent
on inflated skins. He was confined in a strong
castle on tbe banks of “Gondhica", the same river,
in all probability, as tbe Gandak which, at that
time, formed the western boundary of Kamarupa;
whilst the remnant of bis army returned in dismay
to Cashmere. Tbe tidings of this discomfiture and
of the captivity of tbe king spread consternation
throughout Cashmere. Tbe ministers immediately
met for deliberation, when one Deva Sarnia under-
took to effect tbe deliberation of the monarch.
* According to one account published by Gait, in his
Report on Historical Research, Arimatia conquered a
P*rt of Nepal.
THE KINGS OF KAMATa. 261
Proceeding with a cor.siderable force into Assam
and encamping his men on the banks of the river
opposite to where the fort stood which held his
master captive, he himself repaired to the court of
Arimuri. At a private conference with the king,
be intimated his readiness to give up to him the
treasures of Joy pin, which be represented to be
with the invading army; but he at the same time
intimated that as the amount and distribution of
the money were known to the prince only, it
would be neccessary for him, the minister, to have an
interview with Joypira, and on some pretence or
other elicit from him the required information.
The artifice succeeded, and Dora Sarma was ad-
mined into his master’s presence. In the interview
that followed, the minister urged Joypira to let
himself down from the window ot his prison and
swim across the river to his troops, but the latter de-
clined to make an attempt that must fail on ac-
count of the impetuosity of the torrent below.
Alter some further discussion, tbe minister with-
drew to an adjoining chamber, promising soon to
return; but as a considerable interval elapsed and
bo did not reapperr, the king went to seek him.
He found him lying dead on tbe floor strangled
by means of his own turban. Beside b in lay a
leaf on which he bid scratched some words with
his fiagernail. In these words tbe devoted minister
instructed Joypira to inflate his dead body and
using it as a float to escape with all expedition to
the opposite shore. Penetrated with admiration,
at this proof of attachment Joypira hastened to
obey his friend's couasol, and /eached h.s troops
THE KINGS OF KAMaTA.
362
in safety. Eager to wipe off his disgrace, he made
a sudden attack upon Arimuri, slew him and left his
country a depopulated waste *
Vincent Smith has considered Jayapida’s visit
to Pundravardhana and his alleged expedition
against Arimuri as purely imaginary (1). Kahlan
flourished in the eleventh century A. D. while
Ariraatta was probably ruling somewhere in Assam
a century or two later. The identification of Ari.
muri (Aramudi according to Vincent Smith) with
Arimatta scents therefore to be fanciful. In the
genealogy of the kings of Kamarupa there is no
room for Arimatta towards the close of the eighth
or the beginning of the ninth century. There is
however mention of Arath (eldest son of Arathi)
the elder brother of Prllambha who flourished
about this time and who either succeeded his grand-
father as king or was killed in battle before being
installed as king. It is not probable that either
Arathi or Arath was the same as Arimuri or Ari-
matta. Local traditions are almost unanimous
that the Bhuyans ruled the country not very long
after Arimatta who therefore must have flou-
rished in the fourteenth century.* The Kamata
king who gave his daughter Bhajani to the Ahom
king Sudangphu and sought bis aid to drive out the
Muslim invaders was very probably SukarSnka
the son of Arimatta.
(1) Early History of India, p 387.
• In the qnaei'historical pvthi known as the Bara
Oauri Sambad it is stated that after Mriganka’s daath
petty kings ruled over every mandala of Kamarupa and
that after these the Koch king® and the Indra Vancftki
Ahom king* aroae.
THE KINGS Or RAM AT A. 363
About the second quarter of the fifteenth cen-
tury, after the death of Mriglnka, the ruling line of
the KamatS kings appears to have been supplanted
by what is known as the Kb&n or Khen dynasty, the
first king of which, Niladhvaj by name, occupied
the throne of Kamatl probably about 1440 A.D.
It is said that he imported Brahmans from Mithila
and settled them in Us kingdom. He is said to have
rebuilt and strengthened the city of KamatSpur.
He was succeeded bv his son, Chikradhvaj, who
might have beer, the king who had encountered the
general of Sultan Bnrbnk and defeated him near
Santosh. On bis death Us so n, Ni lam bar, succeeded
him. This king also appears to have been a power-
ful prince and his kingdom extended from the Kura*
toya to the Barnadi. It does not appear that the
Ahoms came into conflict with him but he is said to
have wrested a part of nortliem Bengal front the
Mussulman rulers (1). It is also stated that he
constructed a road front IC.1rnat.1pur to Ghoraghat
and also a fort at Ghoraghat. (2)
According to Buchanan Hamilton a young Brah-
man, the son of a councillor named Sachi Patra, bad
intrigues with Nilambar's wife. He was caught
and secretly put to death. Nilatnbar then had a
a part of the dead body cooked and invited Sachi
Patra to dinner. The Brahman came on invitation
and unwittingly ate of his son’s flesh. After the
repast the king related the whole story. The Brah-
man said that his son no doubt deserved punishment
for his sin, but as be had been made to eat human
(1) Gait’s History of Assam, p 44.
( 2 ) Glazier's Beport on Bangpor.
64
THE KIHGS OP KAMATA.
flesh, be must retire from the world and become a
religious mendicant in other to expiate his sin. The
king allowed him to depart from his kingdom. Sa-
chi Patra went straight to Hussein Sbab, the Sultan
of Gaur, and invited him to attack Nilambar. Hus-
sein Shah then led an armv against Nilambar in
1498 A.D. and invested Kamatapur which was
strongly fortified. Nilambar held out lor a long time
and at length Hussein Shah reduced the capital by
resorting to a stratagem. Nilambar escaped and
fled towards the hills. After this some local chiefs
named Rup Narayan, Ghosal Khan, Mai Kumar, and
Laksbmi Narayan, who weie probably Bhuyans,
came and tendered :bcir submission to Hussein Shah
who then returned to Bengal leaving his son, Danial,
with a strong force, to hold the conquered country.
On bis return to Gaur Hussein Shah si ruck coins in
1 50a A.D. in which be is mentioned as “Conqueror
of Kamru Kamata.* In tbo roeantine, after his dep-
arture from Kamata the rains set in. The Raja on
getting information of Hussein Shah's departure
came out of his biding place, collected his forces and,
attacking the Muslim garrison, put it to the sword.
This is the account given in the Muslim chroni-
cles such as the Riyaz-us-Salatin and the Tarikh-
Fctfe-i- Assam wherein the defeat and destruction
of Danial and his garrison is clearly mentioned. It
is possible that during the flight of Nilambar the
Muhammadans pushed as far as the eastern limit of
the then kingdom of Kamata, but it is not likely
that they came into conflict with the Ahoms as
there is no mention in the Buranjis of any Muslim
invasion into Assam prior to the year 1527 A.D.
Although Hussein Shah's invasion of Xamata
THE KINGS OF KAMATA. 265
ultimately proved to be a failure it appears that
a colony of Muhtmm-idans remained in the
country round about Hajo. A mosque was
erected there by one Ghiyasuddin Aulia who
subsequently died ar.d was buried near the mosque.
This place is still considered as sacred by local
Muhammadans who regard it as "Poa Mecca" or
" One -fourth of Mecca". Alter the overthrow of
Nilambar the rule of the Kamata kings in
Kamarupa came to an end. It is very likely
that when Nilambar was overthrown, he fled and
was heard of no more. Then the Bhuyan chiefs
combined against the common foo aud, taking
advantage of the rains, attacked Danial's garrison
and destroyed it. The Aboms may have helped
the Bhuyans in this enterprise but the Buranjis do
not mention it." As will be stated in a subsequent
chapter, the first Koch king, Viswa Singha,
ascended the throoe adout 1515 A.D. after defea-
ting all the Bhuyan chiefs. Some authorities hold
the view that even after Danial’s defeat the
Muhammadans remained in power in western
Kamarupa ( 1 ). This is not at all likely for Viswa
Singha had not to contest with the Muhammadans,
but with the local Bhuyans to secure supremacy
• A writer in the Calcutta Review (1867), vol. XIV
stated that Hussein's march into Assam did not extend
beyond Tespor and though he succeeded in demolishing
the capital he waa ultimately repulsed by the Bara
Bhuyans. Daaial waa called “Dalai Ghari" in the
local Assam chronicles to which reference is made by
Buchanan (J.A.8.B. 1874 p 281).
(1) Moghul North Baat Frontier Policy pp 16-77
(Footnote)
266
The kings of kawata.
over the whole of Kamarupa. Danial was
probably defeated and killed about 1503 A.D.*
After that the next Muslim invasion of Kamarupa
occured in 1527 A.D. when Viswa Singha was the
reigning king of Kamarupa. It appears that
this was an expedition along the south bank of the
Brahmaputra and the line of march did not lie
through northern Kamarupa where Viswa Singha
had his capital. This expedition was therefore
repulsed by the Ahoms.
It is true that Niladhvaj and his successors are
not mentioned cither in the Guru Charitra or in
any of the local contemporary writings now extant
in the Assam Valley. Perhaps these kings did not
exercise any real authority over the eastern part of
Kftmarupa where the Bhuyans were ruling and that
accounts for the absence of any mention of them in
Assamese chronicles. Buchanan-Hamilton, how-
ever, found strong traditions regarding these kings
current in Jalfaiguri, Cooch-Bchar and Rangpur
which formed the western part of Kiinarupa and
which constituted Kanuta proper. The accounts
of these kings given byGlazier and by Raj Bahadur
• Danial is said to hare been ancceeded in Kamarapa
by Masandar Ghaxi who, in ht* torn, is said to hare been
succeeded by Saltan Obiyasadd.n. lhe Kamarupar
Huron ji states that Ghiyasaddin came to Kamarapa as
the commander of Haseein Shah with 12 000 horaemen
and 13 000 Tarnish foot soldiers and that the Blmyans
were then ruling tWe country. This also supports our
view that after the fall of Nilambar the Khnyans joined
and expelled the remnant of Hussain's army of
occupation in Kamarapa before Viswa Singha came to
power. The Jfussalmans therefore occupied the country,
round Hajo, only for a few years.
THE KINGS OF K AM ATI. 267
Gunabhiran Barua are no doubt based on Buchan? □
Hamilton’s account. Sir Edward Gait has accepted
these accounts as correct. It appears that even the
Assamese Buranji known as “ Sirarganarayan
Maharajar Jatima cAarUra " makes mention ot
one Nilimbar, as priest ol the K a mats king, and
of a dish of cooked human flesh which the Kamata
king made one of his officers to eat and in conse-
quence of which the disgusted officer went to the
Muhammadan Sultan and invited him to invade
Kamatff. This mention in the Assamese Buranji
rather indirectly supports the truth of the tradition
collected by Buchanan-Hamilton. We need not
try to find out how Niladhvaj came to occupy the
throne of KamSta. He was no doubt an upstart
and adventurer. He usurped the throne when
Mriginka, the last king of the line ol Arimatta,
died without leaving any issue and assumed the
name Niladhvaj. In all probability ho was a
Kayastha Bhuyan having the surname KhSn. We
know that several of tbe Klmarupi Bhuyans had
this surname. One of the Bhuyan chiefs who sub-
mitted to Hussein Shah, after tbe flight of Nilimbar
was Ghosal Khin and a relative of flrf Sankar Deva
was named Buda Khan and another was named
Ketai Khin. The chief minister of Hussein Shah
himself was a Kayastha named Purandar Khin (1).
It seems that the surname Khin was used to indi-
cate a noble lineage.
Kamatlpur which was the captial of the king-
dom from tbe middle of tbe thirteenth till the first
(1.1 Memoirs of Ga or and Pandas, edited by 8Upletoo
PM,
THE KINGS OF K AM AT A.
quarter of the sixteenth century appears to have
been a city of considerable size. The following
description of i he ruins of the city is given in the
“Cooch Bebar State” by H. N. Chaudburi:-
“The remains of the city of Kimatipur are
gigantic works of human art and bespeak great
power and wealth in the Prince or Princes who
conceived such an idea of a capital. The city was
of a triangular shape, long from east to west, with
a perimeter of about 20 miles. The two sides of
this triangle met in the west, and were defended by
a high rampart, protected by an inner ditch and an
outer moat, and covering a length of about 15 miles,
while the old Dbarla formed the base about 5 miles
long and protected in the east from foreign invasion.
There were two redoubts, one towards the north-cast
and the other towards the north-west. The rampart
was pierced by four gates ol huge proportions, in
the north, south and west. The northern gate was
called the Hoko-duar. The sides of the rampart
here at the gate-way were faced with bricks in mor-
tar, which are still in good condition. The gate in
the south was called the Sil-duar or stone-gate, and
it cut the rampart in an S curve... It is said that
the rampart at this gate-way was lined with stones,
and that the gate had a door-way of stone. Several
large slabs of granite are still lying in it and a few
are yet standing. From this gate issued a high em-
banked road, which at the time marked the southern
boundary of old Kamarupa”.*
• A good description of the rains of Kamntapur is to
be found in the Assam Sahitya Sabha Patrka rol II
So. 4 pp 209-215. It Hppeare that tliia city continued to
be the -bode of learned men. Ibis is proved by the
THE E»GS OF KaMATA.
We may now attempt to prepare a chronological
list of the Kamata kings from the middle of the
thirteenth century. We get the Dames of the kings
from Sandhvi to Durkbhr.Briyan from the Guru
Chartira bv Ramcbaran Tb .kur. We get the name
of IndranE:iyan from a contemporary writer Kavi-
ratna Saraswati. After Indrar.lilyan we get no
authentic account of the Kamatft kings. It seems
that the throne was occupied by one usurper after
another and that one of them, Arimatta, established
himself as king and founded a dynasty which ended
with Mriglnka. Niladhvaj, who was probably a
Bbuyan chief having the surname KhAn, then
became king. The approximate chronology from
Indranlrayan to Nillmbar is shown below
Name ot king. Approximate reign.
Indranarayan 1350-1365
Arimatta (of the line ot Dharmanarayan) 1365-1385
Sukaranka 1385-1400
I
Sutaranka 1400- 14 1 5
Mriganka 1415-1440
Niladhvaj (Khln dynasty) 1440-1460
Cbakradhvaj 1460-1480
Nilambar 1480 1498
reference to thia city by Pitambar Dm, a poet who
according to hie own atatmeot wrote in the 8aka year
rata mm teda ckandra i e 1456 Saka eqai valent to 1534
A.D. when the firat Koch King Viawa 8ingba most have
been ruling In Cooch Pebar. Pitambar wrote that it waa
the aratar of the temple of Kamateewara Siva and the
poet meant that the god Siva actually lived there.
CHAPTER XI.
The chutia kingdom.
It is believed tbit the Chutia kingdom was
founded towards the end of the thirteenth century
when the Kamarupa kings lost their hold over the
eastern part of the kingdom and the capital was
transfered to Kamatapur. It is further supposed
that prior to the rise ot this kingdom a Hindu
dynasty ruled, probably over a small tract round
about Sadiyn. This dynasty claimed descent from
Bhismak the father of Rukmini, one of the wives
of 3ri Krishna. It is stated that this kingdom
was known as Vidarbha and that the capital was
at Kundil standing or. the river ol the same name.
It may have been another small pre- Aryan,
possibly Dra vidian, kingdom which was, in course
of time, wiped out by Mongoloid invaders. Gait
supposes that this dynasty collapsed by a process
of internal decay and that on the ruins of this old
kingdom the Chutia kingdom was subsequently
built.
THE CHUT! A KINGDOM. 371
The old ruins round about Sadiya were
described by Hann ty in 1848. The fortifications
found by him were ascribed to Bhrimak. Dalton
described, in the Calcutta Review, other forifica-
tions in a jungle along the banks of the Burai
river in the D.rrang district. Photographs of
these were subsequently published by Edwards
and Mann in 1903 (1). Curiously enough, these
fortifications are assigned by local tradition to
Arimatta who has been referred to in the previous
chapter. The fortificat ions on the banks of the
Burai river included two stone walls made of
chisseled sand-stone blocks put together with
great precision. A large numbcT of these stones
were found to contain marks, cut deeply into the
sand-stone. Messrs Edwards and Mann took
them to be builders’ marks, but it is interesting
that identical marks were found also in the marked
stones found by Hnnnay in the fort near Sadiya
assigned to Bhismak. It is therefore evident
that the ruins near Sidiya and those on the banks
of the Burai river can be assigned to the same
period which cannot be prehistoric, since one set
of ruins is connected by tradition with Arimatta.
The probability is that these ruins arc the traces
of a Hindu or Hinduizcd dynasty of local rulers
who ruled over a small kingdom confined to the
north bank ol the Brahmaputra and extending
from the Burai river on the west to Sadiya on
the east.
The dynasty is evidently the line of Chutia
(t) J.A.8.B. (1904; pp. 254-261.
THE CHUTIA KINGDOM.
3 7 a
kings who assumed the surname Pala, in imitation
of the Kamarupa kings of the dynasty of Brahma-
pala. There are several accounts and chronolo-
gical lists of these kings. One of them is given in
an appendix to Brown's Deori-Cbutia grammar
and two are published in the Deodhai Assam
Buranji as miscellaneous historical accounts. Like
the Ahom kings and the Koch kings the Chutia
kings also claimed divine origin. It is narrated
that one Birpal alia* Birbar who belonged to the
line of Bhismak was a petty king ruling at
Sonagiri. His queen Rupavati worshipped the
Hindu god Kuvera, the God of Wealth, in order
to be blessed with a son. One day Kuvera
assumed the shape of Birpal and had sexual
intercourse with Rupavati. Birpal then had a
dream in which the god Kuvera asked him to go
to a particular tree where certain articles would
be lound and which should be treasured and
worshipped. According to the directions given
in the dream Birpal went to the tree and found
underneath it a sword, a shield and a gold cat
covered by the shield. In course of time his queen
Rupavati give birth to a son, the offspring of
Kuvera. This son waa named Gaurinarayan. It
is stated that subsequently Gaurinarayan succeeded
his father and became king in the year 1146 Saka
corresponding to 1244 A.D. (i) assuming the name
Ratnadbvaj Pala*
(1) Dfdhni Buranji, p. 182.
• It seems that the words “dhvaj” «nd “nsrsTon”
were favourite appendages to names of princes and
nobles of north-eas'ern India between the thirteenth
THE CHUT1A KINGDOM.
373
The genealogy of the Chutia kings as given by
Kellner in the appendix to Brown’s book and
that published in the Dcodhai Buranji agree with
each other. It is shown below: -
Ratnadhvaj PAla alias Gaurinfitiyau
Vijayadhvaj l’ 5 la
Vikramadhvaj Pala
Garudadbvaj Pala
Hangshadhvaj Pala
Mathuradhvaj Pila
Jayadhvaj Pala
Karmadhvaj Pala
Dhurmadhvaj P#b
Sivanarayan
JagatnSrayan
PramathnSrHyan
HarinirRyan
GoloknXr&yan
Brajarfiiftyan
SatvanirRyan
DhirnSifiyan
S.idhaknfirlyan
Niti Pub
It is found from the Ahora Burajnis that
Dharmadhvaj alias Dhirnarayan was a contempo-
rary of Suhunmung, the Dehingia Raja and that
ho invaded the Ahom territories in 1513 A. D. (1)
We can therefore easily place Ratnadhvaj Pala in
the middle of the thirteenth century as stated in
the account incorporated in the Detulhai Buranji.
It is said that after subduing a king named Bhadra-
sen Ratnadhvaj founded a city and named it
and tho sixteenth centuries Just ns the surname “Pala”
was fashionable in the previous age and the surname
** Varum n" was popular In a still carter age. Singlm*
dlivaj, Pratapadhvaj, TnmmdhTaj. Niladhvajand Chakra*
dhvaj were all Kamata princea between the thirteenth
and the fifteenth centuries. Dlrarmunarayan, Durlabh*
narayan aud In Ir.iuarayau were Kamata princes of the
fourteenth century and S«rargaaa raray an was tho Ahom
king towards the end of the fifteenth century. Tho
Chutia Lings nsed all the three surnames “Dhvaj”,
“Narayan” and “Pala", the last perhaps, in imitation of
tho defunct Pala ralers ot Kamarapa.
(1) Galt’s History of Assam.
*74
THI CHUTIA KINGDOM.
Ratnapur. Than he received the submission of
another local ruler named Nylyftpala who gave
his daughter to him. Ratnadhvaj now became
powerful and demanded a daughter from the king
of Kamata. The latter having refused the demand
Ratnadhvaj prepared for war and marched upon
Kamatapur (i). The Raja of Kamata then came
to terms and presented a princess to Ratnadhvaj(a).
It is atated that after this Ratnadhvaj grew more
ambitious and, advancing towards Gaur, sent an
envoy to the Bengal Sultan (Gaur Badshah) and
established friendship with him. It is stated in one
account that Ratnadhvaj sent his minister Vijaya-
sena with presents to the Sultan who in his turn
sent his great *uxir* with presents for the Chutia
king (3). About this time the Bengal Sultan was
Jalaluddin Masud Malik Jani. We do not lind
any mention of such exchange of presents in the
acconnt of the Muslim historians. The accuracy
of the statement published in the Dtodhai Duran ji
is open to serious doubt since the Sultan is said to
have agreed to forward to the Chutia king,
regularly, water of the holy Ganges and asked the
latter to forward to him regularly water of the
Parsuram Kund. Evidently the Sultan did not
regard the water of tbo Parsuram Kund as sacred.
The story that Ratnadhvaj and the Sultan of Bengal
exchanged presents is perhaps a myth. It is further
said that a son of Ratnadhvaj was kept in Bengal
with Gaudeswara for study. This prince died in
fl) Deodhai Boranji, p 180.
(2) Ibid.
(3) Ibid.
THE CHUTIA KINGDOM.
275
Bengal and Gaudcswara not knowing how the
Chutia kings disposed of their dead sent the corpse
to Ratnadhvaj who was then building a palace
at Sindhukshetra. As the corpse was received by
him there the city was named Sa-diya (place where
the corpse was given (1). It is possible that
Ratnadbvaj had hostilities with the Kamata king
of the time who was perhaps Sindhu Rai. Ratna-
dhvaj died at Sadiya and was succeeded by his son
Sivanarayan alias Vijayadhvaj.
It appeaas that during the first quarter of the
fourteenth century the Ahom king fought with the
Kamatfl king, probably Pratlpadhvaj, but did rot
dare to attack the Chutia king who was powerful.
Towards the middle of that century however the
Ahoms came into conflict with the Chutias. At
length in 1376 A.D. there was a reconciliation.
The Chutia king paid a visit to the Ahom king
Sutuphft and invited the latter to witness a boat
race. When Sutuphl came to attend the regatta
he was treacherously murdered. Sutuphft was
succeeded, alter an interregnum, by Tyao Khamti
who marched against the Chutias and chastised
them. Alter this there was no further hostilities
between the Ahoms and the Chutias till the reign
of Dharmadhvaj alias DhimarKyan who in 1513
A.D. is said to have invaded the Ahom territories
with a flotilla of boats but was repulsed by the
Ahoms at Dikboomukh. Warfare continued till
>5-3 A.D. when the Abom king Suhunmung, who
personally conducted the operations, defeated the
Chutias who then sued for peace. Suhunmung
(1) Deodliai Buraiyi p 182.
THK CHDTIA KINGDOM.
276
demanded the gold cat which was the heirloom of
the Chutia kings. As this demand was not complied
with hostilities were resumed. The Chutias bravely
defended position after position and at length
occupied an almost impregnable hill with a
precipitous frontage. The Ahoms ascended the
hill holding on to creepers and surprised the
Chutias who fled and took their last stand at a
place called Mathadang. Here a severe engagement
took place in which the Chutia king and his eldest
son wero killed. The principal queen then
committed suicide. The youngest son Sldhaknlrl-
yan, who was then an infant, was spared by the
Ahoms. The whole of the Chutia country was
then annexed to the Abom kingdom and to
administer this tract tho SadiyK khol Goblin w;is
appointed. This conquest was regarded as a great
triumph and Subunmung performed the Kikhvan
ceremony.
The Chutias were originally a tribe of the Bodo
race. Their kings being Ilinduized accepted the
Tantrik faith. Their tutelar)' goddess was known
as fosdtMjrtas human sacrifices were offered to
her. The deity was known also as Tdmesicari Mai
as the idol was placed in a building having a roof
made of copper-sheets. According to Dalton’s
note recorded in 1848 A.D, the ruins of the temple
existed till that year and the copper roof was then
lying on the ground. The building was of stone
blocks joined together by iron pins aod the interior
was only eight feet square. The enclosure of brick
walls measured 130 by 200 ft. Dalton wrote
that human sacrifices were yearly offered “ till a
very recent date".
CHAPTER XII-
Th* RIT.E OF THE BHUYAXS.
With the death or flight of Nilimbar ended the
line of the king^ of Kamati win ruled over the
western part of the o!d kingdom of Kimarupa.
As a matter of fact these Kamati kings exercised
only nominal authority over the inoden districts
of Goal para and Kamrup which now constitute the
western part of the Assam Valley. That is the
reason for the scantness of the traditions about
these kings in the modern Assam Valley. As
already stated, probably since the transfer of the
capital to Kamuipur th? actual government of
eastern Kimarupa, as lar as the Subansiri in the
north and the Kapili on the south, was in the hands
of petty Bhuyan chiefs who were nominally
feudatories of the kings of Kamata or Kimarupa
but who were actually independent chiefs. As
correctly stated by Gait, each chief was “in-
dependent of the others within his own ___domain,
278 THE RULE OF THE BHUYANS.
but they seem to have been in tbe habit of joining
their forces whenever they were threatened by a
common enemy’’. (1)
As stated by Gait the term “Bhuvin” had
nothing to do with caste. It meant the “lord of the
land”, flri flankar Dev himself used the word
“Bhowmik" as a synonymn of the term “Bhu-
yan" (2). The Bbuvans were therefore petty
chiefs exercising practically regal authority over
small tracts. When the central authority of the
kings of KAinaiupj were strong these Bhuyans
were feudal lords over Vithaya* or districts.
When this central authority grew weak the
Bhuyans became the rulers. Each Bhuyan chief was
the administrative and judicial head of a particular
tract. Each had a court, called Karkhana, a
Persian word meaning literally a house for work,
Where he performed magisterial dutios, perhaps
assisted by a Punchayal. There is every reason
to suppose that their rule was just and mild. It is
stated that alter tbe Muslims set up their rule in
Gaur many Hindus of that area migrated into
Kamarupa. The period of the Bhuyan rule in
KSmarupa cannot therefore be regarded as a
period of anarchy.
As already stated, these chiefs, though in-
dependent of one another, occasionally combined.
Usually some of them within a specified area
always combined to form a confederacy and the
leader of such a confederacy was known as
G&math d, tbe Kamarupi equivalent of the Persian
(1) Gait's History of ABsam p. 38.
(3) Bhagavata, Chapter X by Sri Sankar Dora.
THE RULE OF THE BHUYAKS.
word g'm'ista mean’ng an agent. When a common
enemy, such as a Muslim invader, appeared all the
Bhuvan chiefs combined and joined their forces.
DurlabhnSrSyan, who was a powerful and resource-
ful ruler, was probably the only king of Kamat 5
who was acknowledged as the sovereign over all
the Bhuyans of the eastern part of Kamarupa.
After him Arimatta had to fight against several
Bhuvan chiefs or petty kings of eastern KSmarupa
in order to subdue them. The kings of the Khan
dynasty, who were actually Bhuyans using the
Persian surname "Khan" to denote noble birth,
probably exercised no authority over the modern
districts of Goalpara and Kamrup and hence they
are uuknown in the local traditions. When
Hussein Shah overthrew the last king of this lino
ho received the submission of the more prominent
Bhuyan chiefs but when he left Kamarupa
leaving his son Danial to consolidate the conquered
country, the Bhuyan chiefs again combined and
drove out the Muslims who had temporarily
occupied the country.
It is a mistake to suppose that the Bhuyan
chiefs originated with the seven families of
Brahmans and the seven families of Kayasthas
whom Durlabhnarl/an settled in Kimarupa with
the Siromstni Bhuyan Chandidar, as the leader of
them all, about the year 1330. It is true that it is
stated that the Bhuyans came into existence in
1236 Saka equivalent to 1314 A. D. This is
about the time of Durlabhnarlyan’s accession to
the throne or a few years earlier and thereiore the
origin of the Bhuyans was dated from the settle-
ment of the Kayastlu and Brahman families under
The RITE OF THE BHUYANS.
280
the leadership of Chandidar in eastern Klmarupa.
We, however, find, from the Rautkuchi gr-.nt of
Purusottam Dasa recorded in the year 1329 A. D.
that his father Jayadeva and his grandfather Vasu-
deva were also feudal lords or Bhuyan chiefs
under the kings of KamatS. It would therefore be
more correct to suppose that the Bhuyan chiefs
became prominent in Eastern Kimarupa after the
transfer of the Klmarupa capital from North
Gauhati to Kamalipur about the middle of tl»e
thirteenth century. As already stated, the
Bhuyans were not confined to l ayasthas and
Brahmans. According to the author of the
Da r rang R&) Van.nJraH there were Bhuyan chiefs
who were Ganaks by caste and who flourished
about the beginning of the sixteenth century before
the rise of the Koch king Viswa Singha. Wo do
not find that Durlabhririyan settled any Ganak
or Daibagna family in Eastern KHmarupa.
The Bhuyans of the Eastern Assam valley
claimed a diflerent origin. They traced their
descent from Sttntanu and SSmanta the two grand-
sons of Samudra who was the minister of Arimatta.
It is said that SRntanu was a Vaisnara while
Samanta was a Sal/a. The descendants of Santanu
settled in the Nowgong district while the descend-
ants of Samanta remained in Lakshimpur which
was named after Lakshmi the mother of Santanu
and Sftmanta. It is said that one of Sfintanu’s
descendants was Rsjdhar, the grandfather of Sri
flankar Deva. This genealogy of Sri Sankar Deva
is no doubt incorrect and that given in the Guru
Charitra is the correct one but it is clear that the
Bhuyans cannot be restricted to the descendants of
THE RULE OF THB BHUYANS. 28 1
the families of Kayasthas and Brahmans settled by
DurlabhnttrSyan.
According to the Guru C/iaritm or the life of Sri
Sanlcar Deva the seven Kayasthas settled by Dur-
labhnSrfiyan were Srifuri, Sripali, Sndhara, Chida-
nar da, Sadananda, I lari and Ctundivara. It is said
that five other families of Kuyasthus accompanied
the seven Kayastha families to eastern Kamarupa.
The headmen of the e five families were Gandharva
Bhuyan, Sripati Datta, Bura Khiin, Lohavara
fnd Chanu Giri (i\ The seven Brahmans were
Ktifhna Pandit, Raghupati, Rimavnra, Lolura,
Bayana, Dbaram and MathurK. According to the
Gomnthu Fnntarail quoted in the "Social History
of Kamarupa" these Bbuvaos were originally in
K:*nauj. When the Muslims occupied that country
and began to kill cows and Brahmans, they
migrated to Gaur. There also the Muslims 'followed
them and committed atrocities on the Hindus.
The Bhuvans then removed themselves to KaraatA
and settled there. There they combined and
successfully resisted the Muslims. They elected a
diromani Bhuyan among themselves and followed
his lead in war. Each Bhuyan was a petty king,
but the Ganntha was the chief of all. It is also
stated that the Bhuyans excelled both in fighting
and writing (Ari wosi uM.aye Idjata). This
migration of leading Hindu families from Gaur into
Kamarupa is corroborated from Muslim sources.
According to the Tabaq ual-i-Xa si r i when Maha-
mmad, son of Bukhtiyar, first invaded Bengal, a
considerable number of Brahmans and othei
tl) Social History of Kamarupa vuL II p 8
38 2 THE RULE OP THE BHUYANS.
Hindus fled into Kararud, Bang and Sankanat
( Jagannath or Orrisa ) (i). Tbe actual fact,
therefore, was that in order to escape from Muslim
persecution many families of Brahmans and
Kayasthas from Gaur sought refuge in Kimarupa
when the Kamata kings were ruling. A number
of them were recent settlers in Gaur. They had
migrated into Gaur from Kanauj, probably
towards the end of the twelfth century. In the
beginning of the thirteenth century Gaur was also
conquered by the Muslims. Then these immigrants
from Kanauj again moved into Kimarupa where
they settled in a place which they named Kanaujpur
i.nd which was near Kamatipur
It appears that during Durlabhnlrlyan's reign
some families of this colony were settled by him in
Eastern Kimarupa where tbe authority of the
Kamatft kings were getting weaker and weaker
and where the mountain tribes of Bhutan were
incessantly making raids. This is bow Chandibor
and his associates, mentioned in the Guru Charilra,
came to be settled within modern Assam in the
fourteenth century. The story that they were
sent to Kimarupa by the Gaudeswara at the
request of the king of Kimarupa seems to be a
myth.
On the death or overthrow of Indranirayan, the
,/) Tab<tq tal-i S~Aiiri mL Ip 557.
** That tbe Bbuyans who settled at Kanauj par had to
fight with the Muslims is stated also in the Quru
Charilra of Ramcharan Thakur. Lamia deva tbe father
of Cbandibar was one of the Bhuyant who, under orders
of the Gaudeswara 'title assumed by the Kamata king),
fought with the Muslims.
THE RULE OF THE BHUVAKS.
283
son of DurlahhnarSyan, there was anarchy for
some time and during this opportunity the petty
Bhuyan chiefs of Eastern Kamarupa again raised
their heads and became independent. At length
Arrimatta estab!i>hed his rule in Kamata and
toured through eastern Kamarupa subjugating all
petty kings. It is quite possible th.it, lor better
administration, he established his capital, at least
temporarily, somewhere within modern Assam.
That is why there are so many traditions about
him in Assam down to this day. When he died
his descendants ruled at Kamatlpur and none of
them seems to have exercised any real authority
over Eastern Assam. When Mriglnka died
without any issue the throne was seized by an
adventurous Bhuyan chief who had the surname
KhXn but who on becoming king assumed the
name Niladhvaj. He was very likely a Kay as t ha
like Purandar Khan, tins Kayastlu chief minister
of Sultan Alatiddin Hussein Shih and Dura Khan,
one of the associates of Cbandibor, in the previous
century. Chakradhvaj tire son of Niladhvaj and
Nilambar tbo grandson ol Niladhvaj were
both powerful and capable monarch', but these
kings also exercised no real authority over Eastern
Kamarupa. Towards the end of the fifteenth
century Sultan Alauddin Hussein Shah invaded
Kamata and after encountering stubborn resistance
at length overthrew Nilambar who fled to the hills
and was heard of no more. When a few years
lateT Danial and the Muslim garrison were put to
the sword the Bhuyan chiefs, who by combination
among themselves had brought about this result,
again became independent and ruled the country.
CHAPTER XIII.
The koch kingdom.
Il seems certain that after the death of Nilambar,
the last powerful king of Kamata, about the end of
the fifteenth century, a sort of i/atsyanyaya prevai-
led in Kamarupa. The country was ruled by a
number of petty Bhuyan chiefs. This state of things
could not naturally continue for a long time.
Ultimately a leader appoared who raised his head
above all the other petty chiefs and gradually sub-
jugated them all. This was Bisu, the son of Haria
Mandal, who subsequently became king and assumed
the name of Viswa Singha.
Bisu bad a very humble origin. His father,
Haria Mandal, was only the mandal or headman of
a village consisting of twelve other Koch families.
The leading men of these families were Panbar,
Phedela, Pbcdphcdo, Barihana, Kathia, Guabar,
Megba, Baisagu, Jagai, Gurikata, Jugbar and
Dakharu. Haria married Hira and Jira, the two
daughters of one Haju. Bisu was the son of Hira
and Sisu was the soo of Jira. Bisu was probably
a young man when Hussein Shah invaded Kamata-
pur and put Nilambar to flight. It appears that
some years alter Nilambar' s overthrow Haria Man-
THE KOCH KINGDOM. 285
dal came into conflict with the Bhuyan chief of Phul-
guri. Ho was subdued and taken as a captive but
was released on his promise to pay tribute. Bisu
saw his father humbled and resolved to take revenge.
He gathered together a number of followers and
attacked the Phulguri Bhuvan but was defeated. This
did not however damp his spirits. Subsequently
be with some followers again approached Phulguri.
This time bidding his followers to remain concealed
he himself alone entered the city at night and stole
into the apartments of the Bhuyan. Theie he killed
the Bhuyan chief and at once gave a signal to his
followers who then rushed in and occupied the city.
After this Bisu grew more powerful and collecting
more followers challenged and defe «ted .1 confede-
racy of some of the Bhuvan chiefs headed by the
Bhuyan of Kanupur. According to th-: Pirrang
Raj Vatuaeali, written by Suryakh in, the Bhuyan*
subdued by Bisu were Bar Bhuvan and S iru Bhuyan
who were both Brahmans the Bh ivan of O vguri
who was also a Brahmin, Ch'Jti Bhuvan who was a
Doibogna, Kusum Bhuyan, Digbol 1 Bhuyan, Kolia
Bhuyan, Jargoya Bhuyan, Kavibsh Bhuyan and the
Knraapur Bhuvan. Next h- defeated th? Bhuyan of
Bijni and thereafter came into conflict with Pratap
Rai, the Bhuyan of Pandu. Finding Pratap Rai too
powerful he avoided an open fight but, lying in
ambush, first killed Prat. .p's brother while the latter
was bathing in the Brahmaputra. This sudden
assasination unnerved Pratap Rii who, not know-
ing the strength of Bisu’s following, at once fled and
took refuge in the Ahom kingdom. Bisu then con-
quered the whole of the southern portion of Kararup
as far as Gauhati after defeating Cluru Bhuyan.
a86
THE KOCH KINGDOM.
Bisu now turned his attention to the Bhuyans of
the north bank. They were the Bhuyans oi Bajali,
Kshetri and Baushi under the leadership of Narayana
Bhuyan who was the Gamatha or head-Bhuyan.
These Bhuyans were not in good terms with
Charu Bhuyan who had therefore become an ally of
Bisu. Bisu with the help of Charu Bhuyan attacked
the Bhuyans of northern Kamrup but the resistance
was stubborn and determined. Finding no other
way of overcoming such strong resistance Bisu had
recourse to strategy and opened secret negotiations
with the Bhuyans subordinate to Narayana. He
succeeded in alienating Gandlurva Bhuyan of
Baushi from Narayana'* cause and ultimately
ci usbed all the Bhuyans one by one.
Having thus cleared all obstacles from bis way
Bisu now proclaimed himself as King at Kamata-
pur. According to Gait Bisu was installed as king
about 151^ A. D. but Mr. Bhattacharya holds
that ho could not have ascended the throne before
1529-30. He argues that Narnarayana's earliest
coins are dated 1477 Saka equivalent to 1555 A. D.
nnd this was probably the date of his accession (1).
As Viswasingha reigned for 25 years his accession
may therefore be placed about 1530. This would
lengthen the period of the anarchy in Kamarupa
for nearly 30 years to render plausible Mr. Bhatta-
charya’s theory that even after the defeat of Danial
the Muslims loitered in Kamarupa. His supposition
that Naranarayan struck coins on the year of his
accession is however open to serious doubts. The
(1) Moghol Xorth-Ea*: frontier Policy, p. 77.
THE KOCH KINGDOM.
287
minting of coins was introduced bv him first and it
is hardly possible that he struck coins as soon as
he occupied the throne. We would therefore accept
Gait’s chronology and place Viswasingh/s access-
ion about 1515. A. D. and th-t of N:*marayan
about 1540. A. D.
It appears from the Behula Upakhvan that on
becoming king Bisu was called Lord of Kamata or
Kamateswar. He assumed the nameViswa Singha
and subsequently removed his capital to Koch
Bihar where he built a fine city. Brahman courtiers
now thronged round him and extolled him as a
Kshatriya. A powerful kin.* must have a Kshatiiya
origin and so they invented the origin in this wise:-
"There was a powerful king of the lunar dynasty
called Sahasrarjun 1 who went out hunting one day
with a contingent of soldiers and in the evening
became the guest of Jainndagni Rishi, the father of
of Parasurama. The Ri*hi with the help of
Kamadhenu, the fabulous cow that could grant
any prayer, gave the monarch a royal reception
befitting his dignity. Sahasrnrjuna asked J.tniadagni
for Kamadhenu, saying that such a cow was more
suited for a royal palace than a Ridii's hermitage.
Jamadagni having refused to part with the cow the
king took it by force and Parasuram who was then
away from home, having on return learnt the dis-
comfiture of bis father, went to Sahasrnrjuna and
fought with him and returned home triumphantly
with the cow, after having beheaded the king. The
sons of Sahasrarjuoa, with a view to retaliate for
their father s death, came surreptitiously and cut off
the head of Jamadagni when he was absorbed in
deep meditation, taking advantage of Parasurama’s
THE KOCH KINGDOM .
388
absence from borne on a pilgriramage. Parasuram,
on his return, heard the death of his father and took
a vow to make the world bereft of all Kshattriyas.
He led a crusade against all Kshattriyas in general
and the sons of Stbasrarjuna in particular and
massacred all the sons of that king except twelve
who saved themselves by taking refuge in the
jungles of Assam concealing their identity by adopt-
ing Mech manners and customs and by marrying
Mech girLs"(t). The Kshitriyi origin of Bisu was
thus established, but that was not enough. A king
must have also a divine origin. The ancient kings
of Kamarupa were descended from the Primeval
Boar, an incarnation of Vishnu. For the Ahom
kings, who hid tbea established themselves in
eastern Assam, a descent from Indra had been
invented. There was the God diva handy enough
to be turned into the progenitor of Bisu. It was
then narrated that one day while Haria Maodal
was working on his field his wife Hira was carrying
food for him. 3iva, enamoured of her beauty,
then took the form of her husband and hid sexual
intercourse with her, the result of the union being
Bisu. He was named Bisu as he was born on
the Bihu day ( Vuuva Sinkranti).
Viswa Singha was very generous towards the
Brahmans who thus obliged him. He rebuilt the
temple of Kamateswari which the Mussulmans
had demolished. He imported several families of
Brahmans from Kanauj and other places of northern
(21 Darranz Raj Vansnvali by Pandit Hera Chandra
(loswami in the Annual Report of the Kamarnpa
Anuaindhan Samici (1920).
THE KOCH KINGDOM.
a8 9
India and sent his sons Malla Deva and Sukladhvaj
for study in Benares. He also organized his army
appointing military officers of various grades. He
attempted to invade Saumara, the Ahom kingdom,
but his attempt failed owing to bad communications
and the difficulty of obtaining supplies. During
his reign in 1527 A.D. the Mussalmar.s invaded
Assam, but this invasion was, as already stated,
resisted by the Ahoms. The theory that the Muslim
attack was organized by some local Muhammadan
chiefs is untenable as Viswa Singha had then
thoroughly consolidated his power over entire
Kamarupa. There is hardly any doubt that the
invasion proceeded from eastern Bengal, probably
from the direction of Mymensingh. The Muslim
commander was known as the Uiir. Mr. Bhatta-
charya indentifies him with Rukunudin Ruku Khan
who was the Wazir and general of Hussein Shah(i).
It appears that the Muslims had advanced far into
Ahom territory where the Ahoms attacked them
both in front and on both flanks and defeated them.
According to Wade's account the Uzir, after his
defeat, returned to Bengal. It appears that after
his defeat Uzir first fell back on the Burai river,
the Ahoms capturing forty horses and twenty
guns (a). The Ahom king then despatched another
force to capture Uzir who on getting this informa-
tion fled to Bengal (3). The Bengal Sultan then
despatched his general Mit Manik, also called Bit
Manik, with an army of one thousand horse and ten
thousand foot to assist Uzir. It appears that Uzir
(1) Moghul North-Est Frontier Policy, p 86.
(2) Deodhai Asaam Buranji p 21.
(3; Ibid P 22.
THE KOCH KDMBOM.
* 9 °
advanced by boats up the Brahmaputra while Bit
Manik marched by road and both attacked the
forces of the Barpatra Gohain (i). The Muslim
forces having advanced the Aboms met them at
Temani where a great battle was fought. Mit
Manik who was riding an elephant, was wounded
and fell to the ground and was taken prisoner*.
The Uzir fled on horse back. It is stated in Wade’s
account that 1060 Muslim soldiers and 20 horses
were killed while only too Abom soldiers were
killed. The Muslim troops fled precipitously.
According to Wade, the Saleng Barua while
according to the Buranji Shenlung (the Barpatra
Gohain) pursued the fugitives and captured a large
booty including some firearms. In 153a A. D. the
Muhammadans under Turbak again invaded Assam
reaching the Abom fort at Singri. This expedition
also appears to have proceeded along the bank of
the Brahmaputra. At first the Muhammadans who
were using guns and cannons were successful
because these weapons were till then almost un-
known to the Aboms. In the first encounter the
Aboms lost about 1300 soldiers killed in battle
including Prusengmung Gohain. According to
Wade’s account the widow of this Gohain, on re-
ceiving news that her husband had fallen, came
herself to fight and fell fighting in the thick of the
battle. Tbe Ahoms then retreated to Sala. There
also they were defeated and their elephants thrown
(1) Deodhai Assam Bnranjl p 27.
• It is stated In the Ahom Bnranii translated by Rai
Sahib O. O. Barn a that the Barpatra Gohain killed
Meet Manik or Bit Malik with his svord.
THE KOCH KINGDOM. 2Q!
into confusion by the Muslim artillery. In 1533
however the Ahoms gained a decisive naval victory
at Duimunisila, the invaders sustaining heavy
losses. Then Turbak was re-inforced by Hussein
Khan but the Ahoms again defeated them in a
series of engagements. The last battle was fought
near the Bharali river where Turbak was slain.
The Muslim troops then fled being hotly pursued
by the Ahoms. During the pursuit Hussein Khan
was also killed. The Aboms under the Barpatra
Gohain pursued the Muhammadans as far as the
Karatoya evidently through the Koch kingdom,
but Viswa Singh* wisely did not interfere in the
pursuit. If he had embroiled himself in the war,
perhaps he would have weakened himself and his
army and it would not hive been possible for his
sons Malladev and Chilarai to attain to the military
greatness which they did after his death. He
died about 1540 A.D. leaving as many as eighteen
sons. It is stated in the Darrany Raj Vansavali
that as the result of a Brahman's curse Viswasingha
developed fever after which Barkhasu or big
erruptions appeared on his body and subsequently
he died. There is hardly any doubt thit he con-
tracted small- pox to which his son, Chilarai, also
succumbed. In the Guru Charitra also we find
mention of Barkhasu or sm ill-pox. It was evident-
ly a dreadful pestilence in Assam in the old days.
Two of the sons of Vyaskalai Bapoo, a Brahman
follower of Sankar Dev, died of Barkhasu. When
his second son contracted the disease the Brahman,
to save his son, secretly worshipped the Goddess,
Sitala. On knowing this Sankar Dev turned out
the Brahman from his camp.
* 9 *
THE KOCH KINGDOM.
At the time of Viswa Singba’s death the heir-
apparent, Malladeva and his brother Sukladbvaj
were studying in Benares. It appears that taking
advantage of their absence the third brother Nara
Singha occupied the throne. On getting this in-
formation Malladeva and Sukladbvaj hastened from
Benares. Either they fought with Nara Singha
and defeated him or on their approach Nara Singha
fled towards Bhutan and was beard o! no more.
It is said that be ruled over a part of Bhutan but
this is not probable.
On ascending the throne Malladeva assumed
the name of Narnlrlyan and appointed his brother,
Sukladbvaj, as his prime minister and commander-
in-chief. After having ruled for about five years
he decided upon the conquest of Saumara. It is
stated in the Abom Buranji, translated by Rai Sahib
G.C. Barua, that in Lakni Khulsi i.e. 1546 A.D. the
Koch army invaded the Abom territories. Both
the Darrang Raj Vansacali and Wade’s account
say that the army was led by both Narnlrftyan and
his brother, Sukladbvaj. It is also stated that
NarnBiSyan’s other brother, named Gohain Kamala,
preceded the forces and constructed tbe road which
is still known as the Gohain Kamala Ali. Tbe
inarch was along tbe north bank of the Brahma-
putra river. After having traversed the present
districts of Goalpara and Kamrup Narnarlyan
collected all the Mongloid people living between
tbe Bhutan bills and tbe Gohain Kamala Ali and
ordered that they could follow tbeir tribal customs
and eat pork and beef but that in the country
between tne Gohain Kamala Ali and the Brahma-
putra the Brahmaaic rites must be observed. The
THE KOCH KINGDOM.
Koch army then reached Singri where a halt was
made. Alter this the Bhairabi river was reached.
Sukladbvaj crossed the river on horse back though
the river was not fordable and for this act be was
nicknamed Chila Rai or the Kite-king. The Koch
army advanced further east. At length the Ahoms
resisted the invasion near the Dikrai or the Dehing
river, according to Wade’s account. The fight
continued for seven days but the Koches at last
won the battle and the Ahoms fled. The Ahom
king and tbe nobles fled to Charai Khorang and
both NarnJfrSyan and Chila Rai occupied Gaibgaon,
the Ahom capital.
The Ahom Buranji gives a different version
according to which the Aboms engaged the Koches
near Dikrai on the north bank of the Brahmaputra.
At first the Aboms were defeated and they fell
back on Koliubor on tbe south bank of the
Brahmaputra. Next tbe Aherns concentrated at
Sala where a great battle was fought i.i which tbe
Koches suffered a defeat and again crossing to tbe
north bank of the Brahmiputra proceeded to
Naraiopur where a fort was erected in Likni
Rungshen (1547 A.Dj. Near about this place
another battle was fought in which the Koches
being defeated retreated. They made no further
attempt to invado the Ahom territories before
Lakni Mungrao (1563 A.D.) when the Ahom king
Cbaopba Sukbram alias Khora Raja was ruling.
This time tbe Koches advanced up the Brahma*
putra and encamped near tbe mouth of tbe Dikhow
river. From this base tbe Koches began to
devastate the surrounding country. The Ahoms
THE KOCH KINGDOM.
* 9 *
then sued for peace sending Katakis. The Koch
king accepted the peace terms and withdrew.
Shortly afterwards the Koch army again advanced
as far as the Dching river. The Ahoms retreated
and the Abom king with his nobles fled
and took refuge in theNaga Hills. Peace overtures
were again made and Chao Ikhak was sent to meet
the Koch king who was then at Majuli. Ikhak came
and met the Koch king who said "you better tell
the king of the east that he must send your son,
the son of Thaomunlung, the sons of Shengdang
and the son of Khamshong to me and I shall go
back to my country leaviug all bere."(i). This
was reported to the Ahom king who ordered that
the hostages demanded should be sent. Thao-
munglung's wife, named Nlagbakla gibharu who
was the Ahom king's aunt, however refused to
part with her son saying "I will not allow my son
to be sent to the Koch country. Tell the king
what he and the ministers are for when they have
yielded to the enemies? Why should he reign
when he is unable to save his subjects from the
enemies"?" ( 2 ). Then addressing her husband she
said "Let me have your bead-dress, girdle, belt
and sword. Though I am a female, 1 shall fight
with the Koch king and let him know how a
female can fight with the male.” On her husband
replying that he would give up bis son for the
good of the country the lady replied haughtily,
"who can give my son ? If the course of the
Dikhow river can be diverted upwards to the hill
(1) Abom Boranji translated br G.C.Barna, p. 87.
(2) Ibid.
! ?
* *
i j
} i
1
THE KOCH KINGDOM. 295
by putting a d .m across there, mv son may be
taken" (t). The king then sent his own brother
Ciuo Sungam a'uu Sundar Gohain in place of
Thaomunglang’s son (2) He also paid tribute to
the Koch king who returned to his country.
The Koch accounts represent XarnSrSyan and
his brother reducing all the independent king-
doms in an all-conquering tour but according
to the Ahom account', the f’r*t Koch invasion
along the north binic resulted only in the cons-
truction of the 350 miles long ro’d from Koch
Bihar to Karainpui. Tb** next invasion was
undertaken \otn 13 or 16 ycirs after and this time
the Aboms were defeated near the Dikhow river.
This defeat led to the submission of the Ahom
kiug. We consider the Ahom account more
reliable. The Ahom power was not so w ak as
to be overthrown at the fust attempt.
After reducing the Ahotrn the Kocbes turned
their attention to the Kacbiri kingdom on the
south. Narn&riyan sent h.s brother, Cbila Rai,
accompanied by Kavindra Pitra," Rijendra Pitra,
Damod.ir Kftrji and Meghlt Mukuodum to conquer
the Kachari Raja. They easily succeeded because
on their approach the Kachari king submitted
giving presents and agreeing to pay an annual
tribute of 70,000 silvei coins, 1000 gold coins
and 60 elephants.
Then, on the advice of Chi la Rai, messengers
(1) Ahom Baranji translated by O.C. Baroa, p 87 .
(2) Deodbui Baranji p 44 .
• The present Kaja of Gaaripnr, in Dhubri Subdivision
is descended from Kavindx* P&tra.
THE KOCH KINGDOM
J9*
were sent to the king of Manipur demanding his
submission. The messengers returned with the
king of Manipur who performed obeisance and
presented Narnirlyan with 40 elephants, ! 000 gold
coins and 20,000 silver coins and agreed to pay an
annual tribute of 10 elephants, 300 gold mohurs
and 20,000 rupees.
The kingdom of Jaintia was next attackod. In
the fight the king was slain and Narnirftyan in-
stalled on the throne the king's son who p resented
100 horses, 1000 gold mohurs, 10.000 rupees and
too swords known as Naioi Jao. He also promised
to pay an annual tribute of 70 horses, ten thousand
rupees and three hundred swords.
Chila Rai then invaded the Tippera kingdom
with 40, cco troops. There was a stilf fight in
which the Raja of Tippera was killed. The Raja's
brother then submitted to Chila Rai presenting 30
horses, too gold mohurs and 10,000 rupees. After
this the Raja of Khairam came and voluntarily
offered his submission. The Kocbes then retraced
their steps and, on their way back, attacked the
Raja of Dimorua who was captured and produced
before Narnirlyan. He was released on his promise
to pay an annual tribute of 7000 rupees.
According to the Vamiaoali it was after the
submisson of the Raja of Dimorua and the straight-
ening of the course of the Brahmaputra near Pandu
that an expedition was sent against the Padshah of
Sirath (Sylbet) which lay to the south-west of Jaintia.
Gait holds that this campaign lacks confirmation.
It is not clear why Sylhet was not attacked when
Jaintia and Tippera were subjugated and why an
THK KOCH riyGDOV.
397
expedition against Sylhet was decided upon after
the return o! the army all the way from Tippera
and Jaintia through an extremely difficult country.
It can therefore be surmised that the invasion of
Sylhet was a myth.
After the conclusion of these conquests Narnlri-
yan and Cbila Rai proceeded to visit the shrine of
Kamakshya. They found the temple in ruins, and
decided that it should be rebuilt but the work had
to bo postponed as the king was then under the
influence of evil stars. The two brothers then
decided to invade Bengal. According to the Koch
accounts Narnarlyan took the aggressive and in-
vaded Bengal. This led to very sanguinary conflicts
and at length the Koch army was defeated and Chila
Rai was taken prisoner. It is stated that while
Chila Rai was in prison the mother of the Sultan
of Bengal was bitten by a snake. Chila Rai cured
her of the snakebite and the Sultan being pleased
released Chila Rai. A different version is given by
the Muslim historians who say that Suleiman Kara-
rani, the Sultan of Bengal, took the offensive and
invaded the Koch kingdom because Narnlriyan
ignored him. The renegade Kala Pabar was then
the general of the Sultan. The Muslims defeated
the Koch army and reached the eastern limits of the
kingdom. All the Hindu temples on their line of
march, including those at Kamakshya and Hajo,
were desecrated and destroyed. Unfortunately the
valorous Bhuyan chiefs of the previous generation
who had combined to resist such invasions were no
longer in existence. They had been uprooted by
Viswa Singha and many of them had escaped to
THE KOCH KINGDOM.
the Ahom territories. On the defeat of Chila Rai
therefore there was none to check the vandalism of
the iconoclast Kala Pahar. The Muslims however
did not tarry long in Kamarupa but hastened back
to Bengal as, it is said, there was an insurrection
in Orissa. Perhaps the real reason of their hasty
withdrawal was that the Koch king had collected
bis forces and was ready for reprisals and bad
perhaps also invited the Ahoms to bis assistance.
The Muslim historians make no mention of the.
capture and imprisonment of Chila Rai. The
Muslim invasion and the sack of Kamaksbya took
place about 1564 A.D. for in the next year Narnlri-
yan rebuilt the Kamaksbya temple. The same Kala
Pahar as a general of Suleiman Kararani sacked the
temple of Jagannatb in Puri about 1568 A.D.
After the withdrawal of the Muslims Narnirlyan
first released the Ahom hostages. This was
prompted perhaps by a desire to remain on
friendly terms with the Ahom king in order to
be able to count on his assistance in case of
another Muslim invasion. It may also have been
due to the prompt response of the Ahom King to
bis call for assistance which compelled the Muslims
to evacuate his territories hurriedly. The next
thing to be done was the reconstruction of the
Kamakhsya temple. Megha Mukudum was deputed
for this work which took six months to complete.
When the building was completed both Narnarftyan
and Chila Rai came to dedicate it ceremonially.
It is stated in the Vamtavali that one lakh
sacrifices were offered consisting of buffaloes,
goats, deer, pigeons, tortoises and fishes. In this
account there is no mention of any human
THE KOCH KINGDOM.
299
sacrifice but Gait states that on this occasion
no less than 140 human beings were sacrificed
and their heads offered to the Goddess on copper
salvers. Evidently Gait has made this astounding
statement mi' understanding the meaning of the
couplet in the Vanisacali which states that the
king offered three lakhs of A.*m and one lakh
sacrifices and dedicated to the temple the families
of 140 pails, for service in the temple, by means of
a copper plntc grant. It is clearly mentioned that
besides giving lands, fisheries, musical instruments,
utensils of gold, silver, copper and bell-metal, mace,
throne and white ebameri the king gave as shebaits
or paiks families of Brahmans Ganaks, Nats, Bhats,
Tantis, Malis, Kamars, Kohars, Barboi (carpenters),
washermen, oil presrets, sweat-meat makers, gold-
smiths, potters, leather-workers, fiishermen and
scavangers. Evidently these constituted the 140
families of paiks. Narnirftyan also caused t wo
statues, one of himself and the other of his brother
Chila R.ii, erected inside the temple. An inscrip-
tion was also recorded on a stone tablet. The
inscription runs thus: —
"Glory to the king Malla Deva, who by virtue of
his mercy, is kind to the people, who in archery is
like Arjuna, and in charity like Dadhichi and
Kama; he is like an ocean of all goodness, and he
is versed in many S'astras ; his character is excellent;
in beauty he is as bright as Kandarpa, he is a
worshipper of Kamakshya. His younger brother,
Sukladeva, built this temple of bright stones on the
Nila hillock, for the worship of the Goddess
Durga i n 1^87 Saka. His beloved brother,
Sukladhvaj, again, w-itb universal fame, the crown
THE KOCH KINGDOM.
3 00
of the greatest heroes, who, like the fabulous
Kalpataru, gave all that was devoutly asked of
him, the chief of all devotees of the Goddess,
constructed this beautiful temple with heaps of
stones on the Nila hill in 1487 Saka" (Translation
from Gait's History of Assam, page 57).
It will appear from the above that Chila Rai
was so beloved of his brother, the king, that the
entire credit for reconstruction of the temple and
for endowment is given to him by this inscription
evidently under orders of the king. Narnlriyan is
stated to have been merely a “worshipper of
Ivamakvhsa” but the fact that his brother built
the temple is repeated. It may be that Narnlriyan
was till then under the influence of evil stars and
hence it was found necessary to eraphasizo that
the temple was rebuilt by bis brother.
About this time great political changes were
taking place in Bengal. Suleiman Kararani died
and was succeeded by his son, Daud. The Mugfaul
Emperor Akbar, resolved to conquer Bengal and
crush Daud. Narnlriyan who bad been humbled
by Daud s father and who was in dread of the
growing Abom power on the east seized this
oppurtunity to establish friendly relations with the
Moghul Emperor. In 1574 be refused asylum to
certain Afghan rebels who had been driven by the
Moghul officers from Gboiaghit. In 1576 the
Moghuls defeated Daud at the battle of Akmah.il.
Daud was captured and beheaded. According to
the Vamsavali Chila Rai actively assisted the
Moghuls in this war on the conclusion of which a
pan of the Afghan Sultan s kingdom was given to
Narnia ly an. The Muslim chronicles however
THE KOCH KISSDOU.
30 *
make no mention of such military assistance. It is
however a fact recorded in the Akbarmmah that
in 1578 A. D. Naroara\an sent an envoy with
presents to Akbar. This mission led to a mutual
understanding between the Moghuls and the Koch
king. Evidently Akbar prized this professed
friendship because though Daud was overthrown
the numerous Afghan rebels had not been uprooted
and the aid of the Koch king who was powerful
and who at this time, according to the Ain-i-
Akbari, commanded 1000 horse and 100,000 foot
soldiers, was almost indispensable. Chila Rai now
became an able ally of the Mughuls. In 1583 he
appears to have cooperated with the Mughuls in the
fight with Maium Kabuli on the banks of the
Ganges. Here he contracted small-pox and died.
His death was a great blow to his loving brother
in his old age. The loss of such an able and faith-
ful co-adjutor was indeed irreparable. Other
miseries were also in store for Nantiiiyan. On
the death of Chila Rai his son, Raghu Deb, rebelled
and established his seat at Barnagar within the
present district of Kamrup. All attempts of
Narniriyan to pacify his nephew failed and at
length instead of reducing bv force of arms tho son
of his beloved brother he divided the kingdom,
keeping to himself the portion west of the Sonkosh
and giving up to bis nephew tbc territories to the
east of the river. NarnSrKvan did not long survive
this disruption of the powerful kingdom originated
by his father and extended bv him with the help of
Chila Rai. Alter a very eventful reign of about 50
years he died unhappy at an old age. His death
occured about 1586 A.D.
TH* KOCH KINGDOM.
Soa
During Narnlriyan’s reign the Koch power
reached its zenith. His kingdom included practically
the whole of the old kingdom of Kamarupa of the
kings of Brahmapala's dynasty with the exception of
the eastern portion known as Saumara which form-
ed the Abom kingdom. Towards the west the king-
dom appears to have extended beyond the Karatoya
for according to Abul Fazl, the author of the
Akbarnamah, the western boundary of the Koch
kingdom was Tirhut. Oa the south-west the king-
dom included the Rungpur district and part of
Mymensingh to the east of the river Brahmaputra
which then flowed through that district. We find
that till the beginning of the seventeenth century
the Raja of Soosung in Mymensingh was a vassal-
chief under the Koch Raja ( i ). On the south-east
the kingdom included the whole of the Dakhiukul
or south bank of the Brahmaputra as far as
Mayang and Dimorua including modern Gauhati
and its neighbourhood.
On the death of Narnlrlyan the Koch kingdom
fell to pieces. The two branches of the royal
family subsequently engaged in fratricidal war
calling for the intervention of the Moghuls as well
as the Ahoms. In course of time the Moghuls and
the Ahoms fought for the possession of the kingdom.
During this opportunity the local chieftains again
raised their heads. We find that in the early part
of the next century the Moghuls had to contend
(1) Raghnnatb, the Raja of Soosang was a vassal of
Parikshit Xaravan who imprisoned his whole family.
Raghanatb then appealed to the Moghul Viceroy.
(laditkanama a nd IjaXanilhan-i- Ghaibi).
THE KOCH KTMDOW.
303
not with the degenerate Koch rajas but with local
chieftains such as Sanatan of Dhamdbama, on the
north bank, Shumaroad Kyeth (Samudra Kayastha)
of Rangjuli, Parsuram of Solmari, Mama Govinda
of Beltala and the petty rajas of Rani, Luki,
Burdwar, Owguri, Moirapur, Pantan, Dimorua,
Bongaon and Mayung on the south bank (1).
An English traveller named Ralph Fitch visited
Kamarupa towards the end of NarnKiSyan's reign
when his brother, Sukladhvaj, was living. Accord-
ing to Fitch Sukladhvaj was then the king as he
was really the dtfacto ruler. After a journey of
2j days from the Bengal capital Fitch reached the
Koch capital. He found that the king and bis
subjects were all Hindus. By this time, under the
benign auspices of Narnirlyan, the new Vaisnava
tenet of Sankar Dev bad been propagated so wide
that Fitch found the people averse to the killing of
animals. He found veterinary hospitals established
for all domesticated animals and asylums for all
old and disabled cattle. The kingdom was a large
one and it was not far from Cochin China for he
was told that from that quarter the people obtain-
ed pepper. The people used to erect fences made of
pointed bamboos or cane. They could, by damming
the streams, inundate the country when necessary
making it impossible for men or horses to traverse
it. When war broke out they used to poison the
water-supply in order to kill the invaders. Fitch
found a good deal of musk and both silk and cotton
fabrics manufactured in the country.
(1) BaXarii(kan-i-Gkaibi quoted in “Moghul Jforth East
Frontier Polioy.”
CHAPTER XIV.
Thb vaisnava rbformatiok.
It has been already said that a very debased
form of later Buddhism known as the Vajrayana
system or the Sahajia cult was prevalent in
Kamarupa for some centuries. It is said that
Kamakshya in the very centre of Kamarupa, Lanka,
which can perhaps be identihed with the locality
of the same name in the Kopili valley and Sri
Hatta (Sylbet) which was then under the Jaintia or
Tippera kings became the reputed centres of this
system of religion. The excesses which were
indulged in the name of religion nnder this system
are too revolting to be enumerated. The Rdtikhod
or Pumadharid sect of Assam, which continued
till recent times, bad its origin undoubtedly in this
system which was evidently a mixture of Tantrik
Buddhism and tribal customs. The adherents of
THE VAISNAVA REFORMATION. 305
this sect were known as night-worshippers.* It is
said that a neophyte had to resist his temptations
in the midst of meat, drink and a naked young
woman. The ordinary common people may not
have been the votaries of such a cult. They were,
it is stated by Dwija R.imanauda, one of the
biographers of Sri Sankardeva, worshippers of
demons, tihairabs, the shades, trees and stones.
It is stated that goats, butlaloes, tortoises and
pigeons were sacrificed in order to propitiate these
deities, but no mention is made of human sacrifices.
Gait refers to the statements of certain Muslim
writers to the effect that about this time there was
a class of persons in K&marupa called Bhogia
(enjoyers) who voluntarily offered themselves as
victims for sacrifice before the Goddess Durgft in
return for the privilege to indulge in all manner of
licenses for a whole year previous to their immola-
tion. It is hardly possible to believe such ex-
aggerated stories wholesale. There is, however,
no doubt that previous to the propagation of the
new Y'aisnava tenet of Sri dankar Dcva, a gross
form of TSntrikism prevailed in the country and
it is quite possible that human sacrifices, so ex-
tolled in the Kaiika Purana, were also resorted to.
dri dankar Dcva was the descendant of the
A fall dcseiption of this sect is to be found in the
paper read by at r S.C. Oowami B A in the mseting of
the Kamaru|ia Anusandhan Samiti and pnbkshedln the
fust report of that Society (191’0). According to this
writer the sect was founded by one Gopal a contemporary
of Sri Sankar Den but very probably the cult was
much more ancient and an ofl&hcot of Bnddhism of the
degraded type.
THE VAISHAVA REFORMATION.
diromani Bhuyan Chandibar whom Durlabhnara-
yaD, the king of Kamata, settled in Kamarupa
about tbe middle of the fourteenth century. The
genealogy is shown below: —
Landa Deva
I
Chandibar
I
Rljadhar
I
Suryabar
I
Kusumbar
I
flankar Deva
When Viswa Singba was extirpating tbe Bhnyan
chiefs in order to secure undisputed supremacy in
Klmarupa, Kusumbar, known also as Kusura
Bhuyan, migrated to Bordoa within the Abom
kingdom. He was a devotee of Siva whom be
worshipped in order that he might be blessed with
a male child. When flankar was born in 1449 A. D.
Kusumbar named him dankarbar (gift of fJiva).
Some years after his birth his father and mother
both died and Sankar was'tberfore brought up by
ais paternal grand -mot her Kbcrsuti Ai. Being
endowed by natural gifts be soon developed a
strong phisique and a quick brain. In study as
well as in sports be outclassed all the Biahman
and Kayastha boys of his age. As he grew up he
became a well-built handsome young man and an
erudite scholar. His favourite companion was a
young Brahman named Ramxima who was the son
TH 1 VAISNAVA REFORMATION. 3O7
of his family priest. It is said that both of them
could cross the Brahmaputra by swimming, a feat
which the other youths of the locality could not
perform. On attaining manhood dankar married
and settled down to domestic life. A daughter was
born to him and when she reached the proper age
he gave her in marriage to one Hai i. Then his
wife died.
Sanlcar, who bad always religious leanings, now
felt inclined to renounce the world and devote
himself to religious exercises. One day he quietly
set out on a pilgrimage to the holy places of
India. All the diff;reat countries of India actually
visited by him, during his long pilgrimage of 12
years, have not been mentioned but we hud from
his biographies that during this period he met the
well-known saint K-bir, with whom he contracted
friendship. He also visited the temple at Puri and
possibly travelled further south, for it appears that
he accepted as his faith the system of qualified
monism or taught by the
celebrated South Indian reformer Rlmanuja Swami.
At the end of hit travels, in course of which he
must have met and associated with many learned
pundits, tdihus and religious teachers, lie returned
home convinced that in order to elevate oneself
spiritually and at the same time be of service
to humanity one need not renounce the world. As
a matter of fact he himself re-married on his return
from the pilgrimage. He then began to preach his
tenet which was derived from the teachings of the
Gita and the Bh&ga&ita.
As already stated Sankar's creed was qualified
308 the vaisnava reformation.
monism as expounded by Rlmanuja. It differed
from the absolute monism of 8 ankarlchlrya on the
one hand and the dualism of MaddvScharya on the
other hand. The tenet of dualism was adopted
in Bengal by Adwaiticharya and latterly by
Chaitanya. The tenet of Cbaitanya therefore was
different from that of dankar Deva fundamentally,
danklr could not have been a follower of Chaitanya
or even of Adwaiticharya lor the following reasons:-
(1) fJankar was born in 1449 A. D. whereas
Chaitanya was bom in i486 A. D. The latter was
perhaps not bom when flankar set out on his
pilgrimage. Further Chaitanya did not renounce
the world and turn out a preacher until he was 24
years old or about 1510 A. D. On the other hand
Sankar began to preach his tenet much earlier
before the end of the fifteenth century.
(2) fJankar could not have met Cbaitanya during
his first pilgrimage but during his second pilgrimage
from Barpeta he actually met Chaitanya about
1530 A. D. at Puri. At this time dankar was an
old man of about 8 1 years of age.
(3) As already stated Adwaiticharya was a
believer in pure dualism while dankar’s creed was
monism of the qualified type. Sankar could not
therefore have been a disciple of Adwaiticharya.
It was the neo-vaisnavism with its allegiance to
one supreme God, its abborence of animal
sacrifices, its freedom from esoteric rites and its
simple ceremonial consisting only of hymns and
prayers which strongly appealed to Sankar. This
phase of Hinduism was first presented by Ramanuja,
the great commentator of the Vedanta sutraa and
the Bhogatat Gild, who flourished in the twelfth
THE VAISNAVA REFORMATION. 3C9
century A. D. As an exponent of the Vedanta he
differed from his predecessor, the great Sankara-
chary a, in interpreting the texts. He held that by
unitv with Brahman the scriptures meant nothing
but dependance on God. According to him there-
fore the finite self is dependant on and cannot
exist without the infinite self. The finite self is
like the ray of the sun. There can be no ray with-
out the sun and each ray is a part of the sun and
proceeds from the vime fountain source, but a ray
is not the sun itself. Though implying unity with
the Infinite, Rummuja recognized and laid great
stress on the difference between the finite soul and
the Brahman. The result ts a reconcilation
between the opposite schools of monism and
dualism. There is room for faith and devotion
(bhakti) in this philosophy whereas absolute
monirm presents the Infinite Self as an absolute
cosmic principle pervading all nutter, which is
beyond the conception of most men and which is
hardly distinguishable from the nothingness of the
Buddhist doctrines which Sankaracbarya tried to
extirpate. The school of qualified monism, at the
same time, rejected dualism which presents the
finite self as something fundamentally different
from the Divine Self. The relationship between
God and man, as that between father and son or
between master and servant, is possible in qualified
monism. The relationship between husband and
wifo, which presupposes equality to some extent
as well as fundamental distinction between Jiva
and Brahman, is however possible in the philosophy
of dualism. The DSsya bhdb or relationship of
master and servant was the idea adopted by
310 TH E VAISNAVA REFORMATION.
fjankar Deva who, almost on every page of his
writings, describes himself as the "servant of f?ri
krishna.” On the other hand the Modhur or the
Sring&r bh&b (idea of cohabitation) was the
peculiarity of Chaitanya. According to flankar
Deva, therefore the Brahman though impersonal
and attribute’.ess can be attained only through
devotion to a personal God who is endowed with
all the best attributes. His follower Midha va Deva
referred to dankar in the following paradoxical
way:* “dankar made known the attributes of dri
Krishna who is attributeless." The meaning is that
though God is above all attributes conceived by mau
(nirguna) still for the sake of the devotees Ho is
presented as a personal God. In the Gitd this
personal God assured Arjuna saying "Leaving
aside all other religions, Oh Arjuna, be dependant
on Me only and worship Me only. I will save you
from all sins, do not fear." In the Bhagnvata also
the same personal God gives a similar assurance to
Uddhava. Dakar's creed was therefore based on
the Gita and the Bh<igavata.
dankar began preaching this creed to the people
of his locality. The Brahmans first repudiated his
claim to preach but on the occasion of a ceremony
in the house of one of his relatives he vanquished
the assembled pundits in a disputation and since
then the Brahmans did not boldly and openly
oppose him. Ratnikara Kandali and BySh
Kalai were among his early Brahman followers
besides his old friend Raoirama. Midha va Deva’s
brother-in-law GaySpSni became a disciple of
Sankar and it was Gayipani who introduced
THE VAI5KAVA REFORMATION.
3* >
Mftdhava to Sankar. When the two met a long
controversy followed as Midbava himself was a
scholar, well- versed in the Sistras and who being
by faith a Sakta had already bought a goat for the
purpose of a sacrifice. Sankar argued with him in
order to desist him from offering the sacrifice. He
at length recited a sloka the meaning of which is as
follows:-
“Pouring of water at the root of a tree causes the
branches leaves and Bowers to thrive, but if you
pour water on the leaves and the brauches no
part of the tree will thrive. To sustain and
nourish the limbs and orgaus of the body you have
got to satisfy your hunger by eating but if ) ou fasi
and wear ornaments on every limb you feel no
satisfaction. In the same way, ho who worships
the supreme deity appeases tbo minor deities also
but if be worships any one of the minor deities bo
pleases none."
Mldhara was vanquished and bo at onco gave
up the idea of offering the sacrifice and became an
ardent follower of dankar. The joint efforts o;
flankar and Madhrv led to quick promulgation
of the new tenet. The Brahmans then became
alarmed and reported to tbe Abom king that
flankar was subverting religion by advising tar
people to refrain from pettormince of ordinary
religious rites such as the srdilha enjoined
by Hindu S&stras. Sankar was summoned before
the Abom king who enquired whit Sr&ldka
meant. It was explai ed to him that when a man
died his relatives offered pin la and other gifts
consisting of cloths, uteasxis, ornaments etc. through
312 THE VAISNAVA REFORMATION.
a Brahman priest and that these presents were
actually taken by the priest. The king was
surprised that the people were so credulous and
could be so easily influenced by the priests. He
at once held that dankar did nothing wrong and
allowed him to depart. The Brahmans however
continued to misrepresent him and ultimately
he found it impossible to remain within the
Ahom kingdom any longer. The renown of
the Koch king as a mild and accomplished ruler
had already reached him. He therefore, together
with bis followers, removed to the Koch kingdom
about 1537 A. D. when Nuranlrftyan had uot
perhaps ascended the throne. In any case flankar
was quite old when he settled down at PStbousi
after stopping for short periods at Kftpla, Sunpurl
bheti and Kumirkuchi. It was at PAtbousi that
his famous Brahman co-worker Damodar DevA
joined him. While he was there the Brahmans
conspired against him and reported to the Koch
king NaranArAyan. dankar went to the court of the
Koch king and defeated the assembled Brahman
Pandits in controversy. NaranArAyan was so
pleased that he appointed Sankar as the yomasta or
magistrate of TAntikuchi in Barpeta. This office
he soon resigned and set out again on his socond
pilgrimage, accompanied by Madhav Deva, He
attempted to find out his old friend Kabir but
learnt that he was dead. He went to Puri and
there met Chaitanya who was tlien observing
silence. There was no conversation between the
two reformers but by pouring water from his
Kamandalu Chaitanya indicated that devotion to
THE VABNAVA REFORMATION.
3*3
God, continuous and directed to ore channel only,
like the flow of running water, was his creed
dankar did not long survive after his return from
the second pilgrimage. He d:cd in Koch Bihar in
the year 156S A. L). after having attained a very
long life of 1 itt years. Both Madhav Deva and
Damodar Dcva outlived him ;.nd spread his tenet
far and wide. When the English traveller Ralph
Fitch visited Koch Bihar his teachings had already
taken a firm root in the country.
Both MSdliav Dcva and Damodar Deva promul-
gated the new cried by appointing preachers and
founding aattraa . Those originating from Mfidhuv
Deva and the teachers appointed by him arc known
as the Mdhdpuruthia sattraa while those originating
from Damodar Dcva and his immediate disciples
aro known as Ddm'Jaria aattra*. These constitute
the most important religious institutions in Assam
even at the present day. With the spread of the
new creed was also introduced the institution
known as n>im<jhars meant lor congregational
prayers. Every Hindu village in the Assam
Valley now has its ndmyhar.
As already stated, Sankar Deva was a prolific
writer. Besides metrical versions of the Rhdyamta
he wrote several dramas in Assamese. Madhav
Deva wrote two important books viz. the Nam
ghotd and the Rhalcti Ratnavali. It is not known
whether Dimodar Dcva was the author of any
work but his favourite disciple Bhatta Deva
translated the Gita into Assamese prose and this
work is believed to be the first literary production
in Assamese prose. Both Sankar and Madhav
JI4 THE VAJSWAVA REFORMATION.
were musicians and both of them composed a large
number of devotional songs known as bar peet.
The special feature ot the new tenet was its
uncompromising hostility to the worship of minor
Gods and Goddesses and animal sacrifices. It was
explained, on the basis of the Upanisbads, that God
was the only eternal, changeless Spirit, the
individual soul or Atman was a part of it, but all
the rest was matter ard therefore subject to change
and decay. People who worshipped matter, being
oblivous of the everlasting Spirit, were fools,
dankar Deva was so particular in this respect that he
spurned his own faithful follower Byihkalai as
soon as he came to know that tbe lalter, in order
to save his son from the clutches of small-pox, had
offered puja to tbe Goddess Si tola. On the other
hand, Chaitanya, it appears, did not ban worship of
tbe numerous deities and is said to have himself
worshipped diva though be was a Vaisnava.
Animal sacrifices were no doubt strictly forbidden
but killing of animals for food was not prohibited.
Even now tbe Assamese Vaisnavas eat meat and
fish. The description of Ralph Fitch in this respect
seems to be overdrawn. Probably be meant that
the people did not kill animals to oiler sacrifice
before Gods and Goddesses.
In his History of Orissa the late Mr. R. D.
Banerji stated that tbe decline of the power and
prestige of Orissa was solely due to the national
adoption of the sublime Dhakti-marga ot Chaitanya
(i). This seems to be an astounding statement but
1) History of Ori»a pagea 330-33 2
THE VAIWAVA REFORMATION.
Mr. Banerji points out that when Rfiminanda Rai,
governor of an important province under Pratapa
Rudra, accepted the teachings of Chaitanya he
retired from the important position and became a
religious man. PratSpa Rudra, thus lost the services
ol a capable administrator and military commander
at a time when the Mussalmans were trying their
level best to conquer Orissa. Chaitanya had a
powerful hold over Prutlpa Rudra and succeeded
in dissuading him from invading Bengal though
such an invasion was necessary for the proper
security of his kingdom* We can say without
hesitation that similar baneful political results did
not follow from the promulgation of the neo-vais-
navism of danlcar Dera. For one thing, dankar
Deva gave a wide berth to kings, nobles and other
high personages. He was busy with the common
folk and tried to make them religious. There is a
fokora or cryptic saying in Assamese:-
Bira hit jalor ter a hit pbati
* Another fact worth mentioning here is that the two
brothers Rap and Sanatan were both ministers of Sultan
Alanddin linwein Shah under the chief minister Puran-
dw Khan. Doth Bap and sanatan were favourite* of
Unwein Shah. The former was given the title l.'abir
Ehaa and the latter wa« styled Shakir Malik. Towards
the end of Unwein Shah’s reign Chaitanya visited Gaor
and there Bap and Sanatan visited him. After Chaitan-
ya’s departure from Gaur both Rop and Sanatan resigned
their high post*. The Sultan wa« so vexed that he put
Sanatan into prison. Sanatan effected bis escape by
heavily bribing the jailer. Subsequently both Rap and
Sanatan, as devout diaciplea of Chaitanya. became
tiany /au and apent the rest of their lives in Brindsban.
(Memoria of Gaor and Pandoa, edited by li.fi. Stapleton
PP M MJ.
316 The vaisnava reformation.
Bh&l mirile bapor beta
Row borali soroki gol
Puthi Kbolihani roi roi gol.
The above may be translated thus:-
“ The ret is twelve cubits in length but it is a
torn net, the rents being altogether thirteen cubits
long. Such a net was thrown by that worthy
son of a worthy lather. The bigger fishes like
roic and borali escaped but the mb all fishes like
puthi and khalihat-n were caught."
Stripped of metaphor the meaning of the saying
is that the net of tlw new religion, based on the
twelve chapters of the BbApivata with its thirteen
hundred aln\<u was spread by Sankar Deva. He
could not catch iho big men but caught shoals of
the common folk. As a matter of fact the king
and the nobles, who naturally loved elaborate and
pompous ceremonies involving puja, bom and
sacrifices and accompanied by gifts to Brahmans
and the poor, were not fit for the simple tenet of
dankar Dcva which therefore largely appealed to
the masses. It is said that fJankar refused to
initiate NamSrSyan although the latter pressed
him. He knew tb»t a king, of all persons, could
not stick to the simple observations enjoined by
him. During the seventeenth century his tenet
was adopted as the national religion of the
Assamese people throughout Kararup and the
Upper Assam districts, but this period synchroni-
zed with, what Gait calls, the climacteric of the
Ahom rule. The Abom power reached its zenith
during this period. It was not the national adop-
tion of the faith but the religious organizations
THE VAISNAVA REFORMATION.
3*7
called Sattr ts which no doubt sapped, to some
extent, the authority of the Abom kings of the
eighteenth century.
These Sattras came into existence after the
demise of Sankar Deva. They were really modelled
on the Buddhist Viharas. In most of theso
Sattras the spiritual head or adhikdrn is usually a
celibate and the bhakats residing in the Sattra are
also celibate monks who go about begging like the
Bauddha Bhikihus of old. Monasticism is a
peculiar point in Buduha’s religion. Between the
seventh and the ninth centuries Brahman revivalists
adopted it in imitation of the Buddhists and the
Vaisnava preachers of KAmarupa also did the same
after the death of dankar Deva. Thus it would
appear that Buddhist teachings and customs, which
must have been widely prevalent in KAmarupa
prior to the sixteenth century, persisted even after
flankar’s creed had been widely diffused, liven up
till this day the portion of an Assamese Vaisnava
namghar (hall for congregational prayers) which
is covered by a roundest roof is called
perhaps to perpetuate the memory of the ancient
Buddhist stupa. The word used to denote initia-
tion of a neophyte in the Assamese Vaisnava tenet
is “ Saran *. We find the word S’aran used in the
initiation of a Buddhist, Buddham iaranam
gachhdmi. Instances may be multiplied to show
the wide prevalence of some form of Buddhism in
Kamarupa before the rise of Sankar Deva.
OHAPTER XV.
To ••own of LrriRAron.
As already stated, Yuan Cbwang, in the seventh
century A. D. found that the dialect of Kamarupa
differed only a little from that of Magadha or mid-
India. The Kamarupi dialect was originally a
variety of eastern Maithili and it was no doubt the
spoken Aryan language throughout the kingdom
which then included the whole of the Assam valley
and the whole of northern Bengal with the addition
of the Purnea district of Bih r. It is not therefore at
all strange that the language of the Buddhist dohto,
composed in Kamarupa du.ing the tenth and the
eleventh centuries, should be a mixed Maithili-
Kamarupi language bearing close resemblance to
modern Assamese, the direct offspring of the old
Kamarupi dialect. Perhaps these dohaa were
composed in a language which could be easily
understood throughout Eastern India.
THE GROWTH OF LITERATURE. JI9
The earliest Kamarupi literature was unwritten
and consisted of nursery songs, pastoral ballads
sung by cowherds, songs of boatmen, songs
describing the twelve month*, songs for propitiation
of the goddess of small-pox ( S'iia’a ) and wedding
songs. Naturally the composition and language of
these songs and ballads differed somewhat from
district to district. Those collected and published
by the University of Calcutta in the first volume of
the work known as "Asamiyd Sdhityar Chdnikf
were not necessarily the ones current throughout
the kingdom of Kamarupa. Some years ago
Grierson published, in the Journal of the Asiatic
Society of Bengal, a version of the " Kanya
Bdromdhi gtet" current in northern Bengal towards
the end of the last century. This very song is
still current in Assam in a somewhat varied form.
It is quite possible that when northern Bengal
wan a part of Kr-marupa the same version of
the song was current throughout Kamrup, Goalpara
and Rnngpur. The mantras or incantations
uttered to exorcise ghosts, to cure snake-bites or
to perform feats of sorcery as well as the wise
sayings or aphorisms ascribed to Dfika Purusha
belong to this category of unwritten literature. The
late Pundit Hern Chandra Goswami thought that
the aphorisms of Dik were first reduced to
writing about 800 A.D. We have already men-
tioned that some of these aphorisms refer to
trading on the Arracan coast when the sea
stretched from the southern slopes of the Garo
Hills. We can therefore easily assign Daka to
a very early period. He belonged to the village of
320 THE GROWTH OF LITERATURE.
Lehi-Dangara in the Barpeta suddivision of the
Kamrup district.
The earliest written puthis in the Kamarupi
language date from about the second quarter of the
fourteenth century when Durlabhnaravan was the
king of Kamata and Kamarupa. During his reign
flourished two poets, viz, Hcma Saraswati and
Haribar Bipra. Both of them make mention of
of Durlabhnaravan as the ruling king. Hema
Saraswati composed the * Prahl 1 7 Charitra ” based
on the V&mana Purana while Haribar Bipra
translated the Aswamtlha Parra of the Mahabha-
rata. Kaviratna Saraswati, whose father Chakra-
pani Kayastha was a petty revenue officer under
king Durlabhnaravan, was a contemporary ol
Indranarayan, the son and successor of Durlabhna-
rayan. Kaviratna was the author of the "Jaya-
dratha Vadka". His home was at Sila, a village
within the Birpeta stivdivi«ion. The writings of
all these three poets arc still enfant. To a some*
what later period belonged Mllhiva Kandali and
Rudra Kandali. The former versified portions of
the Ramayana and the latter composed, in
Kamarupi verse, portions of the Mahabharata.
flankar Deva who was born in 1449 A. D. refers
to Madhava Kandali as one of the reputed poets
belonging to an earlier age We may therefore
place both Madhava Kandali a:id Rudra Kandali
towards the end of the fourteenth century. In his
Ramayana, Madhava Kandali himself states that
his other name was Kaviraj* Kandali and that
though he could easily compose verses in Sanskrit
he composed the Ramayana in Assamese verse for
THE GROWTH OP LITERATURE. 321
the benefit of the people at large, at the request of
Sri Mahi Minikya, the Vatihi Raja* Madhava
Kandali wrote also another poem entitled 41 De-
vajit."
The reigns ofViswa Singha and Narnarayan,
which covered the greater pirt of the sixteenth
century, witnessed a great development of the
vernacular literature of Kamarupa. The Yogini
Tantra , a well-knov/n Sanskrit work which gives
the boundaries of the kingdom of Kamarupa as
it existed during the rule of the P«la kings but
which also mentions the Kamarupa kings Jalpe-
swar alias Prithu and Viswa Singha, was very
probably written in Kamarupa during the first
pait of the sixteenth century when Viswa Singha
was ruling. To this period we must also assign
the compilation of the Behuld Upakhyina by
Durgabar Kayastha, a native of Kamakshya.
Durgabar addresses his salutation to Viswa Singha
as the king of Kamata:*
• The late Pandit Hem Chan Ira Goswsmi stated that
Maha Manikya waa a king of the Barahi Kachari* and
that he ruled about the middle of the fourteenth century
at Diraapur. In an old A boa Bnranji seven generations
of the Ban hi king* are given. The last of these kings
Dersong Phi. great-great-grandson of Maha Manikya
waa the contemporary of the Aho.n king Suhunmung
alia . Dehingia It* a. (Bsnhi Vol. XVIII Jto.5.).
These Barahi kings were, it seems, rulers, at one time,
over the Kapili valley The antiquities discovered in
this area include an inscription on a stone tablet now
deposited in the museum of the Kamarupa Anusandhan
Samiti. This inscription is much obliterated. With
much difficulty the word **Mani ya” has been deciphered
in it. It is no doubt ue surname used after the name of
the k i n g -
333 THE GROWTH OF LITERATURE.
"Kama'd isieira bnndo Yis>ta SinqKa nripabar
Alhchallis mahishi bando oihara Koar. w
The story of Behula and Chand Sadagar appears
to be common to both Bengal and Kamarupa.
The ballads connected with this story must have
been current in western Kamarupa and the rest of
northern Bengal long before the verses were
reduced to writing bv Sukavi Nlrlvan probably
in the thirteenth century and by Dargabar in the
early part of the sixteenth century. The ballads
of Sulcavi Nlrlvan's composition are still sung in
Kamrup and they are known as SM-Nfaii or
Suk-Nirlyanis to this day. Sukavi Nlriyan was
very likely a poet of Kamarupa who described the
sea-vovages of a Kamarupi trader named Chand
Sadagar whose home was in Chaygaon in modem
Kamrup, on the south bank ot the Brahmaputra
but, strangely enough, both Sukavi Nlriyan and
Chand Sadagar have been claimed as natives ol
Bengal(i). The songs of Durgabar are still known
as Durglbari.
Namiriyan was a ruler of mild disposition,
-eligiously inclined and a patron of learning.
Under his auspices the great Pandit Siddhanta-
vagisha compiled in Sanskrit, the eighteen volumes
of a work on smriti known as the Kaumudi.
Another Pandit wrote a more authoritative work
on smriti known as Smriti-Sapara in four volumes.
The famous Bengali smjrta Pundit Raghunandan
mentioned this work as the “ Kamaruoi mbandha ”.
Unfortunately this valuable work has now
fl) ▲ History of Indian Shipping by B.K. Mookeqi.p.158
THE GROWTH OR LITERATURE. 323
disappeared. Sridhara compiled a treatise on
astronomy while Purusottama Vidyavagish com-
piled a Sanskrit grammar known as Ratnamald
which is still regarded as a standard work.
Namlrlvan's reign was really the Elizabethan
period of the vernacular literature of Kamarupa.
In his court were gathered a galaxy of the poets
of the sixteenth century. They all belonged to
what is now known as the Vaisoava period ol
Assamese literature. Among the reputed writers
of this period weie dankar Dora, MfiJhtva Deva,
Rtma Saras wati, Ananta Kandili, Chandra
BhRrati, Sridhrra K.mddi, Pitttmbir Ds'ija, Gopttla
Misra, Chandrachura Aditva, Vishnu Bblrati,
Rimcharan Th «kur, Kri<hnlnanda Dvija, Dltnoda-
ra Dasa, Ratnlknra Misra, Rainiianda Dv;ja,
Bhusana Dviji, NoroUami Tlnkur, Gopinath
Pftthak, Rarmli Disn, nnd 3r;r5m Jadumani.
Nearly all of the abovenaraed writers composed
verses but Bh.uta Deva wrote in prose. His
“ Hath* B^diaca/a " and the “ Rath* Gcttd ”
constitute perhaps the earliest vernacular prose
composition in Kainarupa. Sankar Deva was
a prolife writer in Assamese verse and a poet of
high order. His most popular works were 1 he
“ Kirtan n and the Dakar* meant to popularize his
own tenet. Sankar Deva also wrote a Sanskrit
work eititled art. The two most
important works of Mlihiva Deva were the NUm-
Ghosha and the Bhakti- Ralnioali.
There is m ich controversy as to the authorship
and date o! a work known as Diplkd Chanda .
Internal evidence points to the compilation of
the work after the death of Saukar Deva. The
J 24 THE GROWTH OF LITERATURE.
author is said to have been a king called Puruso-
ttama Gajapati. Several Assamese writers hive
attempted to locate him somewhere in Assam but
all have failed to notice the fact that Purusottama
Gajapati was a well-known powerful king of
Orissa who ruled from 1 4 76 to 1497 A. D. and
whose kingdom, or rather empire, extended from
the Hugli district in moderi Bengal as far as the
Guntur district of the Madras Presidency. He was
the son of Kapilendra Gajapati and the father of
Prctapa Rudra, the last powerful Gajapati who
ruled from 1497*0 1541 A D. and who was a
contemporary of Sri Chaitanya. Purusottama
Gajapati was a devout Vaisnava and he may have
written the work known as DipileA Chanda in
order to ridicule the later Buddhist cult and the
Tantrik system* There was close connection
between Kamarupa and Orissa in the sixteenth
century on account of the existence, in the latter
country, of the famous temple of Jagannatha at
Puri. It is possible that an Assamese Vaisnava
came across the book and translated it into
Assumes verse. The title Gajapati could not have
been assumed by an ordinary king. It was assumed
by Kapilendra, the father af Purusottama, who
possessed, according to the Muslim account
Burhan-i maasir, two hundred thousand war-
• We now know that the Orissa king Purusottama
Gajapati was the author of another work known as
Kama- Malika in Sanskrit. Sri Sankar I'eva brought a
copy of this work to Assam and Madhara Deva translated
it into Assamese verse. ( Oescriptive Catalogue of
Assam 1 66 Manuscript* pp &0-51).
THE GROWTH Of LITERATURE.
3*5
elephants (a).
The late M. M. Pandit Haraprasad Sastri was
presented by the staff of the Nepal Durbar Library
with copies of two works one of wh:ch was the
D&k&rnava. Pandit Sastri savs that this work,
though almost entirely written in Sanskrit, contains
some verses in a curious form of Prftknt. He
writes:*
“I was anxious to gel a copy of the work
because in Bengal there are numerous agricultural
sayings known as Uitar Vuchana in an old form
of language. I am enquiring all my Ulo as to who
this Dika was, without getting any satisfactory
explanation from any quarter. This work may
give a clue to the meaning. It says Dftka is
Vireswara and is the masculine of Dikini,
mischievous imp, much dreaded by the credulous
people of Bengal. Now we know that Vira is a
voiaiy of tho left-handed worship. So this Dlka
of our proverbs was probably a saint of tho loft-
handed form of worship. I have ec mined tho
verses in the curious dialect in tho work bat it
will require a more carelul examination than I can
give at present*. (Report on the searen of Sanskrit
Manuscripts 1895 to 1900;.
It is rather strange tnat a well-informod scholar
like Pandit H. P. Sastn could not had out that
Daka was a native of ivamarupa and that tho "old
form of language* mot with b/ him Wxs nj.hug
eise thai o.d A»sam;>c. As a muter of fact
however, the Dikarnava, which we hive not soon,
may have nothing to do with Dika Parushi the
( 2 ) Banerji'd History of Orissa, vol. 1 p 1 * 92 .
THE GROWTH OF LITERATURE.
famous author of the proverbs. It is probably a
Tantrik work dealing with the propitiation of Diks
and Dskinis (male and female evil spirit).
The Assam Government collection of Sanskrit
and Assamese manuscripts now deposited in the
library of the Kamarupa Anusandhan Samiti,
includes quite a good number of works belonging
to the pre-Narnirlyan period. These are mostly
works on astronomv, astrology, mathematics,
proverbs, riddles, mantras, medicine, history or
traditions and also tantras. Among the Sanskrit
works the most note-worthy are AJbhuta Sara a
book dealing with the propitiatory rites for
ascertaining mischief likely to be caused by the
occurence of strange events, the Apaduddhira
mantra, a tantrik work, the Aitabargi dasA, an
astrological work, the Gr-iha Vija JnAna. an
astronomical work, Graham AryA, a treatise on
eclipses, the Graha Puja Vidhi, the Gratia Slava
and the Gratia SnAna Mantra, all works on plane-
tary worship and the llastamuktAoali. a treatise on
the art of dancing. The author of the last named
book was one Subhinkara Kavi. A copy of this
work was recovered by Pandit H. P. Sastri from
Nepal and another was found in Nlilhila. This
also indicates close cultural intercourse between
the adjacent kingdoms of Kamarupa, Mithila and
Nepal in the old days. The Yuddha JayA-naoa
DasA, Jyotisha Chakra , Jivxka Chandrika, Kerali,
Jyotisha Darpan , Jyotisha RatnamalA and the
Jyotisha iiuktdvah are all astrological works per-
taining to preparation ol horoscopes. The Mantra
Prakasa and the MandaladhyAya are Tantrik
works. The Samud H';a is a treatise on palmistry.
THE GROWTH 05 LITERATURE.
327
The Shatachakra by Purnananda Paramahamsa
is also a Tantrik work dealing with astral
physiology. Besides the above there are numerous
works on Hindu religion and religious rites based
upon the Smrih Sutras. Of the works in the
vernacular language ot Kamarupa the most
important are Bhda iaXi, an astrological work by
Kaviraja Chakravarti, the Ghora SiJana, a treatise
on horses and treatment of equine diseases, Gu -
Karati, a collection of mantras to ward off charms
practised by Tantrik Buddhists who defy the
authority of the Vedas, the Ilara-Guuri Sa.nbtlda,
an important book which, like the Yogini Tantra,
gives, in the guise of prophssies, tbs history of
ancient Kamarupa, the Jjitisha Chu ram-mi by
Churamam Kayastha, a work on Arithemetic and
land-surveying, the Kamaratna Tantra," an
Assamese translation of a Tantrik work of that
name ascribed to Gorakshanath, a celebrated
Buddhist SiJJAa who flourished m the fourteenth
century and the Kitdba.'a Alan jar i by Bakul
Kayastha written in Saka 1356 equivalent to
1434 A. D. This last named work is a poetical
treatise on arithmetic, Surveying and book*
keeping. The book teaches how accounts are to
be kept under different heads and how stores
belonging to the royal treasury are to bo classified
and entered into a stock-book. Tne bhdnJdrajd-
radhikdra of the Kamarupa kings mentioned in the
•• This book *m published by the Oort, of Assam
In 1938. It is a curious collection of Tantrik mint rat
and recipes for various purpose* some of which arc
too obeceno to be mentioned.
THE GROWTH OF LITERATURE.
Nidbanpur inscription and the B&rbhand&ra
Baruas of tbe Ahom kings were generally Kayas-
thas who were trained in book-keeping and
accounts. Bakul Kayastba was tbe greatest
mathematician of his time in Kamarupa. Sury*khari
Doibogna, the author of the Darning Raj Vamta-
vali, wrongly pljced him a century later making
him a contemporary of Naranlriyan and tbe
translator ol the famous arithmetical work of
Lilavati, the well-known lady m ithematiciaa.
Another remarkable work on erotics is a collection
of mantras used to secure the love of young
damsels. There are several books containing
mantras for the cure of lever, snake-bite, small-pox
etc. In the ___domain of history the important
work is Suargand dyan Mnhdtdjar Akthydna
written in 1536 A. D. which is a historical
account of tbe Ahom kings from Sukaphft to
Suhunmung. The 8 #apnnaydya is a book on
dreams and their interpretation.
It will appear from tbe above that the
manuscripts collected represent literary activities
covering a very wide range of subjects. Works
dealing with astronomy and astrology are numer-
ous. The conclusion that can be drawn is that
Pr&gjyotisha, as its name implies, was, from the
ancient times, a noted i^at of learning in these two
subjects and that the temple of tbe nine planets on
tbe Navagraha hill near G^uhati was meant not
merely for planetary worship but also, perhaps, as
an observatory. The Tantnk works collected
support the fact that Kamarupa was a stronghold
of Tantrik Buddhism between the eighth and the
fifteenth centuries. In Beng.il and Bihar the
THE GROWTH OF LITERATURE.
3*9
Muslim conquerors, shocked by the debased practi-
ces ot the Sahajia panthis, killed a good number of
KipElikas and burnt their books found in Odanta-
puri. Many of them escaped to Nepal and Tibet.
In Kamarupa they continued to practise their
rites undisturbed till the rise of Sti 3-inkar D^va
in the fifteenth century who roused public opinion
in Assam against Tantrikism to such an extent
that the followers of the cult were compelled to
abandon most ol their revolting rites previously
practised openly. The small number of Tantrik
works collected is due to the fact that tbo
Tantriks scrupulously observed the injunction of
their preceptors to conceal their books, u Kula
Pustakdni gopa/st". It was with a great deal of
persuasion that the owner of the manuscript
entitled ATd maratna Tantra, menlioned above, was
induced to band it over to the Government collec-
tor. Further, after the spread of the Vaisnava cult
of t3ri Sankara Deva far and wide, Tantnkism fell
into disrepute and Tantxik works were therefore
probably destroyed in large numbers. A Tantxik
work called Dtva Damira was found by Pandit
H. P. Sastri in Mym easing (i). The mantras of
this work, meant to propitiate the 24 classes of
demigods, are in Assamese. This is not strange
as Mymeasing was always within Kamarupa.
(1) Beport on the Search of Sanskrit Manuscripts 1895-
1900.
APPENDIX II.
COPPIR-PLATI INSCRIPTION OP KARJAR AVARMAN.
Truncation in Enylith.
(NoW-Tbatr«n»JMioft b»:«« itof iho n>dJ!« of tbunierip-
•Ui» which 0 <MUI<IO <1 of throe ,J»to» lb- flr»t and the third
ploiot ore now th* f.r.l p*jo of the plaid foO’idcM-
nol bo .loclph.r.d »a pUco. roo t,-o4..a;»on fo'.t-wi tbo doolpbur-
mom iu»<l« by Pandit Padauaitu Uk-iUM.arya VidyarinoU, Tbo
nndnoipbarod portion* are mark'd by a»trntk<.)
• • • All powerful and high spirited. • • •
Ob Parthiv* (1) your future descendants will, for tills
nation , b* called) mfotto*
• o o o of king Bhagadatta • o • •
After this slayer of enemies, tjslastambha became
the rulei of the earth.
When that tiger-like king died his son, the powerful
Viiaya, who subdeed all bis eoemios, became the power-
ful king of the earth.
That king haring died the rulers pilaka>(3) Palara,
(1) Son of PrU'ihi
. A< 3alaattor.li. i
cr Earib or bin;.
i meniioa-d •f(*r«a-4< it *ontri that hl«
<o eall4 ml' Hu. osji-dinj to ibe writer
tbil ia*oriplioi. Osi tbo other h .od. xeardia^ lo ll»Kaia>-
■iii
pal» inscription, Salt* uiili foi idol the uilejalia
(3) XaM laa pan on im word pai-U.
dyaatty.
L'orvitiu «>n b:u«». mtIhm. It.iiuuui Hill.
Kamara and Varadeva successively became king* and
disappeared from the strth, After the n he who bore
the famous name Harshavarma became king. He was
possessed ot great virtues and he loved bis snbjects
like his own children and never oppressed them.
When that monarch ascended the heavens his power-
ful eon Balavarma became king and subsequently died.
Alas, in that family, which was pare like the moon and
and white like milk, there were born two princes named
Chakra and Aratht who were both ill-tempered and who
disregards the advice of their religious preoeptore.
Tho sovereignty was thersfore exercised by the son of
tbs younger brother. (\)
In this world she alone ia bleseed and le the abode of
fortune and wealth by whom • • • • .
She whose pure fame is still proclaimed in the
world that Jivadevt ••••••
Aa YudhUthira was born from the womb of Kunti
end Abbtmanyu from the womb of Subhadra, in the
same way Uarjara Ueva, who was the future kiug of the
world and powerful like a lion, was boru from the womb
of Jivadovi (2).
The kings anxious to conquer territories, having
fought against one another in sub montane tracts, accept-
ed him as the mediator, he is possessed of all the virtues
In equal propoition end though constantly engaged in
work pertaiulug to the welfare of his eubjecta he is
always uu tired and accessible to all.
That prosperous Harjara Deva ascended the throne
being surrounded by the vassal rulers ss Indra is
surrounded by the Devas. He was anointed, during his
coronation with the water of all sacred places, contained
(1) Here PraUmbba. th« sot of Arsiki ierefe-rod to. In the
inscription of Vanamata U U etaUd list PrAlambha'e brother
wm a ath (eon of Aratbi).
(3) Jivadovi wa* the queen of Pralambha and mother of Harjara
varmao. la tho Tenant aia iaeecpuoa she ia named. Jivads.
in a silver pitcher, by the prince* of noble birth.
At the Haruppeswara camp ( skandhAvira> Paruma
Paramos ware Parama Buattaraka Parama Mlheawara
Sriman iluijaradeva, who meditates at the feet of his
parents, is prospering- There his queen Mangalaeii, (1J
like La slum, is shcJdia* tier beauty sad her quel.fi-
catrous. Born of her w-mb, Prince. Veuamila, w o is
bright like the lull moou, without bh-inleh, having the
light of his auo-U .e father shed upon him and who
Is possessed of uuuierous virtues hereby oominands:
Let it be kuown vO all of you ilafu-Saiuyapati (Lorn-
mauder in-Juief/ Srtga a*, Maae-D# ireluipati iUuiefof
t-ie gate-keeper* dri Ja/adeva, Maha-Prauhara v Chief
Usher; Jauardan, Maha-Amatya ^liief Louusclbry Sri
Ooviuda and iladuuauJaua, B ahmanadhlkare , pro .ably
Chief pr.eety BaaCU bruauUi* • • • •
<1) Id lbs 7» leasts isxfi/iiai ob. W asast 8r Msttar. whloh
U o.ldoatly s a.»rMd<ag by I'sodu k.u*Uk»iua-
APPENDIX III
FIRST COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTION O r DHARMAPALA
VARMA DEVA.
Translation in Enjlish.
(Nots-Thli transition is b«-d on the d*c.ph*nn*nl of Ih. pl-ire
by Pandit Psda.nail. Onaiiaokary. Vidy.eia^d.)
Salutation to the primeval />«««, Ard\a jovatUicara,
one side ot whose need is adorned by the blue lotus and
the other side by the hooded ana ;e; on one side of whose
body is the raised breast of the woman and the other
333
aide la covered by a»h; who 1* therefore the embodiment
of both the SrimpSra and the R*wdr« ratal.
There *u a kin* named Naraka who wa* the eon of
Nkriyana in bia Boar incarnation by the Prithivi 'Earth).
He ruled in the city of Pr*pivoti»ha fora Ion* time after
aabdain* all the lorda of the variou* directions.
He had a powerful eon named Bhagadatta who«e feet
were rubbed by the crown* of numerous kin** and after
fighting with whom even the the moat powerful Bhlma
loat hit toner louane**.
Tn that dynaaty o' king* w.a born Brl Brabmapkla
who waa Ilk* Tndraaud who wa* feared by hi* enemlea
and praised by those vho knew the worth of virtnea.
From him wan bom the*em of a aon who waarl*htly
named Sri Rafnapkla, who waa the conqueror of kln*a
and from wh«.»e feet, adorned by the hcad-ga:lands of
numeroua kin**, r<f a Ukikml took her birth,
He had a aon named Pnrandara Pila who died aa
jvraraja after having produced a valiant, handsome and
well-mannered son named IndrapAla.
That kin* IndrapAla ruled the Earth for a Ion* time.
He by hla own power overcame all hie enemlea and
satisfied Indra by performing numerous fajnni. He
was tbe foremoat among all who performed religious
cerom >nles. He was like the god Kkmiuleva (Cupid) to
to all women.
He had a «on named Gop\la who »»« very powerful
and was like the lamp of Id* family. Dorfof hla life time
he waa the foremost of all valiant, virtuous, learned and
liberal men.
From him wa* born JTarahapAla who was praised by
all virtuous men and who was the favourite of the
goddesses of learning and wealth.
The enemy elephants killed by him in hattle
appeased the thirst of the Hikihti** who (Iran** the warm
blood of the slain in the buttle field.
That kin g had a queen of noble birth named R a ta l
354
who *u par* and pious u if ahe ni part and parcel
of the moon.
Their eon ia Dbarmaptla, the king of the world, boun-
ded by the ocean*. and the ornament of the three worlda.
■Although named DharmapAla (defender of the faith) he
iaaleo at proper time the defender of both JTJmo and
artAo. He ia victorious in the battle field adorned by the
garland made of the pearls strewn from the heads of the
elepbanta killed in battle. Victory to that king named
Dbarmapdla who is the paramount king of the earth, the
protector of all who have sought hia protection, who la
the conqueror of all euemeiee and whose fame it known
throughout the world.
This inscription of king Sri DharmapAla has been
composed by the poet Prasthtna Kalaaa who le expert
in both prose and verse composition.
He who ia famoua by hia sovereignty over the king-
dom of Pragjyotlsha, whoee rule ia unquestioned and
aubduar of all anemy parties, that TSraka poramtiwara
Pttrama Bkattifka MahSrtJadhirfJa Srimat DharmapUa
Deva who meditates at the feet of Parameawara Parana
BbattAraka MahArijadhlrtya Srimat Harabapala Varma
Deva.
The king tends hia respectful greetings and commands
to all and several living in the locality known as Snbh-
anksra Pataka Kanjia bbiti, vis. the district revenue
officers, lawyers, as well as to the Bias. Rtjuia, B\na-
kas, Raja-putras, Raja Vallabhas and all who live there
now and in fntare. Be it known to all that this land
together with homestead lands, water, mines, cattle past-
ures, etc. and freed from all worries due to fastening of
elephants and boats, searching for thieves, inflicting of
punishment*, pasturing of elephants, cattle, buffaloes,
camel*, goats, etc. have been donated as aet forth in
thia charter.
In Srava-ti there is a v.llage named Kroaanja which
is frs# from tha aina of tha Sal. ag* as it ia fall of amoks
335
esused ^7 the performance of Yajnai.
In tbat Tillage born Rimadeva who tu the chief
among tbe Brabmane who were learned in the vedaa.
Be bad a eon named Bharat wbo waa like Sakya
(Boddha) self-controlled, who waa the foremoet among
tbe learned ai d virtuous and who wee skilled in all the
six harm'll enjoined for Brahmans.
His wife was PAuka wbo like Bohini to Chandra and
Plrvatl to Mabadeva was of very good character and
possessed of many virtues.
Their beloved son Is Rimanga who is expert In
archery and a charioteer wbo ean pierce tbe formation o!
the opposing army and accomplish other difficult tasks.
To him tbekiog. in tbe third year of bis reign,
Hereby givee the lands, known aa 8 ubhankara Pataka
included in OllnU an Kaojli bhit, which may produoe
6000 dons of paddy.
To hia brother Trilochan the king donates lands
sufficient to produce 2000 done of paddy oat of the tame
area.
(Here follow the boundaries of the two areas givsn to
the two brothers.!
Beal
Swarti PrAgjyotishedhipeU MahArAjedhlrija Sri
Dharmapala Verma Deva.
APPENDIX IV.
SBCOXD COPPER-PLATE DRCRIPTIOM OF DHARMAPALA
Translation in English.
(Xots-TTili is bawd on tfcs dedptsmsut oftheplatss
by tbs 1st* Paadi: H«a Ciaadrs Gottaia).
Victory to the God Vuhna who assumed tbs shape
of a boar, by whoa* tort, while the earth wae lifted, the
mountain* were thrown into the air, whoae hoofa pugged
the mire of the nether world f Patilal, whose breath pat
even the severe gale of the time of the deatrnction of the
world to ahade and drained the waters of the fonr ocema
and again replenished them.
There was a king named Xaraka who waa the eon of
Vlahnu by the Ooddeas of Earth. From him waa born
Bhagadktu whoae feet were kiaaed by the vasaal-kings.
In that great dynasty - the repository of high politlca-
were born Brahmapila and other great king*. Who can
folly describe their great virtues! 0.ir tongne la only one
end not a thousand, to find aoit ble words our intellect
elao falla.
In that family waa born a virtuous king named Bri
Goplla. The fire of hie power burned the forest* of
enemlea. His virtue* like the amrila of hearen caused
the froth end foam of the heavenly river Mandaklnl.
That famous and powerful king bad a queen named
Nayanl. Their eon waa Sri flarahapUa who was the
lamp of the Pila family and well-known in the throe
worlds.
Bis son la Dharmapsla. Tils charming virtues are known
throughout the world and bia heart ia dedicated only to
/Harm*. In hie moith always resided both Bhagavati
and Baraswati.
Oh future kings, listen to this prayer of Dharmapila.
The glory of sovereignty is un;ertiia like the flash of
lightning and is therefore to be shunned but D\arm%, the
root of eternal blia is never to be giren up.
Ka'a Sri Dharm sptla, the sun of the Pala dynasty, the
chief of the circle of poets and the mine of all the gem9 of
virtues has composed this charter.
Swaiti. Sri VSrSk* Parame.Kara JamaabKattSraka
ii?kSrSj idhiro j* Srim«t OharmapSUt r arma //era, who ia
famous by his sovereignty over Pragjyotisha.
(Here follows the usual pro cl amatio n in th* charter
addressed to all residents in or in the vicinity of the
donated land.)
There is a village named Khyitipali which is like a
religious temple, and which is ornamented by good
Brahmans.
In that village, where the smoke arising from the
numerous A omi performed overcast the sky, the peacocks,
mistaking (be smoke for clouds, in the rainy season, began
to dance. The sound caused by the reading of the four
Vedas by the Brahmans in that village is like the sound
of ripples in the junction of the Ganga and the Yamuna.
(Here follows the genealogy of Madhusodan, the
donee, a resident of Khvatipali.)
Dhormapula is a properly named king reigning in
Kamaru panagar. Rajs 8rt Dharmapila hae by this
charter granted lands in Digdol Guheswar, sufficient
to produce ten thousand dons of paddy, to the virtuous
Mndhusndan. This portion of the charter has been
composed by Sri Aniruddha who is anxious to earn
merit by recounting the virtues of the highborn men.
The copper-platee have been incised by the engraver
Sri Vioita.
(Hero follows tbs boundaries of the donated land).
ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA.
ADDENDA.
Page 27 line# 18-20.
According to tradition Gbatakaeur had hie capital on
or near the Sarania hill close to Gauhati town. When
the top of this hill was cleared in 1917-18. two big stone-
slabs, with lotuses cut in each, were found besides
scattered broken bricks and a figure of Ganefa on all
aides of which are mystic diagrams cut into the rock.
To the north-east of the hill is the site of an ancient
rained city, about a eqaare vile in area which seems to
have been inlaid throughout with bricks abont 3 ft deep.
The Archaeological Depannent, in 1018-19, expressed
inability to undertake exploration of the site “within
risible time”. It Is needless to state that till now (1933)
no exploration has been undertaken.
Page 60 and footnote.
T he fire Damodarpnr inscription! edited by Mr. B.G
Basak in the Epifraplio Indica rol xr would Indicate
that Gcpta role orer Pundrmrardhana continued till the
first half of the sixth century but such sorereignty was
really nominal and Mr. Beaak admits that the overthrow
of the Gupta power wa* oomplcted by the Invasion of
Yelodharman. It seems that after Yalodharman had
crashed the Gupta power in eastern India the Kamsrupa
king of the time, very probably Mehibhotavannan who
reigned tUl about 340 A D., brought the wholeor at least
the northern half of the Pnndrarardhana bhukli within
Kamarupa. The last of the Damodarpnr plates is dated
5H3-34A.D. Tbe Chandrapur! Vi.kaya, which extended
as far as the Koel river, wee evidently within the
northern half of Pundravardhana. That explains how
Mah&bhotavannan could grant lands within this viihaya
about the second quarter of the sixth century.
Page Bl-
it appears that Dr. Bhan darker in his latest contri-
bution on tbe subject of the Kagar Brahmans (Indian
Antiquary, Vol. LXI, 1932) has accepted the suggestion
that the lands granted by MahAbhutavannaa were situa-
ted within the modern district of Sylhet, because the
Nidhanpur plates were found in that district. The Brah-
mans and Kayasthas of Sylaet claim their origin from
Mithila. It is irom Mithila-Kamaiupa that they
originally immigrated into Tippers and Sylhet, When
339
Mah&bhntavannan made his grant the donees were
living in the eastern pirt of Mithila, on the bonks
of the Kosi, which was ti.en within Ki. mar-up*
It is very probable that subsequently the descen-
dants of torn a of these donees migrated to Sylhet
and took the copper-pl.tes with them as these were, not
donbt, treasured as heir-looms. Dr. Bhandarkar has gone
farther and assumed that the temple of “Hitakn Sulin”
repaired or re-built by Vammal.varnun In the ninth
century All. was the temple of Hstiketwsrs Blva in
8ylhet. His supposition that Sylhet continued to be
within Rimarups from the sixth till the ninth oentnry
may be correct, but he appeirs to be somewhat inconsis-
tent. He regards Sylhet as **. pirl of old Bengal” and
at the •> me time assumes that It was within Kimarupt
for at loaat 400 year* and that a temple in that district
was repaired by a king of Kitnarupi who h.d his capitil
in modern Teepur. The very mention of the Sapldalaksha
Brahmans In the KaraU^d mdkdtmya, -s pointed out by
he learned doctor himielf. indicates that the eountry to
the west of the KaratoyS he. between the Kaualka and
the Karatoya (Mithlla-Kam»rupa‘ waa the place of the
original settlement of tho Nagar Brahmsns in eastern
India.
Page 68 lines 18-20.
Mr. Prabhaeh Chandra Sen in his menograph on
“Mahiisthan and its environs” writes that Virendra or
Bengal to the north of the Ganges was annexed to Knma-
rupa after Bhaskaravarman'a victory over Sa«^nka.
Page 72, linea 3-5-
Mr. Bhattasali has attempted to identify Deva varman,
mentioned by the Korean priest, with a king of Bamatata
but his arguments do not seem to be convincing.
P»ge 03, lines 27-28-
Dr. B bandar kar's theory that the Bengali Kayasthaa
34©
were originally Nsgar Brahmans. who in Gnieret hare
been degraded to the caste known a a Bania , haa been
contested by Bengali scholars, particularly by Babn
Nagandranath Basn.
Page 113, Imea 15-20-
It.D.B&nerji in hia “Palae of Bengal" writes that Sri
Harabavarman moat bare held Bengal sufficiently long
ao as to enable him to pass through that couutry and
conquer Orissa, Kalinga and Kolata.
Page 114, lines 13-16-
On this point reference may by made to Sylvain Levi's
contribution “King Subhakara of Orissa” published In
Eplgraphia India Vel. XV pages 363 54.
P-ge 153, line 8.
There are at present many Siva t cm plea within the
modern district of Karnrup. These can be broadly
divided into two claaaea, vis., (1) those where the Meg
or daily offering to the God is nirdmiik l.e. oooked
victuals consisting of riee and vegetables and (i) those
in which the bkop is imitk l.e. victuals consisting of meat
and fish. Now the presiding deity of the Siva temple
where dm uk bkop is offered it invariably the Ardka-
Ad risuara Siva whose worship ie conducted according
to Tantrik rites. The first copper-plate inscription
of Dharmapala, recorded in the third year of hia reign,
begins with the adoration of the Ad* Pet a (primeval
deity) Ardka Juratittrara ( Ardka y Sri near a). The story
of the origin of Ardka-K Srineara ia given in the Kalika
Parana which was probably compiled in KSmarupa about
this time. This is another indication of the fact that
Dharmapila and his predecessors of the dynasty of
Brehmupila were the votaries of Tantrikism. It it
very probable that the temples of Ardka- A'Srinran Siva
were founded by these kings and that the Siva temples
where nirjmakii bkog ia still given are of older orgin.
34 *
Page 173, line* 11-14.
It ia to be noted that the find batch of British officers
administering the province of Assam, in the early part of
tho last century, were struck by the abundance of the
architectural remains then existing. Some of them,
particularly Westmacott, llannay and Dalton described
these ruins in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of
Bengal. As photography was then unknown those
officers laboriously executed drawings of some of these
remains and published them. The "Description of
Ancient Temples and Ruins at Chardwar” by Capt
Westmacott published in the J.A.S.B. for 1835, “ Brief
Kotice of the Sileako or Stone Bridge in Zillah Kamrup’’
by Major llannay published in the J.A.S.B. for 1851
and “ Notes on Assam Temple Ruins” by Capt. Dalton
pnblished ia the J.A.S.B. for 1855 are worthy of
mention In this connection.
Page 193, llnea 8-11.
Dharmapala, by bis first inscription, donated lands to
two Brahmans of Erosai^Ja within Sravasti. Pandit
Vldysvinod locate# this Sravasti in the extreme western
part of Ksmarupa. Hi manga, one of the two donees,
appears to have been a prominent military commander
nnder Dharmapala. It would therefore appear that
during the reign of Dharmapala the extreme western
part of Ksmarupa was within his kingdom. Yidyavinod's
theory that Dharmapala ruled over the eastern part of
Ksmarupa simultaneously with Tingyadeva and Yatdya-
deva who ruled over western Ksmarupa Is therefore
untenable.
Pag 198, lines 18-21.
Our conjecture is supported by Mr. N.Q. Majumdar
In hie “Inscriptions of Bengal ” vol. Ill page 109 where-
in he states that the mention in the plate of Yallabha-
deva probably referred to the conflict with Vyavasena
as related in his Deo para inscription.
CORRIGENDA.
342
Page.
33
47
61
96
144
166
«73
196
236
356
Line.
Incorrect.
Correct.
4
mangnificenl
magnificent
3«
Chadrapuri
Chandrapuri.
•9
Rftjavardhana
Rijvavardhana.
»4
an
are
6
prabably
probably
5 (of footnote) sbool
school
16
authoriry
authority
*4
1250 A.D.
1150 A.D.
5
pespatebed
despatched.
18
Sic h&r u c hand
Suchiruchand
INDEX.
A.
AbhioavaUopta - 155, 160.
Abhisauru Vataka - 125
Adlaur • 21, 23.
Adity*?ena 59,1 15,110,1 1 7,
Agarwala A.C. • 163
Agninagara . SO.
AgnuDBiM * 38.
Albak . 204
Aikohakua - 25.
AintAkbart . 23.
Akbar -300,301.
Aknleniratantra . 169
Alamgtnumah . 233
Alauddin Huaaein Shah •
240,250.
Alb«mni . 11,159.
Alexander, the Great 40,
All Mech . 208, 219.
All Harden • 201.
•9.
»ba ■ 129.
Amritaprabha - 45,162.
Amartarajae - 2, 3.
A nan (ever man - 1*1.
Andhra*, Audhravntjrea •
39.
Anga * 39.
Aniraddha - 5
Aphahad - 53
Aram ad i • See ArimetU.
Arath • 121.
Arathi - 121.
Aqana - 6,32, 34.
Arjunlawa - 89,90.
Arimatta - 254,257,258,
259,269.271.
Aximnri • See Arimatta.
Arrian • 7.
Aawamedba - 34,41,43,117.
AswakrAnta . 145,146.
Anatxio - 16,17,19.
Avalekiteewara • 158
ATantirarman . 110 .
Ayengar K.8. - 115.
B.
Bade (vlahaja) - 191.
Behgoria Bnragohaln
Buraoji. • 254.
Balavannan I. - 54
BalaTarman II. . 111,120,
133.
Balaxarman III • 35,122,
128,126,129,130,
132,133,134
Ball -4.
Bemuni, - 173.
Bena . 4,5,30.
Baeabbatte 35.
Baaetjl B.D. ■ 97,116,116,
167,168,178,175,
196,233,235
Bargaon • 15,106, 107,138.
Bartn (Brito) • 224,225.
Barn a, Onnabhiram - 160.
" O.O. - 257.
B-O. - 50,102,187.
N.K. • 23,24.
• 9.
Beal • 88, 70.
Be game ti - 231.
B eh ala - 188.
Bepyrrboe • 8.
Bimbia&ra • 35,39,41.
Bin Sam • 201'
INDEX.
B-C-D.
Birpil - 372.
Biaa - 284,385, 288.
Bhagadatta - 1,5,21,23,31.
33,33,34,35, 36,37,
40,107,111,131,150.
Bhajani - 253
Bh&akara • 197
BhUkaravarman • 14, 21,
36, 37, 40, 45. 48,
51, 62, 63, 54, 65,
66 . 57, 58. 61. 62,
65, 66, 67, 68, 69,
70, 71, 72, 74, 78,
77, 80, 81, 83, 84,
85. 86, 87, 89, 91,
95, 96, 97, 98, 105,
107, 109, 110, 112,
li3, 115, 116. 117,
119, 120, 131. 133.
162, 102.
BbUnmat! - S3, 184.
Bhandarkar Dr. - 49,93.
Bbattaol.arya 8. N. ... 221,
233, 234.
BhatUMli ». K . - 59, 225.
231, 236.
Bhandl - 68
Bblnp&l • 304.
Bhlamak • 970.
Bbamra • 177, 179.
Bhutan - 11.
Bbnttrarman - 47, 55.
Bloch Dr. 168
Blochman • 125.
Bodbi dcra - 190.
Bofra • 3. 50.
Borooah A - 3.
Brahmaptla. • 15. 132,
135, 136, 137, 139,
148, 149. 156, 158.
Bachaaao (Hamilton/ 145,
185, 198, 263, 266,
267.
- 267"
Bokbtiyar • 199,203.207,
211, 213,213,
218,215,216,
219, 220,221,
Chaitanya - 308, 310,314,
315.
Cbkra . 111.
Chakradhraj. - 263 269.
(1 ham pi . ft. 189.
Obanda, R. . 86, 113.
Cbandel* . 201.
('band Sadagar . 188.
Chandrahallava • 47.
Chandra mukha carman
54 63
Chandra OnpU • 22 43, 44,
108.
Obandraporl • 47, 61, 96.
OUandruaekara • 255.
Chandlbar • 245, 249.
Chao Pulai • 234, 244
Chard war . 215.
CbatUrji M. >1. • 22.
Chan ban • 201, 203.
O baud bar! B. N. - 268.
Obila Rai 293, 295, 296.
297, 298, 399, 300, 30.
Cbitrtcbala - 13.
Chota Nagpur - 19, 38.
Chou 8ila - 249.
City of Kamrud -216.
Com ilia . 8.
Cooob Bibar - 2, 249, 268,
286.
n.
Dacca - 2, 42.
Dab Parbatia * 175.
Dika (Dak) • 189, 319.
Damant G. H. - 236.
Bada Khan
D-E-F-G.
INDEX.
O-H.
Palton, Captain • 210.
Damodara Dev* • 14.
Davaka - 42, 47.
Daad - 300.
D«va Gupta • 01.
Dm Piiln - 120.
Dava Sarma - 261.
Para Varma - 71, 73, 106.
Deodhai Buranji - 253, 254,
272.
Dav Kot • 208.
Day, Nandalal * 157.
Pharmapdla • 15, 37, 120.
140, 142, 143, 144,
145, 146, 147, 148,
149. 150, 157, 164.
Dhannaranya • 3.
Dhirnarayan -373,273.
Pliru vabliatra • 78, 81.
Dhrnvadbkravaraba • 119.
Dikabtl K.N. 97,167, 179,
180,181.
Diuila • 248.
Purlabha 141.
Darlabbnararan • 345,246.
247.348.
261,250.
252,856.
Daimonlalla - 218.
B.
Edwurda and Mann • 271.
Bpigraphia Indies • 48.
Erytbnan aaa - 189
F.
Fingna - 256, 257.
Fitcb, Ralph - 303. 314.
Firoa Tughlak - 234.
O.
Gait. Sir Edward - 66,67,
82.86.113,121,
152 / 224 , 245 ,
Gajanka 257.
Ganapalivannan- 47,58,55.
Gandharva Bbuyan - 281.
Gangaridae - 38.
Garudadbvaj Pila - 273.
Gaur ml - 255.
Gaarioarayan * 273.
Ocrini, CoL Q.E. • 9.
Ghatakaaor • 27,37,337.
Gboah J.N. - 109.
Gboaal Kban • 264.
Gkiyaa-ad-din - 232,235.
Giaaeppe 1'ieci • 158,161.
Glaiiar Mr. • 227.
Golvknarayan - 273.
Goa wami 11.0. - 321,335.
" 8.0 - 305.
Oopala - 119.121,149,195.
GrabaTarman * 61.
Griaraon • 145.
Gam Cbaritra . 245.246.
252.
Guataaib. - 216,
e.
Haig, Sir Wolaalay 215,
220,224,228.
H no nay Ool. 182.
Hangahadhva) Pila. - 273.
Ilangaba Konc-bl ■ 194.
Uangabavega - 62,63.
11 an bar Bipra * 249.
Hanuarayan • 273.
U'.rippt - 33.
Haraha Cbarita - 35.95.
UarahapJa. • 142,149.
Hartbarardhana - 64,58.
Hariara ranaan • 120,121,
122,123,124,
125,127,134.
Hardatta - 91..
Uknippeawara • 123,127,
137,143.
1*J-K.
IHS1X.
K-L-M.
HUakasor -26.
Hema 3anavati • 252.
Him anga - 143.
Htranja Kaaipa • 4.
BiMmaddin Iwu • 322.
Hoarnle, Dr. • 106,130.
Halts eh Dr. - 138.
nation Dr. • 17.
HwoiLu- 70.
L
I bn Batata • 235.
lllljaa- 234.
1 1 turn it h • 199,232,923.
Indranirujao • 249,250,
252,267.
Indrmpala - 149,149.
Iran* parrot • 89.
Iahnail Ohaal ... 136, 337,
938 , 239 , 940 .
l-Talog • 70, 106.
J.
Jalaloddin A1 Tabriri • 135.
Jalaloddln Malik Jaal-974.
Janaka • 30.
Jaraaandh. . 4, 31.
Jatararaua • 136, 137.
Jijidrri - HI.
Jaychand - 301, 103,204.
Jajamalavannan . 137,
118,34.
Jaramala rarmaa • 127,
128, 134.
Jlrita Gupta • 115.
Jitiri • 37.
Jogeah Obandra Bai. - 164.
yabu* • 87, 46.
Ea)aogaU - 82.
Kale M. B. - 78.
Kalidaea -
11, 44.
Kaluga -
116.
Kamaoli grant
. 190, 191.
199.
Kaljaaarannai
» . 47, 54.
Kananj -
69, 86, 116.
Xaageha •
82.
Karmadhv.l Pala - 273.
Karnaaa varna
- 66, 67, 68,
69, 70, 87.
Kaoeambi .
35, 69.
Kaoatka - 5, 8, 38,87,162.
Karim oa San
tawati • 253.
Karindra Patra - 295.
Kail born, Dr.
197.
Kali oar ■
273.
Khamankara Dara - 114.
Koabala •
116.
Kamanla Bbatta • 155.
Knaara Pila -
*’ 0 ' 'Si
Kundil •
270.
Knainagara •
69, 153.
Imabv •
306.
L.
Lakebaaa - 207.
Lakahmaala, Baa • do.
Lakbaaoti - 207 ,224, 228,
230, 131, 235.
Lalitaditya Moktaplda 118
Laada Dara •
306.
189.
Lo Btoopa -
46.
M.
Madanapala -
195.
Madbera Dara. -
14, 248,
310, 311, 313.
Madhara Kaadall • 820,
M-N.
IXDEX-
W-O-P.
Madbava Gupta • 60. 67,
116, 117.
Madbava vannan - 66.
Mahabhutavarmaa - 47, 49,
54, 55, 61.
Maba*«na Gupta - 53,57,
59, 67. 97, 117.
Mahipala . U.
Majumd.ir R. N. - 6.
Mataendravannao • 47, 54.
M *li Iran g* (Hoirang) - 26.
Malilc Yurbeg . 145, 326,
239, 230, 231, 232, 241.
Malla Dev* . 389, 290, 292,
299.
lfandaaor . 49.
MandbAirl . 29.
Marshall 8lr John -19.
Mathuradbv*) PaU. • 373.
Maaum Kabuli - 301.
Maakhari • 50, 71.
Maya . 28.
Mayorasalaala • 48.
Megaatbensa - 7.
Megba Muhnndum • 295,
298.
Msgbavkhana • 45,46.
MibiraguU • 46,49.
Minanbtha - 158,159,160.
Mlnh^J • 193,323,225,231.
MU Manik 289,290.
Moheojo - Diro • 19,33.
Mrlganka - 5*. 269.
Madrarakahaaam * 108,1 10,
162.
Mughisuddio, Sultan ■ Sw
Malik Yusbeg.
Musundar Qbazi • 266.
N.
Naehnakothara
Nagarjuna
Hagaaanltar
- 177
• 167,159
- 226
Namakdi . 212
jfangbakli Gabboru - 294
Nandaa • 39
Naraka - 27,28,37,45,63.
NarayanaTarmau - 49,54,
97.
War yaiayan • 292,295,297,
300,301,302,303.
b'aairuddm -227,228,241.
Navagraha • 13
Nidbsnpur plaU • 40,48,53,
65,66,68,69.84,93,97.
OdaaUpuri • 329.
P.
P.ilaka . 112,133.
Pallmbotbra • 38
PinlKoob • 24
Pargitar • 25,28,29,30,31.
Pars ur am . 303
Parvarall - 246
Psla-Cbl • 83
PirMahammad Shattart -
241.
PToiaaiy • 7,8,0.
Prablad . 4,
Praali - 38
PrabkakaraTardhaoa • 58
61,
Prilaabha, • 111,12,139.
262
Praia padh raj - 246,247,
250.
PraUpa Rudra - 240,316.
Prithu • 19,8199,200,216,
226,127.
Prithrl Bat - 201,202,203,
204.
Poadrarardbana • 83,262.
Purandar Shan - 267
r-Q-n-s.
1NDBX.
S.
Parandar Pala . 149
PoahyaTarman - 35,36,42
Paspadatta . 35.
QntUad dln Aibak - 203
Rajadbar .306
K^jani . 254
RuhnU . 150
Rajaaakbara • 1 1
RajaUrangim - 36,46
KaJjamat. -Ill
HaJj’SYanlhana 58
Rrjrndra Patra - 295
Rama Chari ta • 147
Ramanuja - 300
Ramcharao Tbakar . 245,
247
Ram Chandra • 256
Ramapala - 147,148,100,
101,102,104,
Rapaon * 16
Ratal • 142
RataapAla • 110,135,136,
137,138,140,149.
RataadhTaj-Pala 273,114,
275
Ratnaaor • 26
Rayiri dara • 107
Baverty - 220,222,225.
Riaolat-Cah-Bhobada 236
Riyar-aa-Salatln >264
Radra Kandali -320
Rnkonuddin Baku Khan •
289
Bop ..250,316
Badhaknlriyan . 273
Bafara ■ 20
Sabaararjuna • 287,288
Bailalaya • 1
Silaatambba - 105,106,112,
121,154,156.
Sal eng Barun • 290.
Sambnriaur - 26
Sara act* . 280
Ramudra • 280
Samndra Gupta - 42,44
Ramudra varaan 44,63
Sa n a t a n - 316
Sand by* - 200,247,250,251.
Bandhyikara Nandi . 147
Santana • 280
Saaanka -53,50,60,75,117
Saatri H.P. • 326,326,320.
Satyanarayan • 273
Brkhang • 264
Sikandar Shah - 234
Siliditya • 57,58.
Bilab had ra - 73,74,81.
8Ulmpar inscription • 187
Smdba Bal • 248,247,250.
S.nghadbraj • 246,250
Biaopala • 83.
8ivakara *114
Sivanarayan • 273
Bhi Kirn Ma - 00
Siynkl • 8 1, 83.
Bpoosar Dr. • 06.
Sri Saokar Dara - 141,240,
267, 278, 281, 305,
308, 310, III, 312,
313,314,315,316,317.
Sri Gupta -70,71
Bri Haraba- 61,62,65,66,67,
71,76,77.78,70.81,
87,80.08,107,151,
Sri HarahaDom - 113,114.
115,116,117,118,
119,120,121,133.
Sringatika * 163
Srertbiaena • 46
Stoplotos,B.E. * 145
IXLBJL
U-V.
I*T.
Sthitavannan
•54,97
Rnbaha
-43.
Sbahmnkara Kavi-
326
Suchanx Chand •
156
Sodangpha •
252,253
Bahonmong •
295,296
Bnkavi Harayan •
322
Snkapba •
143
Bnkaranka -
259,269
Bokbangpba ■
243
Bakhrangpba •
244,245
Bnlochana •
254
Snlaiman Karaianl
I- 300
Bakladhvmj • 289,191,303.
Bnryabar •
306
Bnryakhari •
126
Baaaddhi •
154
Sataranka •
259,269
8ntnpha •
278
Bubhakara -
114
Bamariana •
24
Bnatbltavannan -
43, 82,
64, 56, 59.
Bopratlithltavannan • 57,
Byammadavl -
97.
T.
Tnboqaat-i-Naain - 196,
212, 215, 216, 219,
112, 224, 228.
Tamaawari Mai - 2T6.
Ta m rad b aval - 246, 250,
257.
Tamraiipti - 61, 82, 188.
Tarikh-Fata-i-Aiaam - 264.
Taraori - 202, 203.
TattaagaU - 152.
Temani - 290.
Tingyadava- 190,193, 194,
195, 200.
Tmrota - 32, 51.
Tnghril Kban - 8 m Malik
Ynibag.
Tnrbak - 255, 190,
291.
Tyaga Slngba -
1*4.
Tyao Kbamtl •
275
u.
Cdaya Kama -
167.
U day ana •
35.
U*ir -
159.
V.
Vaidya, O. Y. -
205
Vaidyldara- 190,119,
192, 193, 194, 195,
198, 199, 200.
Vaidyar garb - 195. 258.
V«Jradatta • 34, 83.
Vajradava - |08, 110, III,
112,133.
Vaoravarmaa - 136.
Vajrayana • 1 4, 158.
Yallabhadava • 197.
Yallalaaana • 196.
Yamana Parana - 320.
VanamiU • 35, 51,104,
108, 120, 123, 125, 126,
129, 134, I 65.
Yaraha Avatara • lo9.
Yaandava - 31.
Yayn Parana • 6.
Yania, Prtrt. - 190.
Yidaba - 3, 7, 20, 2^ 25,
Yjdyavinod, Pandit* 15, 21
35, 66, 123, 128, 137,
191, 192.
Vidarbba - 28, 270.
Viblan - 142.
Vijaya-108, 1 1 0, 112, 1**,
138.
Viiayadhv%J P»la 273, 175
Vijayaaana - 196
v-w.
IKDSX.
W-T-Z
Vikmmaditya - 43, 44.
Vikrimadhvaj Pal* - 273.
Vikramanka - 142,
Vincent Smith Dr. • 46 50.
66, 67, 26*.
V unbt.li a - 1 17, 128, 129,
134,
Viroobana * ft.
Vlaakbadatt* - 1 09, 62.
Viaramitra - 3
Viawa Singba • 206, 288,.
293, 321.
Vnbaapati Suobita - 94.
Yyarahart - 92.
W.
Waddell • 113.
Wade - 258, 290.
Wang-bioen-Tse - 90.
W altera, - 81, 82.
¥•
Yuan Chwang • 7,8,9, 10.
47, 70, 72, 74, 76, 77.79,
80, 83,90, 106, 152, 188.
Yaaod barman - 49.
Yaeovannan • 1 14, 1 15, 1 18
Yofim Tantra - 326.
Z.
Ziauddia • 203.
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