Peaceful succession

Prince Shidibala was the eldest son of Ayurbarwada Buyantu Khan (Emperor Renzong) and Radnashiri of the Khunggirad clan. In return for his own crown princeship, Ayurbarwada promised his elder brother Khayishan to appoint Khayishan's son as Crown Prince after his succession. But when Khayishan died, Khayishan's two sons were relegated to borderlands and pro-Khayishan officers were purged.

Shidibala's powerful grandmother Dagi installed Shidibala as Crown Prince in 1316, and then as Khan, since he was mothered by a Khunggirad khatun. He was made the nominal head of both the Secretariat and the Bureau of Military Affairs one year later. At one time, his father Ayurbarwada had even toyed with the idea of abdicating the throne in favor of Shidebala. Dagi's protégé Temuder was made as tutor to the heir apparent, Shidibala, after he failed to increase tax revenue.

Between Ayurbarwada's death in March 1320 and his own death in October 1322, Temüder attained a great power with the full support of Dagi. Immediately after her grandson's succession, Dagi reinstated Temüder as Minister of the Secretariat and took politics into her own hands more openly than during Ayurbarwada's reign.

Puppet regime

As Gegeen Khan, Prince Shidibala succeeded his father on April 19, 1320. Empress Targi (Dagi) reappointed Temuder senior grand councillor. While Temuder's persecution of his opponents in the censorate alienated the new Emperor, Temuder remained in power until his death, which came only two years later.

The return to power of Temudar was signalised by fresh excesses, and by the execution of several of those whom he suspected of having been the cause of his late trial. At length the young prince began to feel the leading strings of the Empress Dowager and Temudar rather irksome, and determined to speed on his inauguration.

From the beginning of his reign, Shidebala showed a political independence and resolution beyond his years. In a masterly move to counter the influence of the Grand Empress Dowager and Temüder, Gegeen appointed the 21-year-old Baiju, a Jalayir and grandson of Antong, who had illustrious family background and good Confucian education, as the grand councillor of the left in the summer of 1320, which gave Shidabala several political advantages. Temuder was on the high-road to the attainment of supreme power. However, Baiju, the commander of the kheshig, who was descended from Muqali, the renowned general of Genghis Khan, was a man of high character, gained great influence over the Emperor, and displaced that of Temuder.

Gegeen Khan, the young emperor, however, did not sit with folded hands. The throne soon became the focus of loyalty for the Confucian scholar-officials in their struggle against the powerful Temüder. Gegeen was prepared for such a role, for he had been as well educated in Chinese as his father had been. Deeply affected by Confucianism as well as by Buddhism, Gegeen could cite Tang poems from memory and also was a creditable calligrapher.

Besides Confucianism, Gegeen was also devoted to Buddhism. In 1321 Shidibala built a Buddhist temple in honor of 'Phags-pa Lama on the mountains west of Dadu, and when the censors reproached him he had several of them put to death; among them a very distinguished officer, named Soyaoelhatimichi, whose ancestors had been faithful dependents of the Mongol Imperial house. On the other hand, Islam suffered particularly severe discrimination during his reign. It is said that the Emperor destroyed a temple built by the Muslims, at Shangdu, and prohibited them from buying slaves from the Mongols and selling them again to the Chinese.

The growing influence of Baiju greatly disgusted Temuder. Baiju went to Liau Tung to put up a monument to his ancestors. Temudar thought this a favourable opportunity of regaining his influence at the Yuan court, and presented himself at the palace, but was refused admittance, and died shortly after that. The Empress, Dagi (Targi), died about the same time in 1322–23.

He continued his father's policy, ordering the abolition of government offices made during Kublai's reign. He also enforced a stricter discipline in government administration.

Self-assertion

In 1322, the deaths of Dagi and Temüder enabled him to seize full power. He was able to dismantle the Khunggirad faction from the Gegeen-led new administration. The severe suppression of the powerful faction including the deprivation of Temüder's titles and estates, the execution of his son drove it into the corner. On the other hand, he appointed Baiju as the grand councillor of the right. As the sole grand councillor throughout the rest of Gegeen's reign, Baiju became a powerful ally of Gegeen. They eliminated many offices subordinate to the personal establishments of the Empress Dowager. The increasing influence of Neo-Confucianism saw greater limits placed on Mongol women who were allowed to move about more freely in public.

Soon after becoming his own master and with the help of Baiju, Gegeen Khan began to reform the government based on the Confucian principles, continued his father Ayurbarwada's policies for active promoting Chinese cultures. He and Baiju recruited for the government a great number of Chinese scholar-officials, many of whom had resigned when Temüder was in power. Heading of this list, Zhang Gui, a veteran administrator, was reappointed manager of governmental affairs and became Baiju's chief partner in carrying out reforms. Apart from the three elderly scholars appointed as councilors to the Secretariat, seven famous scholars were appointed to the Hanlin Academy. It was approximately at this same time that the Da Yuan Tong Zhi (大元通制, "the comprehensive institutions of the Great Yuan"), a huge collection of codes and regulations of the Yuan dynasty began by his father, was revised in order to rationalize the administration and facilitate the dispensation of justice.

Furthermore, to relieve the labour burdens of small landowners, Gegeen's administration stipulated that landowners set aside a certain proportion of the lands registered under their ownership from which revenues could be collected to cover corvée expenses.

Death

Regardless of the merits of Shidibala's reign, it came to a tragic end on September 4, 1323, known as the "Coup d'état at Nanpo". A plot was formed among Temuder's supporters, who were afraid of vengeance overtaking them. It was headed by Temüder's adopted son Tegshi. Besides the high-ranking officials, five princes were involved: Altan Bukha, the younger brother of the former prince of An-si, Ananda, who was executed by Ayurbarwada's faction; and Bolad, a grandson of Ariq Böke; Yerutömör, a son of Ananda; Kulud Bukha; and Ulus Bukha, a descendant of Möngke Khan.

When Gegeen stayed at Nanpo on his way from the summer palace Shangdu to the capital Dadu of the Yuan dynasty, Gegeen and Baiju were assassinated by Tegshi, who attacked Gegeen's Ordo with Asud guards and other soldiers under him. Tegshi asked Yesün Temür to succeed the throne, but Yesün Temür purged Tegshi's faction before he entered Dadu because he feared to become a puppet of it.

Gegeen's reign was short; his direct rule lasted only for a year after Dagi's death. But he was glorified in Chinese records since he and his father, aided by their sinicized Mongolian ministers and Chinese scholar-officials, had made vigorous efforts to transform further the Yuan along traditional Confucian lines. From that point of view, Gegeen's assassination was sometimes explained as the struggle between the pro-Confucian faction and the opposite steppe elite faction, for Yesün Temür Khan had ruled Mongolia before succession and his policies appeared relatively unfavorable for Chinese officials.

His marriage to Sugabala, produced no children to succeed him.

生平

延佑七年农历正月二十一日（1320年3月1日），元仁宗去世。延佑七年农历三月十一日（1320年4月19日），18岁的硕德八剌在太皇太后答己及右丞相铁木迭儿等人的扶持下，在大都大明殿登基称帝，是为元英宗，改元「至治」。英宗自幼受儒学薰陶，登基后推行「以儒治国」政策，但是英宗前期的权力受到太皇太后答己和权臣铁木迭儿很大限制。

延佑七年农历五月十一日（1320年6月17日），元英宗任命拜住为左丞相，以遏制太皇太后和铁木迭儿的权力扩张。

至治元年农历十一月九日（1321年11月28日），群臣为元英宗上尊号继天体道敬文仁武大昭孝皇帝。

1322年10月6日右丞相铁木迭儿去世，1322年11月1日太皇太后去世，元英宗终于得以亲政。

至治二年农历十月二十五日（1322年12月4日），元英宗任命拜住为中书右丞相，并且不设左丞相，以拜住为唯一的丞相。在右丞相拜住、中书省平章政事张圭等的帮助下，元英宗进行改革，并实施了一些新政，包括裁减冗官、监督官员不法行为、颁布新法律、采用「助役法」以减轻人民的差役负担等等，史称「至治改革」。

英宗在位后期，官修政书《大元圣政国朝典章》（《元典章》），内容包括元太宗六年（1234年）到元英宗至治二年（1322年）大约90年的政治、经济、军事、法律等方面官方资料，具有极高的史料价值。

至治三年农历二月十九日（1323年3月26日），元英宗颁布了继《至元新格》之后元朝第二部法律典籍—《大元通制》，一共有二千五百三十九条，其中断例七百一十七、条格千一百五十一、诏赦九十四、令类五百七十七。

元英宗曾想把征东行省（高丽王国）郡县化，罢征东行省，改立三韩行省，和元朝的其他行省相同待遇，「制式如他省，诏下中书杂议」，然而集贤大学士王约说：「高丽去京师四千里，地瘠民贫，夷俗杂尚，非中原比，万一梗化，疲力治之，非幸事也，不如守祖宗旧制。」得到丞相的赞同，因此设立三韩行省的奏议没有实行，使高丽国祚得以存续，高丽人知道这件事后，将王约的画像带回高丽设祠供奉，并说：「不绝国祀者，王公也。」

元英宗的新政使得元朝的国势大有起色，但新政却触及到了蒙古保守贵族的利益，引起了他们的不满，英宗亦下令清除朝中铁木迭儿的势力。随著清理朝政的扩大化，铁木迭儿的义子铁失在至治三年八月初四（1323年9月4日）趁著英宗从上都避暑结束南返大都途中，在上都以南15公里的地方南坡的刺杀了英宗及右丞相拜住等人，史称南坡之变。英宗去世时年仅21岁 。

尊谥庙号

泰定元年农历二月十六日（1324年3月11日），元泰定帝为硕德八剌上谥号睿圣文孝皇帝，庙号英宗。

泰定元年农历四月八日（1324年5月1日），元泰定帝为硕德八剌上蒙古文称号「格坚皇帝」。

《英宗皇帝谥册文》，内容如下：

英宗实录

泰定元年十二月十四日（1324年12月30日），元泰定帝命翰林国史院修纂《英宗实录》、《显宗实录》。

至顺元年五月十七日（1330年6月3日），翰林国史院修《英宗实录》成，进呈元文宗。《英宗实录》，包括《英宗皇帝实录》40卷，《事目》8卷，《制诏录》2卷，总计50卷。明朝初年史官修《元史》，参照实录修成《英宗本纪》2卷，《英宗实录》今已失传，其主干内容保存在《英宗本纪》中。

翰林国史院《进实录表》，内容如下：

家庭

妻妾

• 速哥八剌皇后，1327年元泰定帝追谥庄静懿圣皇后

• 牙八忽都鲁皇后

• 朶而只班皇后

无子女

相关史料

• 《大元圣政国朝典章》，简称《元典章》，元英宗在位后期（1322年—1323年）官修政书，收录1234年—1322年元朝各地地方官吏会抄的有关政治、经济、军事、法律等方面的圣旨条画、律令格例以及司法部门所判案例的汇编，分为前集和新集，史实多为《元史》所不载。

• 《至正条格》，1346年元顺帝颁布的元朝第三部法律，现存残本收录1260年—1344年元朝官方颁布的关于法律方面的圣旨条画、律令格例以及司法部门所判案例的汇编，史实多为《元史》所不载。

• 《元史·英宗本纪》 ，明朝官修正史

• 《新元史·英宗本纪》 ，民国官修正史

• 《续资治通鉴》 ，清朝史学家毕沅撰写。

• 《元史类编》，清朝史学家邵远平撰写。

• 《元史新编》，清朝史学家魏源撰写。

• 《元书》，清朝史学家曾廉撰写。

• 《蒙兀儿史记》，清末民初史学家屠寄撰写。

评价

• 明朝官修正史《元史》宋濂等的评价是：「英宗性刚明，尝以地震减膳、彻乐、避正殿，有近臣称觞以贺，问：『何为贺？朕方修德不暇，汝为大臣，不能匡辅，反为谄耶？』斥出之。拜住进曰：『地震乃臣等失职，宜求贤以代。』曰：『毋多逊，此朕之过也。』尝戒群臣曰：『卿等居高位，食厚禄，当勉力图报。苟或贫乏，朕不惜赐汝；若为不法，则必刑无赦。』八思吉思下狱，谓左右曰：『法者，祖宗所制，非朕所得私。八思吉思虽事朕日久，今其有罪，当论如法。』尝御鹿顶殿，谓拜住曰：『朕以幼冲，嗣承大业，锦衣玉食，何求不得。惟我祖宗栉风沐雨，戡定万方，曾有此乐邪？卿元勋之裔，当体朕至怀，毋忝尔祖。』拜住顿首对曰：『创业惟艰，守成不易，陛下睿思及此，亿兆之福也。』又谓大臣曰：『中书选人署事未旬日，御史台即改除之。台除者，中书亦然。今山林之下，遗逸良多，卿等不能尽心求访，惟以亲戚故旧更相引用邪？』其明断如此。然以果于刑戮，奸党畏诛，遂构大变云。」

• 清朝史学家邵远平《元史类编》的评价是：「册曰：三载承乾，庶务锐始；大飨躬亲，致哀尽礼；刚过鲜终，肘腋祸起；不察几先，励精徒尔。」

• 清朝史学家毕沅《续资治通鉴》的评价是：「帝性刚明，尝以地震，减膳，彻乐，避正殿，有近臣称觞以贺，问：『何为贺？朕方修德不暇，汝为大臣，不能匡辅，反为谄耶？』斥出之。尝戒群臣曰：『卿等居高位，食厚禄，当勉力图报。苟或贫乏，朕不惜赐汝；若为不法，则必刑无赦。』巴尔济苏下狱，谓左右曰：『法者，祖宗所制，非朕所得私。巴尔济苏虽事朕日久，今有罪，当论如法。』尝御鹿顶殿，谓拜珠曰：『朕以幼冲，嗣承大业，锦衣玉食，何求不得！惟我祖宗栉风沐雨，戡定万方，曾有此乐耶？卿元勋之裔，当体朕至怀，毋忝尔祖！』拜珠顿首谢曰：『创业维艰，守成不易，陛下言及此，亿兆之福也。』又谓大臣曰：『中书选人署事未旬日，御史台即改除之。台除亦然。今山林之士，遗逸良多，卿等不能尽心求访，惟以亲戚故旧更相引用耶？』其明断如此。然以果于刑戮，奸党惧诛，遂构大变云。」

• 清朝史学家魏源《元史新编》的评价是：「旧史谓英宗果于诛戮，奸党畏惧，遂构大变。乌乎！是何言与？以铁木迭儿之奸，不明正其诛，但疏远俾得善终于位，已为漏网，而复任用其子，曲贷其子，酿成枭獍。此失之果乎？失之不果乎？拜住于铁木迭儿引其党参政张思明自助时，或告拜住为备，拜住反以大臣不和，彼仇我报，非国家之利。及铁木迭儿死，又往哭之痛，此皆失之果乎？失之不果乎？且除奸莫要于夺兵权，乃以宿卫新兵掌于铁失之手。司徒刘夔冒卖浙田之案，真人蔡道泰杀人赇逭之案，皆奸赃巨万。拜住既平反其狱，独赦铁失不问。中书参议谏以除奸不可犹豫，犹豫恐生他变，拜住是其言而不能用。大抵安童、拜住皆木华黎之孙，木华黎用兵所过，动辄屠戮。安童从许衡受学，故其子孙皆出于宽容，以水懦救火猛，德量有馀，机警不足，所谓君子之过过于厚也。乃胡粹中因旧史之言，谓英宗在位数载，除诛戮外无一善政可纪，甚至皇太后以嬖孽失势之故，郁郁而终，胡氏并指为英宗不孝祖母之罪。乌乎！其性与人殊，乃至此乎？」

• 清朝史学家曾廉《元书》的评价是：「论曰：英宗知赵世炎之非辜，抑亦汉昭之流亚也。然汉昭能诛燕王、上官桀，而专任霍光，英宗不能诛铁木迭儿诸权幸之徒，独任拜住也。抑考元时蒙古人横不可悉裁以法度，以拜住之世旧勋贵而不能骤正也。夫自古无无小人之朝，在振纪纲而已。自世祖好货开幸进之门，安童不能与阿合马、桑哥争，况幼冲在位乎？使霍光处此，则必射隼，于高墉藏器，儃回操刀，弗割明君贤相，胥受其祸，悲夫！」

• 清末民初史学家屠寄《蒙兀儿史记》的评价是：「汗性刚明，励精图治，尝御上都大安阁，见太祖、世祖遗衣，皆以缣素木绵为之，重加补缀。嗟叹良久，谓侍臣曰：『祖宗草昧经营，服御节俭乃尔，朕焉敢顷刻忘之。』敕画《蚕麦图》于鹿顶殿，以时观之，藉知民事。一日御殿，谓拜住曰：『朕冲龄嗣祚，锦衣玉食，何求不得。惟我祖宗节风沐雨，戡定大难，曾有此乐耶？卿元勋之裔，当体朕至怀，毋忝尔祖。』拜住顿首对曰：『创业惟艰，守成亦不易，陛下睿思及此，亿兆之福也。』汗承延佑宽政之后，思济之以猛，御下甚严，在谅暗中。中书参议乞失监坐鬻官，刑部议法当杖，太后欲改笞，汗不可，曰：『法者，天下之公，徇私而轻重之，非所以示民也。』卒从部议。每戒群臣曰：『卿等居高位，食厚禄，当勉力图报。苟或贫乏，朕不惜赐汝；若为不法，则必刑无赦。』八思吉思下狱时，汗谓左右曰：『法者，祖宗之制，非朕所得私。八思吉思虽事朕日久，今既有罪，当论如法。』其明决如此。然过信喇嘛，大起山寺，不受忠谏，饮酒逾量，有时至失常度云。」

• 民国官修正史《新元史》柯劭忞的评价是：「英宗诛兴圣太后幸臣失列门等，太后坐视而不能救，其严明过仁宗远甚。然蔽于铁木迭儿，既死始悟其奸，又置其逆党于肘腋之地。故南坡之祸。由于帝之失刑，非由于杀戮也。旧史所讥殆不然矣。」

延伸阅读

注释

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