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朝鲜太祖[View] [Edit] [History]ctext:535960
Relation | Target | Textual basis |
---|---|---|
type | person | |
name | 朝鲜太祖 | default |
name | 太祖 | |
name | 태조 | |
name | 李成桂 | |
born | 1335 | |
died | 1408 | |
ruled | dynasty:大朝鲜国 | |
from-date 朝鲜太祖元年七月丙申 1392/8/5 | ||
to-date 朝鲜太祖七年十二月辛未 1399/2/5 | ||
authority-cbdb | 439173 | |
authority-sinica | 18460 | |
authority-wikidata | Q378483 | |
link-wikipedia_zh | 李成桂 | |
link-wikipedia_en | Taejo_of_Joseon |

Taejo emphasized continuity over change. No new institutions were created, and no massive purges occurred during his reign. His new dynasty was largely dominated by the same ruling families and officials that had served the previous regime. He re-established amicable ties with Japan and improved relations with Ming China.
Read more...: Biography Early life Historical context Military career Revolt Reign Death Legacy Family Parents Consorts and issue Ancestry Gallery In popular culture
Biography
Early life
The future King Taejo was born in Ssangseong Prefecture on the frontiers of the Yuan dynasty. Taejo's father was Yi Cha-ch'un, an official of Korean ethnicity serving the Mongol-led Yuan. His mother, Lady Ch'oe, came from a family originally from Deungju (present-day Anbyŏn County, North Korea). In 1356, the Yi family defected to Goryeo, helping Goryeo seize control of Ssangseong Prefecture from its governor, Cho So-saeng.
Historical context
By the late 14th century, the 400-year-old Goryeo dynasty established by Wang Kŏn in 918 was tottering, its foundations collapsing from years of war and de facto occupation by the disintegrating Mongol Empire. The legitimacy of the royal family itself was also becoming an increasingly disputed issue within the court. The ruling house not only failed to govern the kingdom effectively but was also affected by rivalry among its various branches and by generations of forced intermarriage with members of the Yuan imperial family. King U's biological mother being a known slave led to rumors contesting his descent from King Gongmin.
Influential aristocrats, generals, and ministers struggled for royal favor and vied for domination of the court, resulting in deep divisions between various factions. With the ever-increasing number of raids against Goryeo conducted by Japanese pirates and the Red Turbans, those who came to dominate the royal court were the reform-minded Sinjin faction of the scholar-officials and the opposing Gwonmun faction of the old aristocratic families as well as generals who could actually fight off the foreign threats—namely Yi Sŏng-gye and his rival Ch'oe Yŏng. As the Ming dynasty started to emerge, the Yuan forces became more vulnerable, and Goryeo regained its full independence by the mid-1350s although Yuan remnants effectively occupied northeastern territories with large garrisons of troops.
Military career
Yi Sŏng-gye started his career as a military officer in 1360 and would eventually rise up the ranks. In October 1361, he killed Pak Ŭi who rebelled against the government. In the same year when the Red Turbans had invaded and seized Gaegyeong (present-day Kaesŏng), he helped recapture the capital city with 3,000 men. In 1362, General Naghachu invaded Goryeo and Yi Sŏng-gye defeated him after being appointed as commander.
General Yi had gained prestige during the late 1370s and early 1380s by pushing Mongol remnants off the peninsula and also by repelling the well-organized Japanese pirates in a series of successful engagements. In the wake of the rise of the Ming dynasty under Zhu Yuanzhang (the Hongwu Emperor), the royal court in Goryeo split into two competing factions: the camp led by General Yi (supporting the Ming) and the one led by General Choe (supporting the Yuan).
When a Ming messenger came to Goryeo in 1388 to demand the return of a significant portion of Goryeo's northern territory, Ch'oe Yŏng seized the opportunity and played upon the prevailing anti-Ming atmosphere to argue for the invasion of the Liaodong Peninsula. Goryeo claimed to be the successor of the ancient Korean kingdom of Goguryeo; as such, reclaiming Manchuria as part of Korean territory was a tenet of its foreign policy throughout its history.
A staunchly opposed Yi Sŏng-gye was chosen to lead the invasion; however, at Wihwa Island on the Amnok River, he made a momentous decision known as the Wihwado Retreat which would alter the course of Korean history. Aware of the support he enjoyed from both high-ranking officials and the general populace, he decided to revolt and return to Gaegyeong to secure control of the government.
Revolt
General Yi led his army from the Amnok River straight into the capital, defeated forces loyal to the royal family (led by General Ch'oe whom he proceeded to eliminate), and forcibly dethroned King U in a de facto coup d'état but did not ascend to the throne himself. Instead, he placed on the throne King U's eight-year-old son, Wang Ch'ang, and following a failed attempt to restore the former king to the throne, had both U and his son put to death. Yi Sŏng-gye, now the undisputed power behind the throne, soon forcibly had a distant royal relative named Wang Yo (posthumously King Gongyang) crowned as the new ruler, even among opposition from Goryeo loyalists. After indirectly enforcing his grasp on the royal court through the puppet king, he proceeded to ally himself with Sinjin scholar-officials such as Chŏng To-jŏn and Cho Chun.
One of the most widely known events that occurred during this period was in 1392 when one of Yi Sŏng-gye's sons, Yi Pang-wŏn, organized a banquet for the renowned scholar and statesman Chŏng Mong-ju who refused to be won over by General Yi despite their assorted correspondence in the form of archaic poems and continued to be a faithful advocate for the old regime. Chŏng Mong-ju was revered throughout Goryeo, even by Yi Pang-wŏn himself, but in the eyes of the supporters of the new dynasty, he was seen as an obstacle which had to be removed. After the banquet, he was killed by five men on the Seonjuk Bridge.
Reign
In 1392, Yi Sŏng-gye forced King Gongyang to abdicate, exiled him to Wonju (where he and his family were secretly executed), and enthroned himself as the new king, thus ending Goryeo's 475 years of rule. In 1393, he changed his dynasty's name to Joseon.
Among his early achievements was the improvement of relations with the Ming; this had its origin in Taejo's refusal to attack their neighbor. Shortly after his accession, he sent envoys to inform the court at Nanjing that a dynastic change had taken place. Envoys were also dispatched to Japan, seeking the re-establishment of amicable connections. The mission was successful, and Ashikaga Yoshimitsu was reported to have been favorably impressed by this embassy. Envoys from the Ryūkyū Kingdom were received in 1392, 1394 and 1397, as well as from Siam in 1393.
In 1394, the new capital was established at Hanseong (present-day Seoul).
When the new dynasty was officially promulgated, the issue of which son would be the heir to the throne was brought up. Although Yi Pang-wŏn, Taejo's fifth son by his first wife Queen Sinui, had contributed the most to his father's rise to power, he harbored a profound hatred against two of Taejo's key allies, Chŏng To-jŏn and Nam Ŭn.
Both sides were fully aware of the mutual animosity and felt constantly threatened. When it became clear that Yi Pang-wŏn was the most worthy successor, Chŏng To-jŏn, who had meet and formed a political alliance with Queen Sindeok prior, used his influence to convince the king that the wisest choice would be the son that he loved most, not the son that he felt was best for the kingdom.
In 1392, the eighth son of King Taejo and his second son by Queen Sindeok, Yi Pang-sŏk, was appointed as crown prince. After the sudden death of the queen in 1396 and while Taejo was still in mourning for his wife, Chŏng To-jŏn began conspiring to preemptively kill Yi Pang-wŏn and his brothers to secure his position in the royal court.
Upon hearing of this plan in 1398, Yi Pang-wŏn and his wife, Princess Jeongnyeong, immediately revolted and raided the palace, killing Chŏng To-jŏn, his followers, and the two sons of the late Queen Sindeok. This incident became known as the First Strife of Princes. Aghast at the fact that his sons were willing to kill each other for the throne and psychologically exhausted by the death of his second wife, Taejo immediately named his second son, Yi Pang-gwa (posthumously King Jeongjong), as the new successor and abdicated.
Thereafter, Taejo retired to the Hamhung Royal Villa and maintained distance with his fifth son for the rest of his life. Allegedly, Yi Pang-wŏn sent emissaries numerous times and each time the former king executed them to express his firm decision not to meet his son again. This historical anecdote gave birth to the term Hamhung Chasa which means a person who never comes back despite several nudges. However, recent studies have found that Taejo did not actually execute any of the emissaries; these people died during revolts which coincidentally occurred in the region.
In 1400, King Jeongjong named Yi Pang-wŏn as heir presumptive and voluntarily abdicated. That same year, Yi Pang-wŏn assumed the throne of Joseon; he is posthumously known as King Taejong.
Death
King Taejo died ten years after his abdication on 27 June 1408 in Changdeokgung. He was buried at Geonwolleung in the Donggureung Cluster (present-day Guri, South Korea). The tomb of his umbilical cord is located in Geumsan County, South Korea.
Legacy
Although Taejo overthrew Goryeo and expelled officials who remained loyal to the previous dynasty, many regard him as a revolutionary and a decisive ruler who eliminated an inept, obsolete and crippled governing system to save the nation from foreign forces and conflicts.
The resulting safeguarding of domestic security led the Koreans to rebuild and further discover their culture. In the midst of the rival Yuan and Ming dynasties, Joseon encouraged the development of national identity which was once threatened by the Mongols. However, some scholars, particularly in North Korea, view Taejo as a mere traitor to the old regime and bourgeois apostate while paralleling him to General Ch'oe Yŏng, a military elite who conservatively served Goryeo to death.
His diplomatic successes in securing Korea in the early modern period are notable.
Family
Parents
• Father: Yi Cha-ch'un, King Hwanjo of Joseon (조선의 환조 이자춘; 1315 – 3 May 1360)
• Grandfather: Yi Ch'un, King Dojo of Joseon (조선의 도조 이춘; 1265 – 25 August 1342)
• Grandmother: Queen Gyeongsun of the Munju Park clan (; 1268–?)
• Mother: Queen Uihye of the Yeongheung Choe clan (; 1304–?)
• Grandfather: Choe Han-gi, Internal Prince Yeongheung (; 1260–1325)
• Grandmother: Grand Madame of Joseon State of the Wansan Yi clan (; 1262–?)
Consorts and issue
• Queen Sinui of the Cheongju Han clan (신의왕후 한씨; 6 October 1337 – 25 November 1391)
• Yi Bang-Woo, Grand Prince Jinan (진안대군 이방우; 1354 – 15 January 1394), first son
• Yi Bang-gwa, Grand Prince Yeongan (영안군 이방과; 26 July 1357 – 15 October 1419), second son
• Yi Bang-ui, Grand Prince Ikan (익안대군 이방의; 1360 – 29 October 1404), third son
• Princess Gyeongsin (경신공주; 1362 – 29 April 1426), first daughter
• Yi Bang-gan, Grand Prince Hoean (회안대군 이방간; 1364 – 10 April 1421), fourth son
• Yi Bang-won, Grand Prince Jeongan (정안군 이방원; 13 June 1367 – 30 May 1422), fifth son
• Yi Bang-yŏn, Grand Prince Deokan (; 1370 – 1385), sixth son
• Princess Gyeongseon (; 1372 – ?), second daughter
• Queen Sindeok of the Goksan Kang clan (신덕왕후 강씨; 12 July 1356 – 15 September 1396)
• Princess Gyeongsun (경순공주; 1375 – 8 September 1407), third daughter
• Yi Bang-bon, Grand Prince Muan (무안대군 이방번; 1381 – 6 October 1398), seventh son
• Yi Bang-sok, Grand Prince Uian (의안대군 이방석; 1382 – 6 October 1398), eighth son
• Consort Seong of the Wonju Won clan (성비 원씨; 1378 – 12 January 1450)
• Royal Princess Jeonggyeong of the Goheung Yu clan (; 1350 – ?)
• Princess Hwaui of the Kim clan (화의옹주 김씨; 1339 – 18 January 1429)
• Princess Sukshin (숙신옹주; 1384 – 17 March 1453), fifth daughter
• Princess Shinsuk (신숙옹주; 1386–?), sixth daughter
• Lady Chandeok of the Ju clan (; 1338 – 1436)
• Princess Uiryeong (의령옹주; 1382 – 15 February 1466), fourth daughter
• Palace Lady Kim
• Kisaeng Mu Hyeob-ah (기생 무협아; 1390–?)
Ancestry
One of the many issues demonstrating the early strained relationship between Joseon and Ming was the debate of Taejo's genealogy which began as early as 1394 and became a source of diplomatic friction that lasted over 200 years. The Collected Regulations of the Great Ming erroneously recorded 'Yi Tan' (Taejo's personal name) as the son of Yi In-im and that Yi Tan killed the last four kings of Goryeo. This established Ming's opinion of Taejo as an usurper first and foremost from the time of the Hongwu Emperor when he repeatedly refused to acknowledge Taejo as the new sovereign of the Korean Peninsula. The first mention of this error was in 1518 (about 9 years after the publication). Those who saw the publication petitioned the Ming for redress including, among others, left chanseong Yi Kye-maeng and minister of rites Nam Gon, who wrote Jonggye Byeonmu. It took until 1584 (after many Ming envoys had seen the petitions) through chief scholar Hwang Chŏng-uk that the issue was finally addressed. The Wanli Emperor commissioned a second edition in 1576 (covering the years between 1479 and 1584). About a year after its completion, Yu Hong saw the revision and returned to Joseon with the good news.
Gallery
File:King Taejo Yi 02.jpg|Portrait of King Taejo (1872 copy)
File:朝鲜太祖.jpg|Portrait of Emperor Go (1900 copy)
File:太祖大王御笔-淑愼翁主家屋许与文记.svg|A contract wrote by Taejo for his daughter Princess Sukshin (1401)
In popular culture
• Portrayed by Im Dong-jin in the 1983 KBS TV series Foundation of the Kingdom.
• Portrayed by Kim Mu-saeng in the 1983 MBC TV series The King of Chudong Palace and in the 1996 KBS TV series Tears of the Dragon.
• Portrayed by Lee Jin-woo in the 2005–2006 MBC TV series Shin Don.
• Portrayed by Oh Jae-moo in the 2012 SBS TV series Faith.
• Portrayed by Ji Jin-hee in the 2012–2013 SBS TV series The Great Seer.
• Portrayed by Yoo Dong-geun in the 2014 KBS1 TV series Jeong Do-jeon.
• Portrayed by Lee Dae-yeon in the 2014 film The Pirates.
• Portrayed by Lee Do-kyung in the 2015 JTBC TV series More Than a Maid.
• Portrayed by Son Byong-ho in the 2015 film Empire of Lust.
• Portrayed by Chun Ho-jin in the 2015–2016 SBS TV series Six Flying Dragons.
• Portrayed by Kim Ki-hyeon in the 2016 KBS1 TV series Jang Yeong-sil.
• Portrayed by Lim Jong-yun in the 2016 film Seondal: The Man Who Sells the River.
• Portrayed by Kim Yeong-cheol in the 2019 JTBC TV series My Country: The New Age and 2021 KBS1 TV series The King of Tears, Lee Bang-won.
• Portrayed in the mobile/PC game Rise of Kingdoms.
• Portrayed by Lee Sung-min in the 2025 TVING TV series The Queen Who Crowns.

李成桂随父归附高丽,并因抵御北元、明朝战功显赫不断受提拔;后来因反对发兵辽东,发起威化岛回军并掌握高丽政权。1392年,李成桂推翻高丽自立为王,创建朝鲜王朝,并迁都汉城。即位后,改革高丽政策、对明朝行事大主义,并通过招抚、武力征服北方的女真部落,使朝鲜王国疆域达到图们江。1398年第一次王子之乱后,让位于次子李芳果(朝鲜定宗),成为太上王。让位后,由于不满第五子李芳远(朝鲜太宗)掌权,曾出奔咸兴,不久被迫返回,最后在汉城昌德宫于1408年薨逝。庙号太祖,谥号康献至仁啓运圣文神武大王,葬于健元陵。
大韩帝国建立后,高宗皇帝于1899年将李成桂改諡为至仁啓运应天肇统广勋永命圣文神武正义光德高皇帝。
Read more...: 生平 高丽时代 早年经历 军功崛起 废立君主 登基称王 统治 迁都汉城 内政措施 事大交邻 整肃王氏 晚年 王子之乱 出奔咸兴 汉城终老 身后 家庭 王后 后宫 子女 子 女 图集 相关影视作品及饰演者 注释
生平
高丽时代
早年经历
1335年10月27日,李成桂在和州(和宁)黑石里私邸诞生,其出生地位于辽阳行省的双城总管府(现位于朝鲜民主主义人民共和国境内,属咸镜南道金野郡);他是斡东千户兼达鲁花赤吾鲁思不花(李子春)与正室崔氏所生的嫡长子。之后,李子春率家人迁居咸兴。
李成桂出身的家族全州李氏本为地方豪族,但是并不是具有悠久历史的名门。他的高祖父李安社投降蒙古后,在1255年受封斡东千户兼任达鲁花赤,子孙世袭其职位;李成桂的母亲本贯,外祖父崔闲奇也是和州人。李成桂在1351年娶韩卿的女儿安边韩氏为妻,两人育有六子二女。双城总管府除高丽军民外,也有女真族诸部。在青少年时期,李成桂与女真人李之兰(豆兰帖木儿)结拜为义兄弟;由于这层关系,日后李之兰成为李成桂的得力助手,并有许多女真部族投靠并追随李成桂。1356年,高丽恭愍王派兵攻打双城总管府,并授予李子春官爵;李子春于是成为高丽的内应,起兵响应收复双城总管府。恭愍王封李子春大中大夫、司仆卿,并在高丽首都开城赐府邸一座。此后,李成桂随父归顺,成为高丽将领。
军功崛起
1361年,秃鲁江万户朴仪叛乱,恭愍王派金璡前去镇压;金璡再求援兵,于是李成桂率一千五百名兵力支援,才平定叛乱。当时中国已进入元朝末年,农民起事四起。其中红巾军在同年冬天趁鸭绿江结冰,发动十万人侵略高丽。李成桂迎战时击杀红巾军数百人、生擒一人;然而不久高丽军溃败,恭愍王率宫眷、大臣南逃安东,随后红巾军攻占首都开城。翌年正月,安佑率兵二十万反攻;李成桂领兵二千人参战,他由东大门率先进攻、登城,再立军功。1362年,在原任双城总管的赵小生引导下,元朝大臣纳哈出攻打高丽;李成桂时任东北面兵马使,与其交战并获胜。1364年,元顺帝皇后奇氏图谋废黜恭愍王,派辽阳行省军队进攻高丽;高丽派崔莹抵御、李成桂也参战,最后大败元军,并让元朝将向奇皇后进谗的崔濡送回高丽处死。同年,李成桂官拜密直副使,恭愍王赐金带、赐号「端诚亮节翊戴功臣」。
1368年,明太祖派徐达北伐攻陷大都,元朝灭亡;元顺帝出逃上都,建立北元。1370年,由于奇皇后的侄儿赛因帖木儿在高丽国界制造边患,恭愍王任命李成桂为东北面元帅,与池龙寿、杨伯渊等渡鸭绿江,出兵征讨北元东宁府。李成桂带兵一千五百人远征辽阳,同平章事金伯颜遭活捉、赛因帖木儿逃脱,于是班师回朝。由于李成桂不断建立战功,恭愍王更加重用他,在1371年任命身为武臣的李成桂为知门下府事、文臣李穑为政堂文学,并让两人同日跻身政治中枢。在此前后,李成桂与开城氏族联姻,再娶了康允成的女儿谷山康氏为妻;两人育有二子一女。当时高丽士大夫娶平妻的风气盛行,因此康氏也成为正妻,与李成桂的元配韩氏平起平坐,称为「京妻」;而由于韩氏是李成桂在故乡所娶,称为「乡妻」。1372年,由于倭寇骚扰高丽东北界,恭愍王外放李成桂,任命为和宁府尹去抵御倭寇。1374年,恭愍王在一次酒醉后,在寝宫内被宦官崔万生以及男宠们乱剑砍死。恭愍王遇弑后,其母明德太后洪氏本想从王室中另择王位继承人;但是在李仁任主导下,仍由恭愍王独子、身世有争议的江宁府院大君王禑继承王位,是为高丽禑王。
1375年,李成桂、崔莹奉命统领全罗道、庆尚道军队,在京畿道东、西江抵御倭寇;1377年,先后在智异山、西海道(黄海道)大破倭军,名声大震。此时,李成桂接受「完山府院君」的封爵,官拜门下赞成事、判典工司事,按官阶顺位排名第九。1378年,李成桂与杨伯渊合击大破倭寇;同年,高丽开始使用明朝年号,时为洪武十一年九月。洪武十三年(1380年),倭寇乘船五百艘进犯高丽南方三道,李成桂被任命为杨广、全罗、庆尚三道都巡察使前去平乱;战情一度陷入胶著,李成桂也左脚中箭。最后,李成桂和部将李之兰射杀人称「阿只拔都」的倭寇首领,倭寇溃散,高丽军缴获马一千六百多匹;史称。战胜凯旋,崔莹率百官迎接、慰劳李成桂,文臣李穑、、权近等赋诗祝贺。而明朝建立之初、北元衰弱之际,高丽积极招抚女真部落来归附并拓展疆土,李成桂也建立汗马功劳。洪武十六年(1383年)李成桂奉命出兵,与明军在吉州交战,最后明朝所派北元降将胡拔都被击退。
李成桂出任将领二十多年来建立大量战功,使他获得很高的威望。洪武十四年(1381年)四月,李成桂请李穑为自己取表字与号。李穑从张九龄所作唐诗《感遇》选出「桂华秋皎洁」一句、结合李成桂是次子,取表字「仲洁」;又以李成桂重视节义,用「松」字搭配「桂」字,取号「松轩」。李穑也替李成桂的两个儿子改名为「芳果」、「芳毅」。洪武二十年(1387年),李成桂已有「忠诚亮节翊赞宣威定远功臣,三重大匡,判三司事兼判典农寺事,上护军,完山府院君」等多种头衔;他的父母、异母兄弟等亲属,也先后获封爵位或官职。洪武二十一年(1388年)正月,就在擅权多年的权臣李仁任退隐后不久,其继任者廉兴邦、林坚味被王禑诛杀,李仁任也于同年在家乡病死。于是崔莹被任命为门下侍中(首相),李成桂也登上守门下侍中(副相)之位。
废立君主
明朝在击败控制辽东地区的北元军队后,在双城总管府故地设置铁岭卫,并在洪武二十年(1387年)十二月二十六日告知高丽;宣布铁岭(今咸镜道与江原道交界处)以北成为明朝领土、以南则属高丽。洪武二十一年(1388年)二月,王禑上表抗议,表示铁岭以北区域属于高丽。同年四月,王禑想出兵攻打辽阳,于是召崔莹与李成桂讨论。崔莹赞成,认为军事行动不宜停止,应立即调集各道军队奇袭辽阳;李成桂反对,提出「四不可」之说(以小逆大、夏月发兵、倭乘其虚、大军疾疫)。最后,王禑采纳崔莹的意见;同月,任命昌城府院君曹敏修为左军都统使、李成桂为右军都统使,率领五万人、马两万匹出征。五月,曹敏修、李成桂渡鸭绿江,在江中岛屿威化岛上屯兵,遇上江水泛滥;有士兵数百人溺死,军心涣散。曹敏修、李成桂上奏,以行军困难、粮饷供应不易为由请求撤退;王禑、崔莹不听,仍命令继续进军。
于是李成桂决定抗命,回京发动军事政变;六月攻打开城、击败崔莹,史称威化岛回军。崔莹被罢黜,群臣请求王禑将崔莹之女宁妃崔氏也赶出宫;最后王禑退位,被流放江华岛、后又南迁骊兴郡,人称「骊兴王」。曹敏修以恭愍王后宫名义下旨,由王禑的儿子王昌继承王位;曹敏修受封杨广、全罗、庆尚、西海、交州道都统使,李成桂受封东北面、朔方、江陵道都统使。两人还受赐「忠勤亮节宣威同德安社功臣」之号,不过李成桂因为这个名号犯高祖父名讳(安社)而推辞。不久,曹敏修因贪污、反对革除私田而遭弹劾,被罢职回乡。李穑取代其位成为门下侍中、李成桂仍为守门下侍中;不过此时李成桂也兼任「中外军事都统」一职,集文武大权于一手。洪武二十二年(1389年)十一月,王禑派人送一把剑给判书,指使他暗杀李成桂,郭忠辅却揭发此事。李成桂党羽假借明太祖旨意,宣称王禑父子假冒王氏、不是恭愍王亲生,应当「废假立真」;于是王禑被流放江陵、王昌被流放江华岛,废为庶人,父子两人不久都被杀害。李成桂等人谒见定妃安氏,请求改立远支宗室、恭愍王族弟定昌君王瑶为新王,是为高丽恭让王。恭让王即位后,尊定妃安氏为王大妃,并赏赐李成桂等九功臣,称为「中兴功臣」。其中,李成桂赐号「奋忠定难匡复燮理佐命功臣」,封爵「和宁郡开国忠义伯」;又赐食邑一千户、实封三百户,田二百结、奴婢二十口,其亲属也再度获得封爵或荫职。
恭让王上位后不久,高丽大臣尹彝、李初逃到明朝散布谣言。他们宣称,恭让王是李成桂亲戚而非高丽王族、李成桂则是权臣李仁任的儿子;李成桂、恭让王即将进犯明朝,请求明朝讨伐。不过,明太祖并没有介入高丽内政。之后,因为威化岛回军的缘故,明太祖将铁岭卫迁移到渖阳、开原。
李成桂掌权后为进一步提升威望,起用郑道传、赵浚等新进士大夫,主张田制改革论;并以这些士大夫为中心,组成都评议使司(议政府的前身)。而恭让王在即位前就有大量田产,并不赞成改革。尽管恭让王反对,在洪武二十三年(1390年)九月,公、私田籍资料档案在大街上集中焚毁,一连烧了好几天;恭让王闻讯流泪,感叹高丽祖制在自己统治期间就被废除了。革除私田后,都评议使司开始在京畿道首先实施科田法。根据科田法,土地依官位高低分配,李成桂等当权官僚分得京畿附近的土地;全国其他土地连同旧权贵的农庄,则编入公田。这次土地改革瓦解了地方豪强、旧贵族的经济基础,也使得李成桂掌握了高丽的经济实权。过程中,属稳健改革派的李穑反对,遭以擅立异姓(指王禑父子)的理由流放。
为牵制李成桂,恭让王在同年十一月任命忠于自己、同为九功臣之一的郑梦周为守门下侍中(副相),并陆续驱逐一些李成桂的亲信。洪武二十四年(1391年)九月二十三日,李成桂的元配韩氏病逝。在此同时,李成桂察觉恭让王、郑梦周对自己已有防备,有所动摇,考虑先带家人回乡避风头;不过郑道传、南誾、等亲信极力说服他留下。洪武二十五年(1392年)三月,出使明朝的高丽世子王奭即将返国;李成桂欲前去迎接,却在途中于海州打猎时坠马受伤,于是返家养病。郑梦周趁机指使大臣弹劾李成桂党羽,并准备之后将他们连同李成桂一起处死。李成桂第五子李芳远当时还在为母守孝,得到消息后,便连同叔父李和、妹婿密谋除掉郑梦周,而李成桂侄女婿却让消息泄漏出去。郑梦周决定以探病为名,亲自拜访李成桂以窥探其动静,李成桂对他还是一如往常;郑梦周在回程途中,在善竹桥被李芳远派的刺客杀害。李成桂得知郑梦周死讯后,先是厉声斥责李芳远擅杀大臣、还要服药自杀,李成桂之妻、李芳远的继母康氏也在旁边,怒斥李成桂不可自乱阵脚。于是李成桂才指使大臣,向恭让王禀告郑梦周罪状,迫使恭让王将郑梦周治罪;先前被流放的李成桂亲信也都召回,安插在重要职位上。随著铲除郑梦周,李成桂消灭了篡位的最后一道障碍。
登基称王
恭让王四年(1392年)七月十二日,门下右侍中等上奏,请求王大妃安氏废黜恭让王;安大妃被迫下废位教旨,于是恭让王被废出宫,王妃卢氏、世子王奭及世子嫔李氏等亲属随行。同月十七日,在裴克廉、赵浚、郑道传、南誾等亲信的劝进下,时年五十八岁的李成桂在开城别宫寿昌宫即位,是为朝鲜太祖。至此,李成桂实现易姓革命,高丽灭亡。即位后,李成桂将已故的元配韩氏追赠为「节妃」,陵墓称为;继配康氏则成为王妃,徽号「显妃」。
李成桂即位同年,派到明朝礼部上表,诋毁恭让王父子昏庸无能、恭愍王妃安氏已命其退位,请求认可自己接管高丽国政。明太祖接到礼部上奏后,认为可能另有隐情、不能轻信;于是模棱两可表示,此举假如的确顺应天道、可安定高丽人心并平息边界纷争,则是高丽之福。之后,李成桂自称「高丽权知国事」,再派赵琳出使明朝。明太祖命礼部下旨,询问高丽要改成什么国号,并要求尽速回报;同时传了一道口谕,批评高丽在恭愍王死后废立不断、又说不断遣使其实是李成桂自己要求册封为王。李成桂拟定两个名称,「朝鲜」(箕子所建古国名)、「和宁」(李成桂诞生地),派送去让明太祖裁决;最后在同年闰十二月九日,明太祖决定改高丽国号为朝鲜。国号更改后,李成桂在洪武二十六年(1393年)以「朝鲜国权知国事」名义上表谢恩,进献土产、马匹,同时缴纳高丽恭愍王的金印;另外也请求准许自己改名为「李旦」(与唐睿宗姓名相同),获准。李成桂改名后,命郑道传拟定新表字。郑道传解读「旦」是「从日从一」,象徵日出;而「晋」字可引申为上升,所以定表字为「君晋」,并借诗经篇章《小雅·天保》中的一句「如日之升」,期许李成桂即位后,国运能像冉冉上升的太阳一样传承万世。
之后,虽然明朝内部称呼李成桂为「朝鲜国王李旦」,但是当朝鲜在洪武二十九年(1396年)派请求册封,并颁赐明朝诰命、金印时,明太祖却不同意。明太祖命礼部发布咨文,责令必须维持现状、若不愿接受也不会挽留,即拒绝正式册封其为朝鲜国王;同时指责奏章用词轻薄无礼。因此李成桂在位期间,一直无法获明朝册封为朝鲜国王。此外,明太祖采用李成桂是李仁任之子的说法,编入《皇明祖训》,更宣称李仁任、李成桂父子接连弑杀四位高丽国王。由于明太祖命令皇明祖训「一字不可改易」,此后两百多年朝鲜一直不断要求修正,一系列事件称为。
统治
迁都汉城
李成桂即位之后最关心的首要之务,就是迁都。开城作为高丽首都,旧贵族势力已根深蒂固,再加上当时的谶纬学也认为开城是下克上的不吉之地,因此迁都一事成为当务之急。他率领群臣四处物色新都地址,视察杨广道(忠清道)公州的鸡龙山、汉江以北的母岳山以及被称为「南京」的汉阳等地。经大臣间不断辩论后,最后决议以汉阳作为朝鲜新国都;于是新都城开始营建,兴建宫殿(景福宫、昌德宫、昌庆宫等)、宗庙、社稷、官衙。洪武二十七年(1394年)十月二十五日,迁都汉阳;翌年,将所在行政区汉阳府改称汉城府。
关于汉城的营建过程,有一则关于当时一位高僧无学大师的轶事。无学俗名朴自超,在高丽末年两人就已颇有交情;即位为王后,李成桂找到无学,并就汉城应如何建造徵询他的意见。无学依风水学角度,认为应让城池向东,则左有北岳山(汉江以北)、右有南山(汉江以南);郑道传不以为然,认为应按传统的方向,即坐北朝南(城池向南),象徵帝王南面而治。无学表示,如果不采纳他的做法,两百年后就会后悔。结果到了后世果真发生了癸酉靖难、壬辰倭乱,于是有人附会谶纬预言,将战祸归咎于郑道传有不臣之心。
内政措施
具儒学重农主义色彩的科田法在高丽末年就已存在,本质上是一种土地革命。作为一个新朝代的改革制度,科田法在朝鲜王朝初期继续沿袭;依古代公有概念,由国家出面分配农地,并奖励农业、开垦荒田与鼓励人口成长。在京畿道的科田,是授予在职、退职官员的俸禄来源;京畿道田产也分为其他名目,例如「陵寝田」、「公廨田」等等,而授予功臣的「功臣田」则属私田。科田在此时限定只能在京畿道,用意是要就近监督官员,并防止地方势力坐大。不过朝鲜建立之初的太祖、定宗、太宗三朝,就出现了功臣田、科田滥发以及私田增多的乱象,到世宗一朝才加以遏制。
高丽末年,佛教界日趋腐败,僧侣敛财牟利、大肆扩建寺庙、法会的铺张以致劳民伤财,以及僧徒免除徭役的特权等等,都招致社会对其普遍不满,掀起一波又一波的斥佛论。另一方面,从元朝传入的程朱理学逐渐为高丽儒者接受,其以政治道德强调君臣之义,对儒学异端尖锐排斥。这时士大夫对于佛教的看法分为两派,李齐贤、李穑等人不反对佛教本身,而是反对寺院弊端、僧侣的不法行为;而郑道传等认为佛教灭伦害国,大力抨击。李成桂即位前,所用儒臣多为斥佛的改革派,因此即位后实施崇儒抑佛的国策(实际上是「外儒内佛」);度牒制开始实施,以管制僧侣人口、禁止寺院滥建。崇儒抑佛政策为后续朝鲜君主所继承,不断深化;而程朱理学不仅成为政治、学术上的指导思想,也逐渐渗透并支配普通民众的日常生活。原本高丽的丧葬祭礼所用佛教仪式,到朝鲜时代移风易俗,逐渐由朱熹《家礼》的儒家礼法取代。在儒学地位不断拔高下,佛教势力开始萎缩。而李成桂本人崇信佛教,对于交情匪浅的无学大师待以师礼,封为「王师」;之后又封天台宗僧人为国师。不过李成桂信佛见地不高,其动机主要以偏向祈福的成分居多。无学善看风水,因此拜他为王师的原始动机,并不是想更深入参禅;资助造《大藏经》安于瑞云寺、重修演福寺、修海印寺古塔并安放经书等等,也都是为了求功德或为国祈福。
事大交邻
李成桂建立朝鲜后的国际外交政策,可以概括为「事大交邻」。事大,即奉明朝为大国,采取亲明路线;交邻,即对于和朝鲜接壤的女真族部落,以及日本、琉球国、中南半岛诸国等其他外国政权,建立友好的外交关系。此后历代朝鲜君主,都遵循事大交邻的惯例。在即位之前,李成桂就主张、实行亲明政策;建国之后也没有改变,确立事大主义的国策。尽管「朝鲜国王」地位一直不被明太祖正式承认,为寻求保障、以及对内宣示其统治权威性,标榜「不许以小逆大」,对明朝展现朝贡服属的姿态,维系和平,并定期派遣使节、进献贡品。明朝一改宋、元作法,与周边国家行朝贡贸易,改由明朝自己授予外国国王的独占贸易权,具有政治与经济性的意义。因此,这种朝贡仅是形式上的「谦让之礼」,朝鲜在政治上仍维持独立立场。
虽然李成桂极力维持恭顺的姿态、以至于到「卑辞谨事」般低声下气的程度,明朝、朝鲜关系仍不稳定。洪武二十七年(1394年)明朝捕获以胡德为首的五名朝鲜海盗,他们自称是朝鲜官府派来劫掠、刺探消息的。明朝命令朝鲜捉拿胡德同党,并要求派一个儿子亲自押解相关人等去明朝。李成桂第五子李芳远(后来的朝鲜太宗)接下挑战,答应率领使团亲自去应天府谒见明太祖。一开始,明太祖不相信李成桂真的会派亲生儿子过来,但是在确认的确如此后,再三召见李芳远然后依礼送还,周围人都称呼他是「朝鲜世子」。回程中李芳远经过北平,与燕王朱棣(后来的明成祖)见面,得到相当礼遇,两人相谈甚欢;传说中,李芳远说朱棣不会再只当藩王太久、朱棣也说李芳远有天人之相(后来两人果然都透过政变,分别成为朝鲜国王、明朝皇帝,双双应验)。这场李芳远出使成功让明太祖对朝鲜改观,也为后来两国关系改善做了铺垫。
明朝、朝鲜两国国界处,有本属元朝管辖、后又臣服明朝的众多女真部落;当时朝鲜蔑称其为「野人」。明朝也曾为女真问题对朝鲜态度强硬,例如曾在洪武二十六年(1393年)令辽东都指挥使司封锁边境、拒绝朝鲜贡使,濒临断交。明朝作了形式上的辖区划分,但是并未能有效统治,女真部落形同无政府状态,在明朝、朝鲜两边都是叛服无常。高丽末年,李成桂曾驱逐在咸镜道的女真人;然而,以李之兰为首的女真族后援势力,也是李成桂军事势力的重要来源与基础,以其为后盾,朝鲜王朝的建立才更为顺利。即位后,李成桂对鸭绿江以南的女真聚落,采武力、怀柔兼施的政策。之后经过不断开拓,到世宗一朝才得以实质控制图们江以南;此后,鸭绿江、图们江成为朝鲜王国的北界。同时期的日本是处在室町幕府时代,征夷大将军足利义满、足利义持将势力扩展到九州。足利氏应允朝鲜要求,指挥日本西部的大、小豪族压制倭寇;朝鲜也派出「回礼使」,处理遣返俘虏等事宜。而琉球国在朝鲜初期交往相当频繁,每年都有「岁遣船」到朝鲜,进献苏木、胡椒、砂糖等等;朝鲜船只也会去琉球进行贸易。太祖一朝,还有当时统称「南蛮」的南方国家与朝鲜有来往,例如暹罗使船也曾送来土产苏木、香料等土产。
整肃王氏
李成桂即位之初,将大批高丽王族流放到巨济岛、江华岛安置;不过之后又传旨宣布自己受命于天、王氏也是自己的子民,改善恭让王待遇、并将高丽王族放回半岛各州县,以展现新君即位的气度。不久,金可行、朴仲质请人占卜关于恭让王与高丽王族的命数,预测王氏家族将复兴;事情曝光后,群臣纷纷请求诛杀高丽王族,以免前朝势力复辟。洪武二十七年(1394年)四月,李成桂以占卜事件为理由,派中枢院副使郑南晋到恭让王的流放地三陟,将恭让王和他的两个儿子都绞死。同时,尹邦庆、孙兴宗等朝鲜官僚招募擅长游泳的船夫,并告诉高丽王族们将在岛上过平民生活,诱骗他们争相上船;接著在海上航行途中把船凿沉,大批王氏因此溺毙。高丽宗庙被拆毁,另建新庙;此后,高丽历代君主、后妃、功臣的肖像草图与铸像,不是烧掉就是埋入地下。而高丽陵园在接下来几百年内,遭周围居民占用墓地,屡禁不止。有许多高丽王族为躲避杀身之祸,纷纷隐姓埋名,将「王」姓增加笔画,改为、全、琴、申、田、车、马、金、龙、等姓氏,流落民间。而李成桂也下令,命先前在高丽时期接受赐姓王的家族,恢复原有姓氏;而许多本非高丽王室后裔的王姓人,为免受波及也改从母姓。因此,目前朝鲜半岛的王姓人口仅约三万人,成为稀有姓氏。
在肃清王氏贵族势力之际,仍有高丽王族受到优待。传说在凿船事件后,李成桂曾梦见开创高丽的国王——高丽太祖王建;著七章冕服的王建厉声说道,他统一三韩有重大功业,警告要是消灭他的子孙,自己也很快会有报应。惊醒后,李成桂赦免了名单上剩下的高丽王族。其中,本来只是恭愍王后宫,由于李成桂一再借她的旨意废立、最终得以篡位,在高丽时成为王大妃、朝鲜王朝建立后改封为「义和宫主」,享受各种礼遇;安氏在宣德三年(1428年)五月过世后,朝鲜参考献穆皇后曹氏、炀愍皇后萧氏先例,将安氏依高丽王妃礼节下葬。而为效法二王三恪、并怀柔高丽遗民,恭让王的同母弟王瑀并不在流放之列,躲过杀身之祸,后获封归义君奉祀高丽王氏,在洪武三十年(1397年)过世。王瑀有一女嫁给李成桂第七子李芳蕃、还有一女嫁给李成桂的孙子,而此后全州李氏(朝鲜王室)、开城王氏(高丽王室)两朝王室后裔之间,互相通婚的纪录也有上百例。流传下来的开城王氏,以出自高丽太祖之子的孝隐太子派为主。
王瑀过世后,朝鲜在距离开城不远处设立,供奉四位高丽君主的牌位、配享十六位高丽功臣;并在此后超过四百年间,指派王氏子孙每年春、秋两季举行祭祀大典,成为高丽的实质性宗庙。朝鲜王朝灭亡后,崇义殿虽然在韩战中遭受破坏,不过在1972年修复后,仍继续每年春秋祭祀传统至今。而由于崇义殿正好位在南北韩非军事区南侧范围内,平常罕有游客造访,附近一带甚至因而成为良好的生态旅游区。
晚年
王子之乱
李成桂共有八个儿子,由他的两任正妻所生。元配韩氏(神懿王后)早逝,生育前六子,依序为:长子鎭安君李芳雨、次子永安君李芳果、三子益安君李芳毅、四子怀安君李芳干、五子靖安君李芳远、六子李芳衍;继配显妃康氏(神德王后)是朝鲜王朝第一位生前在位的王妃,生育后两子:七子抚安君李芳蕃、八子李芳硕。其中,长子李芳雨反对父亲篡权,而率家人回咸兴隐居、不问政事,李成桂也没有为难他;三子李芳毅生性淳厚谨慎、一向低调,不关心政治;六子李芳衍早逝,没有封爵。李成桂宠爱康氏,并向大臣说她在即位前后都有功劳;康氏自己也干涉王位继承,施压李成桂立她的儿子为王储。李成桂召大臣讨论立储问题,、赵浚、郑道传等功臣们建议立功劳大者为世子。因为康氏的关系,李成桂不立韩氏的儿子们,而考虑立康氏的长子李芳蕃;功臣们认为李芳蕃轻浮不肖,请求立康氏次子李芳硕。于是,李芳硕在洪武二十五年(1392年)八月二十日成为王世子。立世子后,郑道传官拜世子贰师,负责教导李芳硕。为了巩固李芳硕的地位,郑道传建议解除诸王子兵权,并效法明朝皇子分封各地,不过李成桂没有听从。洪武二十九年(1396年)八月,显妃康氏病故,享年四十一岁;李成桂相当悲伤,辍朝十日,追諡康氏为神德王后。李成桂将爱妻就近埋葬,将陵墓建在汉城内、距离王宫西南仅几里外处(据称在今德寿宫附近),称为贞陵;还在贞陵以东建立「金彩炳耀」的兴天寺,为康氏求冥福。然而对于两任亡妻,李成桂厚此薄彼,当时埋葬元配韩氏的齐陵,连守陵官员、祭器都没有。
洪武二十八年(1395年)十二月,明太祖一再拒绝册封李成桂、指责奏章无礼之馀,认为郑道传未尽监督奏章用词的责任,命令朝鲜派他去明朝亲自解释;李成桂藉口郑道传生病,不让他去,结果两国关系因而恶化。洪武三十一年(1398年)四月,明太祖仍穷追不舍,说李成桂身边都是奸佞小人,扬言再不交出郑道传就要讨伐朝鲜。于是,在郑道传与南誾主导下,朝鲜加强军事演习,作为出兵辽阳的准备;同年八月李成桂生病,李芳蕃以外王子的兵权,都以训练不力为由遭到解除。据说郑道传打算对外宣布李成桂病危,以传旨召韩氏诸子进宫后铲除他们。韩氏所生第五子李芳远有建国功勋,不满父亲废长立幼,从叔叔义安君李和那里听到风声后,决定发动政变。同月二十六日,李芳远率领亲信举事,将支持世子一派的郑道传、南誾、、等重臣一一杀掉。当时有人建议立李芳远为世子,李芳远推辞,表示二哥李芳果更有资格成为王储;于是李芳远指使大臣上疏,宣称郑道传等人谋反,已经平定,并请求废黜李芳硕世子之位、立永安君李芳果为新世子。李成桂听大臣念完上疏后,沉默许久后不得不答应;他在大臣拟好的教旨签下花押后,瘫软在病榻上乾呕。接著,神德王后的两个儿子李芳蕃、李芳硕以及女婿相继被杀。这场政变,史称第一次王子之乱(戊寅靖社)。洪武三十一年(1398年)九月五日,李成桂传位于李芳果,被尊为太上王;李芳果改名李曔,是为朝鲜定宗。
第一次王子之乱后人心惶惶、再加上汉城的首都机能尚未完善,定宗在建文元年(1399年)还都开城。李成桂作为太上王,不得不离开汉城随行;经过贞陵时,他说迁都汉城本来是他和国人讨论出来的决定,说完便不舍地哭著离开。定宗的两个同母弟,四弟怀安公李芳干、五弟靖安公李芳远,都是有力的王位继承人选;翌年正月二十八日,李芳干在挑拨下,率私兵攻打李芳远。结果,李芳远反而击败兄长并将他流放、朴苞被杀,史称第二次王子之乱。经过两次王子之乱,定宗革除私兵,并在同年二月四日将李芳远立为「王世子」。同年六月,定宗为太上王建太上宫府,称为「德寿宫」、府号「承宁府」,设置官属负责管理。同年十月,李成桂在杨州神岩寺为横死的李芳硕、李济举行盛大的法会,媳妇德妃金氏、贞嫔闵氏(元敬王后)也去观礼;结果主持法事的僧人暴死,李成桂相当不高兴,只得还宫,之后迳自前往新都(汉城)在贞陵设法席、做佛事。建文二年(1400年)十一月十三日,定宗内禅、王世子李芳远即位,是为朝鲜太宗;他派大臣告知李成桂;得到冷淡回应:「做了不是,不做也不是;既然已经禅位,又还有什么好说的!」同日回到开城。此后,李成桂郁郁寡欢,并无预警离开开城去逍遥山长住,为排遣情绪,越来越常到处出游;后来他请无学受戒,皈依佛门。由于两个儿子李芳蕃、李芳硕死于非命,李成桂对太宗的厌恶与日俱增。
出奔咸兴
太宗即位后,获得明朝正式册封为朝鲜国王。明成祖派使节前往诏谕朝鲜,后又下赐太宗衮冕九章、王妃冠袍以及给李成桂的织锦缎、纱罗等物。李成桂当时在杨州的,明朝使节温全、杨宁于是前往拜谒,并一起去江原道游览冬季的金刚山。等温全等人离开后,李成桂就出奔东北面,经金化县、铁岭一路北逃;最后在永乐元年(1402年)十一月九日抵达老家咸州(咸兴)。神德王后康氏的亲戚、安边府使举兵响应李成桂,要为康氏报仇。朴淳、宋琉前往咸兴劝阻、试图阻止事态扩大,相继遭叛军杀害;金玉谦则得以冒死逃脱,赶回开城通报事变。太宗一连几次派「问安使」去咸兴,结果李成桂都以弓箭射杀,无一生还,成为朝鲜史上的一个著名典故「咸兴差使」(形容被派去做极度凶险、有去无回的任务)。同月二十一日,太宗御驾亲征,叛军不久后溃散,因而平定乱事。李成桂在无学大师劝谏下最终离开咸兴,不过并没有马上回京;他在逍遥山、等地逗留,之后才动身离开。十二月八日,李成桂一行抵达丰海道(黄海道)金郊驿;太宗前往当地,命人设帐殿作为正式会面的地点。河仑等大臣说太上王还没息怒,于是太宗挑了粗大的木料来做帐殿的梁柱。李成桂在帐殿里,看到身著冕服的儿子进来后发怒,突然拉满弓要射杀太宗;太宗吓得躲到柱子后面,箭射中梁柱。李成桂怒色缓解,笑著说:「天也!」并交出玉玺。之后还有祝寿宴,大臣再劝太宗不可以亲自奉上寿酒给父亲,于是改派宦官去敬酒;李成桂喝完酒后发笑,从袖子里掏出一柄铁如意,又说:「莫非天也?」
这场由李成桂出奔咸兴引发的事变,称为;以赵思义为首协助的十多位参与者遭处决。太宗还一度将事变发生的所在行政区(永兴大都护府、安边都护府)降级做为惩戒,不过很快又撤销处分。
汉城终老
赵思义之乱后,李成桂仍为太上王,不再过问政治。太宗四年(1404年),太宗还都汉城;太上王也回到汉城,表示还都是徵询多处国人意见后所为,是一件孝行。次年,无学大师圆寂,李成桂下令将无学安葬在已预先建好的佛塔。在神德王后过世后,有两名女子(元庠之女、柳浚之女)被选入宫服侍李成桂。其中元氏颇受宠爱,在太宗六年(1406年)受封为诚妃元氏,李成桂闻讯喜形于色;柳氏则受封。
太宗八年(1408年)正月十九日,李成桂中风,此后一直没有恢复健康;同年五月二十四日,在昌德宫广延楼下别殿养病。清晨宵禁解除之际,李成桂为去痰服用苏合香丸后,陷入弥留;太宗闻讯赶来送上牛黄清心丸,但是李成桂已经不能服药,抬眼看了两次后随即升遐。共计在位七年、成为太上王十年,享寿七十四岁。
身后
李成桂薨逝后,丧礼依《朱子家礼》举行,由嫡长孙奉宁君李福根(镇安大君长子)担任丧主。依之前高丽恭愍王的先例,明朝赐諡号康献王,以后朝鲜国王遣使请諡成为惯例。朝鲜上庙号「太祖」,諡「至仁啓运圣文神武大王」;合称太祖康献至仁啓运圣文神武大王。太宗八年(1408年)九月九日,李成桂单独下葬在距汉城二十馀里、位在杨州下的健元陵,现属九里东九陵的朝鲜王陵之一。太宗十年(1410年),太祖、神懿王后祔庙(入祀宗庙);太祖配享功臣原为四人、世宗时增至共七人,分别为:平壤府院君赵浚、汉山君、义安大君李和(太祖之弟)、青海伯李之兰、宜宁府院君南在、兴安君(太祖驸马)、宜城君南誾。而李成桂死后,太宗认为神德王后并非其正妻,藉口陵墓不可以在都城,在太宗九年(1409年)将贞陵迁出汉城,停止一切礼遇。贞陵荒废了一百多年不为人所知,直到万历九年(1581年)后才被重新找到;为神德王后盖的兴天寺(贞陵寺),后来被徵用为公廨,周围居民偷窃寺中经书、宝物不止,最后贞陵寺在正德五年(1510年)被儒生纵火焚毁。康熙八年(1669年),神德王后恢复太祖继室地位并祔庙。
朝鲜历代国王文集《列圣御制》收录李成桂所写文章六篇、诗作五篇;《列圣御笔》也收藏一份太祖御笔拓本,出自他写给女儿的继承文件。李成桂成为太上王时已经六十多岁,而小女儿「致」()年纪还很小,于是在建文三年(1401年)用吏读写下这份称为「许与文记」的继承文件。该文件中所赠与的并非当时常见的奴婢或田地,而是一间宅邸,并规划其具体格局;土地从已故高丽官员许锦的家族买来,让翁主以及她的子孙可以居住在此。淑愼翁主后下嫁高丽恭元王后(明德太后)的侄孙唐城尉洪海,这份许与文记也由洪氏子孙代代相传。后来到乾隆十一年(1746年),淑愼翁主的十代孙洪天普因家道中落,担心无法妥善保存太祖御笔,于是将淑愼翁主家屋许与文记进献给当时的朝鲜国王英祖。英祖收到后相当高兴,赐予洪天普官爵并为御笔建立拓本,拓本收录进《列圣御笔》并下赐多个地方;原件流传至今,列为韩国国宝第515号。李成桂在咸镜道咸兴的故居,后来改建为咸兴本宫,供奉太祖夫妇以及其四代先祖的牌位,其正殿收藏李成桂生前所用冠服、弓箭、櫜鞬(武器袋)等遗物;朝鲜民主主义人民共和国成立后,列为国宝第107号。
朝鲜太祖的諡号由于历代君主加尊号、改諡而增长,到高宗九年(1872年),全諡为「康献至仁啓运应天肇统广勋永命圣文神武正义光德大王」。1897年大韩帝国建立后,李成桂作为王朝始祖也被追尊为皇帝。光武三年(1899年),高宗将明朝諡号「康献」去除、追尊李成桂为高皇帝,改諡为「至仁啓运应天肇统广勋永命圣文神武正义光德高皇帝」。
家庭
王后
后宫
子女
子
女
图集
Taejo's Umbilical cord tomb.JPG|忠清南道锦山郡的太祖大王胎室
朝鲜太祖康献王.jpg|太祖大王御真(1872年摹本)
朝鲜太祖.jpg|太祖高皇帝御真(1900年摹本)
太祖大王御笔-淑愼翁主家屋许与文记.svg|太祖大王御笔(拓本,原件写于1401年)
相关影视作品及饰演者
注释
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