Childhood and accession

Zhu Yijun, the future Wanli Emperor, was born on 4 September 1563 to Zhu Zaiji, the heir to the throne of the Ming dynasty, and one of his concubines, Lady Li. He had two older brothers, both of whom died in early childhood before 1563, and a younger brother, Zhu Yiliu (; 1568–1614), who was created Prince of Lu in 1571.

Zhu Zaiji became emperor of the Ming dynasty in 1567 and reigned as the Longqing Emperor, but he died five years later on 5 July 1572. Zhu Yijun then ascended the throne two weeks later on 19 July 1572. He adopted the era name Wanli, which means "ten thousand calendars". Before his death, the Longqing Emperor instructed minister Zhang Juzheng to take charge of state affairs and become a devoted adviser to the young emperor.

The Wanli Emperor was known for his restless and energetic nature during his youth. He was described as a quick learner, intelligent, and perceptive, always staying well-informed about the happenings in the empire. Zhang Juzheng assigned eight teachers to educate the Wanli Emperor in Confucianism, history, and calligraphy. The history lessons focused on teaching him about good and bad examples of governance, and Zhang Juzheng personally compiled a collection of historical stories for the emperor to learn from. However, the Wanli Emperor's fascination with calligraphy concerned Zhang, who feared that this "empty pastime" would distract him from his duties as a statesman. As a result, Zhang gradually stopped the Wanli Emperor's calligraphy lessons. From 1583 to 1588, the Wanli Emperor visited several mausoleums near Beijing and paid attention to the training of the palace guard. His mother, Zhang Juzheng, and high-ranking officials in Beijing were worried that he would become a ruler similar to the Zhengde Emperor (reigned 1505–1521), and discouraged him from traveling outside the Forbidden City and pursuing his interests in the military, horse riding, and archery. Under their pressure, the Wanli Emperor stopped leaving Beijing after 1588 and stopped participating in public sacrifices after 1591. He also canceled the morning audience (held before dawn) and the evening study of Confucianism (after sunset). In his youth, the Wanli Emperor was obedient to his mother and showed respect towards eunuchs and the grand secretaries. However, as he grew older, he became cynical and skeptical towards rituals and bureaucrats. His opposition to ritualized royal duties linked him to his grandfather the Jiajing Emperor (reigned 1521–1567), but he lacked the Jiajing Emperor's decisiveness and flamboyance. Instead of the Jiajing Emperor's passion for Taoism, the Wanli Emperor leaned towards Buddhism.

In the first period of his rule, he displayed a strong commitment to the well-being of his people, actively combating corruption and striving to improve border defense. His mother, a devout Buddhist, had a significant influence on him, leading him to rarely impose the death penalty, but one punished official claimed that his leniency was sometimes excessive. Despite this, he was not afraid to use violence against offending officials, although he did not make it a regular practice. He was known to be both vulnerable and vengeful, but also generous. However, since the mid-1580s, he began to gain weight and his health deteriorated. In 1589, he cited long-term dizziness, accompanied by fevers, heatstroke, eczema, diarrhea, and general weakness as reasons for his absence from audiences. It is believed that his health issues were linked to his regular use of opium.

Zhang Juzheng and his mother raised the Wanli Emperor to be modest in material possessions and exemplary in behavior, which he saw as a humiliation that he never forgot. However, upon learning that Zhang Juzheng himself lived in luxury, the Wanli Emperor was deeply affected. This display of double standards hardened his attitude towards officials and made him cynical about moral challenges. Two years after Zhang Juzheng's death, his family was accused of illegal land dealings, and the Wanli Emperor severely punished them by confiscating their property and sending Zhang's sons to the border troops.

Reign as emperor

Zhang Juzhengs administration (1572–1582)

At the end of the Longqing Emperor's reign, the Grand Secretariat and Government were headed by Senior Grand Secretary and Minister of Rites Gao Gong, but after the Wanli Emperor's accession, the eunuch Feng Bao, head of the Directorate of Ceremonial (the most important eunuch office in the imperial palace), worked with Grand Secretary Zhang Juzheng to depose Gao Gong. Zhang Juzheng then took over as head of the Grand Secretariat and remained in power for ten years until his death in 1582. In response to the Mongol raids in the 1550s, Zhang aimed to "enrich the country and strengthen the army", using legalistic methods rather than Confucian ones. He sought to centralize the government and increase the emperor's authority at the expense of local interests by streamlining the administration and strengthening the military. This included closing local academies and placing the investigating censors under the Grand Secretariat's control. Zhang had the support of eunuchs, particularly Feng Bao, and the emperor's mother, who acted as regent. He was able to handpick his colleagues in the Grand Secretariat and informally control the Ministry of Rites and the Censorate, appointing his followers to important positions in central offices and regions. This gave him significant influence in the government, although he did not have the authority to issue orders or demands. Zhang also attempted to redirect the control officials from seeking revenge against each other and instead focus on collecting taxes and suppressing bandits. As a result, the efficiency of the Ming state administration improved between 1572 and 1582, reaching a level that had only been achieved in the early days of the empire.

Zhang Juzheng implemented a series of reforms during his time in office, including the conversion of tax payments from goods to silver (known as the Single whip reform), changes to the military peasant system, and between 1572 and 1579, revised the accounts of county offices regarding corvée labor and various fees and surcharges. In 1580–1582, a new cadastre was also created. These reforms were formalized across the empire with the publication of revised lists of taxpayers' duties, now converted to a unified payment in silver. As part of the administrative reforms, unnecessary activities were abolished or limited, the number of Confucian students receiving state support was reduced, and provincial authorities were urged to only require one-third of the previous amount of corvée labor. Additionally, the services provided by post offices were reduced. Despite these changes, taxes remained at their original level and tax arrears were strictly enforced. Zhang Juzheng was able to accumulate a surplus of income over expenditure. This was a significant achievement, as the Ming state typically operated without reserves in the 16th century. However, Zhang Juzheng's administration was able to save money and improve tax collection, resulting in considerable reserves. In 1582, the granaries around the capital held nine years' worth of grain, the Taicang treasury of the Ministry of Revenue contained 6 million liang (about 223 tons) of silver, the Court of the Imperial Stud held another 4 million, and an additional 2.5 million was available in Nanjing. Smaller reserves were also available to provincial administrations in Sichuan, Zhejiang, and Guangxi. Despite these achievements, there were no institutional changes during Zhang Juzheng's time in office. He simply made existing processes more efficient under the slogan of returning to the order from the beginnings of the empire.

As a proponent of peace with the Mongols, Zhang Juzheng rejected the proposal of Minister of War Tan Lun for a pre-emptive strike against them. Instead, he ordered Qi Jiguang, commander of the northeastern border, to maintain an armed peace. This decision not only allowed for a reduction in the border army, but also resulted in the return of surplus soldiers to their family farms. Zhang Juzheng not only rejected the notion that military affairs were less important than civilian ones, but also challenged the dominance of civilian dignitaries over military leaders. He appointed capable military leaders such as Qi Jiguang, Wang Chonggu, Tan Lun, Liang Menglong, and Li Chengliang to positions of responsibility. Additionally, he implemented a combination of defensive and offensive measures to strengthen border defenses and fostered peaceful relations with neighboring countries by opening border markets, particularly in the northwest.

Zhang Juzheng's actions were within the bounds of existing legislation, but critics viewed them as an abuse of power to promote his followers and exert illegitimate pressure on officials. However, open criticism was rare until his father's death in 1577. According to the law, Zhang was supposed to leave office due to mourning, but the emperor chose to keep him in office. This was not unprecedented, but criticism of disrespect for parents was widespread. Despite the fact that the most vocal critics were punished with beatings, Zhang Juzheng's reputation was damaged. In an attempt to suppress opposition, Zhang then enforced an extraordinary self-evaluation of all high-ranking officials, resulting in the elimination of around fifty opponents.

Zhang Juzheng died on 9 July 1582. After his death, he was accused of the typical offenses of high officials, including bribery, living in luxury, promoting unqualified supporters, abusing power, and silencing critics. After Zhang Juzheng's death, his followers among the officials were dismissed, and in the beginning of 1583, Feng Bao also lost his position. However, the emperor protected the officers, which boosted their morale to a level not seen since the mid-15th century. The Wanli Emperor's more aggressive military policy was based on Zhang's successes, as he attempted to replace static defense with more offensive tactics and appointed only officials with military experience to lead the Ministry of War. The emperor also shared Zhang Juzheng's distrust of local and regional authorities and opposition to factional politics. Like Zhang Juzheng, the Wanli Emperor preferred to solve real problems rather than engage in "empty talk" and factional conflicts.

Mid-reign (1582–1596)

After Zhang's death, a coalition formed between the emperor's mother, the grand secretaries, the Ministry of Personnel, and the Censorate to ensure efficient administration of the empire. This alliance was opposed by the opposition, who deemed it illegal. However, with the absence of a strong statesman in the Grand Secretariat, there was no one to bring the administration under control. Both the emperor and opposition officials feared the concentration of power in the Grand Secretariat and worked to prevent it. From 1582 to 1591, the Grand Secretariat was briefly led by Zhang Siwei and then for eight years by Shen Shixing. Shen Shixing attempted to find compromises between the monarch and the bureaucracy, while also tolerating criticism and respecting the decisions of ministries and the censors, but his efforts to create a cooperative and cohesive atmosphere were unsuccessful. In 1590, the Grand Secretariat's alliance with the leadership of the Ministry of Personnel and the Censorate fell apart, causing Shen Shixing to lose much of his influence. He was eventually forced to resign in 1591 due to his approach to the succession issue, which had lost him the confidence of opposition officials.

After 1582, the emperor chose the leaders of the Grand Secretariat from among the opponents of Zhang Juzheng (after Shen Shixing, the position was held by Wang Jiaping, Wang Xijue, and Zhao Zhigao until 1601). Except for the short-lived Wang Jiaping, all of Zhang's successors—including Shen Yiguan, Zhu Geng, Li Tingji, Ye Xianggao, and Fang Congzhe—fell out of favor and were either accused by censors during their lifetime or posthumously.

The anti-Zhang opposition, led by Gu Xiancheng, was successful in condemning him and purging his followers from the bureaucracy after his death. However, this also created an opportunity for the censors to criticize higher-ranking officials, which angered the monarch and caused dissatisfaction because the critics did not offer any positive solutions. As a result, Zhang's opponents became embroiled in numerous disputes, hindering the restoration of a strong centralized government. From 1585, the censors also began to criticize the emperor's private life. This criticism was fueled by the emperor's reluctance to impose harsh punishments, which emboldened the critics. In response, the Wanli Emperor tried to silence their informers among his servants and gradually stopped responding to comments about himself. However, in 1588, the Wanli Emperor's censors accused him of accepting a bribe from one of his eunuchs, which shocked the emperor and caused him to withdraw from cooperating with officials. He reduced his contact with them to a minimum and canceled the morning audience. He only appeared in public at celebrations of military victories and communication with the bureaucracy was done through written reports, to which he may or may not have responded. Towards the end of his reign, he also hindered personnel changes in offices, leaving positions vacant and allowing officials to leave without his written consent–which was illegal, but went unpunished. As a result, by 1603, nine positions of regional inspectors (out of 13) were vacant for a long time, and in 1604, almost half of the prefects and over half of the ministers and deputy ministers in both capitals were vacant. The emperor also deliberately left many positions vacant in the eunuch offices of the palace, particularly the position of head of the Directorate of Ceremonial, in an attempt to weaken communication between eunuchs and officials. This also resulted in significant financial savings from unoccupied seats.

The emperor's lack of involvement in official positions did not affect the administration's responsibility for tax collection. In times of military or other serious issues, he sought advice from responsible officials in Ministries and the Censorate, and was not hesitant to appoint capable individuals outside of the traditional hierarchy to handle the situation. However, he had a lack of trust in the regular administration and often found ways to bypass it. While he may have left some memoranda unanswered, he actively responded to others. Despite leaving some high positions vacant, the authorities were able to function under the guidance of deputies and the country's administration continued to run smoothly. Assistance was provided to those affected by famine, rebellions were suppressed, border conflicts were resolved, and infrastructure was maintained.

Hundreds of memoranda arrived on the Wanli Emperor's desk daily, but he only read and decided on a handful of them. The rest were handled by commissioned eunuchs, who were equipped with the imperial "red brush". These eunuchs mostly confirmed the recommendations and proposals of the grand secretaries, but occasionally made different decisions if they believed the emperor would not agree with the grand secretaries' proposals.

Despite his desire to reform the civil service, the emperor was unable to do so, and he also did not want to simply confirm the decisions of the officials. Both sides—the emperor and the bureaucrats—wanted the other to behave properly, but their efforts were unsuccessful and only served to paralyze each other. As a result of these disputes at the center, the state's control over the countryside weakened.

Succession dispute (1586–1614)

In 1586, the issue of succession arose when the emperor elevated his favorite concubine, Lady Zheng, to the rank of "Imperial Noble Consort" (Huang Guifei), placing her only one rank below the empress and above all other concubines, including Lady Wang, mother of the emperor's eldest son Zhu Changluo (1582–1620). This made it clear to those around him that he favored the son of Lady Zheng, Zhu Changxun (1586–1641)—his third son (the second had died in infancy)—over Zhu Changluo as his successor. This caused a division among the bureaucracy; some officials defended the rights of the first son based on legal primogeniture, while others aligned themselves with Lady Zheng's son. In response to the widespread support for the eldest son's rights among officials, the emperor postponed his decision. He justified the delay by stating that he was waiting for a son from the empress. When asked to appoint Zhu Changluo as the crown prince at the age of eight so that his education could officially begin, the emperor again defended himself by saying that princes were traditionally taught by eunuchs.

In 1589, the emperor agreed to appoint Zhu Changluo as his successor. However, this decision was opposed by Lady Zheng, causing a wave of controversy and, two years later, even arrests when a pamphlet accusing her of conspiring with high officials against the emperor's eldest son spread in Beijing. In an attempt to improve her public image, the emperor made efforts to portray Lady Zheng in a favorable light. This reached its peak in 1594 when he supported her efforts to aid the victims of a famine in Henan. He ordered all Beijing officials of the fifth rank and above to contribute to her cause from their incomes.

The failure to appoint a successor sparked frequent protests from both opposition-minded officials and high dignitaries, such as grand secretaries Shen Shixing (in office 1578–91) and Wang Xijue (in office 1584–91 and 1593–94). The rights of Zhu Changluo were also supported by the empress and the emperor's mother, but it was not until 1601, after facing pressure from another round of protests and requests, that the Wanli Emperor finally appointed Zhu Changluo as crown prince. At the same time, Zhu Changxun was given the title of Prince of Fu, but he was kept in Beijing instead of being sent to the province as originally planned when he turned eighteen in 1604. This fueled rumors that the question of succession was still unresolved. It was not until 1614, after numerous appeals and protests against inaction, that the emperor finally sent the prince to his provincial seat. This decision was only made after the emperor's mother firmly advocated for it.

Related to the succession debates was the "case of the attack with the stick", which greatly damaged the ruler's reputation. In late May 1615, a man with a stick was detained at the crown prince's palace. From the subsequent investigation, it was discovered that the man, Zhang Chai, was mentally unstable and had attempted to use his stick to settle a dispute with two eunuchs. Initially, it was decided that he would be executed to resolve the issue, but Wang Zhicai, a prison official, intervened and disputed the claim that Zhang Chai was insane. He pushed for a public investigation involving the Ministry of Justice. This new version of events suggested that Zhang Chai was actually of sound mind and had been invited into the palace by two eunuchs close to Lady Zheng and her brother. This raised suspicions that their true intention was to assassinate the crown prince and replace him with Lady Zheng's son. This caused quite a stir at court. In response, the Wanli Emperor took the unprecedented step of summoning all civilian and military officials employed in Beijing and appearing before them with his family–the crown prince, his sons and daughter. He scolded the officials for doubting his relationship with the crown prince, whom he trusted and relied on. The crown prince himself confirmed their close relationship and requested an end to the matter. Ultimately, the emperor decided to execute Zhang Chai and the two eunuchs involved in the case, but officials from the Ministry of Justice opposed the execution and demanded further investigation. A compromise was reached through the mediation of the grand secretaries—Zhang Chai was executed the following day, while the suspected eunuchs were to be interrogated. The interrogation did take place, but both eunuchs remained under the supervision of the emperor's eunuchs. On the fifth day after the emperor's speech, the officials were informed that the eunuchs had died. The case then quieted down.

Mine Tax crisis (1596–1606)

In August 1596, due to poor tax collection and the depletion of the treasury from the costly restoration of the Forbidden City palaces destroyed by fire in April of that year, the Wanli Emperor made the decision to accept proposals for silver mining that had been suggested by lower-level administrators for several years. He dispatched a team consisting of eunuchs, Imperial Guard officers, and representatives from the Ministry of Revenue to the outskirts of Beijing to establish new silver mines. He also sent an Imperial Guard officer to Henan province with the same task, and within a few weeks, other officers and eunuchs were sent to Shandong, Shaanxi, Zhejiang, and Shanxi provinces. There was a long-standing tradition of sending eunuchs to various regions, as the business, trade, and mining industries provided opportunities for them to earn income. However, within a few days, this initiative was met with opposition from local authorities in Beijing, who raised concerns about the potential threat to imperial tombs in the mountains near Beijing and the difficulty of recruiting miners who were still engaged in illegal mining. In response, the emperor designated a protective zone for the tombs, but did not cancel the mining operation. He also appointed wealthy individuals from the local gentry to manage the mines and oversee necessary investments.

Confucian officials, who were concerned about the erosion of their authority, opposed the emperor's initiative on ideological grounds, as they believed that the state should not engage in business and compete with the people for profit. They also objected to the emperor's involvement in the mining industry, as it required the employment of miners who were considered untrustworthy and derogatorily referred to as "mining bandits". Another reason for the gentry and officials opposition was the fact that eunuchs, a rival power group, were in charge of the mining operations. Furthermore, mining for silver was a complex task that required expertise and skills that the emperor's eunuchs did not possess. To address this issue, the emperor appointed wealthy local individuals as mine managers, who were responsible for paying the mining tax and delivering the silver, regardless of the profitability of the mine. As a result, the mining of silver shifted from underground to the coffers of the wealthy, effectively taxing them. American historian Harry Miller bluntly described the Wanli Emperor's actions as an "economic war against the wealthy".

After the war in Korea reignited in 1597, the emperor made increased efforts to raise additional funds. Due to his lack of trust in the gentry, he began to establish an alternative eunuch regional administration. Gradually, the mining tax commissioners (kuangshi; ; literally 'mining envoy') gained control over the collection of trade and other taxes, in addition to the mining tax (kuangshui; ) which was officially approved by the emperor in 1598–1599. The emperor granted these commissioners the authority to supervise the county and prefectural authorities, and even the grand coordinators. As a result, the imperial commissioners no longer had to consider the opinions of local civil or military authorities. Instead, they could assign tasks to them and even imprison them if they resisted. While the emperor disregarded the protests of officials against the mining tax and the actions of the eunuchs, he closely monitored the reports and proposals of the eunuchs and responded promptly, often on the same day they arrived in Beijing. In 1599, he dispatched eunuchs to major ports, where they took over the powers of official civil administration. The emperor finally resolved disputes with officials defending their powers in the spring of 1599 by officially transferring the collection of taxes to mining commissioners. This expansion of eunuch powers and their operations earned the emperor a reputation among Confucian-oriented intellectuals as one of the most avaricious rulers in Chinese history, constantly seeking ways to fill his personal coffers at the expense of government revenue.

According to American historian Richard von Glahn, tax revenue from silver mines increased significantly from a few hundred kilograms per year before 1597 to an average of 3,650 kg per year in 1597–1606. In the most successful year of 1603, the revenue reached 6,650 kg, accounting for approximately 30% of mining. According to estimates by modern Chinese historians Wang Chunyu and Du Wanyan, the mining tax earned the state an additional 3 million liang (110 tons) of silver, with the eunuch commissioners retaining eight or nine times more. Another estimate suggests that in 1596–1606, the mine commissioners supplied the state with at least 5.96 million liang of silver, but kept 40–50 million for themselves. While officials commonly profited from their positions, eunuchs were known to pocket a significantly larger portion of the collected funds.

At the turn of the years 1605/1606, the emperor realized that not only gentry officials, but also eunuchs, were corrupt. He also recognized that the mining tax was causing more harm than good. As a result, in January 1606, he made the decision to abandon the attempt at alternative administration and issued an edict to abolish state mining operations. Tax collection was then returned to the traditional authorities. The gentry not only suffered financially from the eunuchs' actions, but also lost control over the financial transactions between the people and the state. This loss of control was a significant blow to their perceived dominance over the people. It was a humiliating experience and disrupted the natural order of things. However, by 1606, the gentry regained their dominance over both the people and the state as a whole.

Reforms in the selection and evaluation of officials

In the Ming administrative system, ultimate authority rested with the monarch, but it required an energetic and competent ruler to effectively carry out this power. In cases where the ruler was not capable, the system of checks and balances resulted in collective leadership. This was due to the dispersion of power among various authorities. In the mid-15th century, a system of collective debates (huiguan tuiju; literally 'to rally officials and to recommend collectively') was established to address issues that were beyond the scope of one department. These gatherings involved dozens of officials discussing political and personnel matters. As a result, the importance of public opinion (gonglun; ) grew and the autocratic power of the monarch was limited.

During the Wanli Emperor's reign, one of the issues that was resolved collectively was the appointment of high state dignitaries. At the beginning of his reign, Zhang Juzheng successfully abolished collective debates, giving the emperor the power to appoint high officials based on his own suggestions, but after Zhang's death, the debates were reinstated and the emperor's power was once again limited. Despite this, Wanli attempted to overcome these restrictions, such as in 1591 when he announced his decision to appoint the current Minister of Rites, Zhao Zhigao, as senior grand secretary without consulting with other officials. This decision was met with criticism from Minister of Personnel, Lu Guangzu, who argued that it violated proper procedure and undermined the fairness and credibility of the government's decision-making processes. Lu and others believed that collective consideration of candidates in open public debate was a more impartial and fair method, as it eliminated individual bias and ignorance. In response to the criticism, the emperor partially retreated and promised to follow the proper procedure in the future. However, he continued to occasionally appoint high dignitaries without collective debate, which always sparked protests from officials.

In the late Ming period, there was a widespread belief that public opinion held more weight than individual opinions. This was evident in the way political and administrative issues were addressed, with decision-making being based on gathering information and opinions from officials through questionnaires and voting ballots. This also had an impact on the evaluation of officials, as their performance began to be judged not only by their superiors but also by the wider community. In 1595, Minister of Personnel Sun Piyang conducted a questionnaire survey on the conditions of several offices and used the results to persuade the Wanli Emperor to dismiss a certain official from Zhejiang. The survey had received a large number of negative comments, including accusations of corruption and other crimes. This unprecedented event sparked a heated debate, with Zhao Zhigao arguing that anonymous questionnaires should not be the main criteria for evaluation and that no one should be accused of criminal offenses based on unverified information from anonymous sources. Sun defended himself by stating that solid evidence against the individual was not necessary, as they were not being accused or standing trial. He believed that in evaluating officials, it was sufficient for him to impartially discover the widely held opinion of the individual's recklessness through the survey.

The reform of civil servant evaluations resulted in their careers being dependent on their reputation, as determined by the ministry and censors through anonymous surveys filled out by their colleagues. This shift, along with collective debates, elevated the significance of public opinion during the Wanli Emperor's reign, leading to intense public debates and conflicts as groups of officials vied for control of public opinion while the monarch's authority and the weight of his voice declined.

Donglin movement and factional disputes (1606–1620)

In 1604, Gu Xiancheng, with the suggestion of his friend Gao Panlong, established the Donglin Academy in Wuxi, located in Jiangnan. The academy served as a hub for discussions and meetings. With the support of local authorities and the gentry, the academy quickly gained prominence. As the founders had been out of politics for many years, the government did not view it as a threat. The academy attracted hundreds of intellectuals and soon became a significant intellectual center in all of China. It also inspired the creation of similar centers in nearby prefectures, forming a network of associations and circles.

According to the academy, they was a group of officials who advocated for strict adherence to Confucian morality. The supporters of the Donglin movement believed that living an exemplary life was essential for cultivating moral character, and they did not differentiate between private and public morality. They believed that one's moral cultivation should begin with the mind/heart, then extend to one's home, surroundings, and public life. This belief was exemplified by Gao Panlong. However, they viewed Zhang Juzheng's decision to not mourn for his father as a sign of being an unprincipled profiteer. They also criticized the emperor for hesitating to confirm the succession of his eldest son, considering it unethical and unacceptable. The Donhlin movement promoted a system of government based on Confucian values, particularly the values of the patriarchal family, which were extended to the entire state. They believed that the local administration should be led by the educated gentry, who would guide the people. In this context, the technical aspects of governance were considered unimportant and any issues with the organization of administration were addressed by promoting Confucian virtues, preaching morality, and emphasizing self-sacrifice for higher goals. Disputes within the movement centered around moral values and qualities, with opponents being accused of immoral behavior rather than professional incompetence. The emphasis on morality allowed the Donglin movement to claim that they were not pursuing selfish goals, but were united by universal and true moral principles. Although the leaders of the movement did not return to office until the end of the Wanli Emperor's reign, it had a significant influence among junior officials in Beijing.

They opposed the concentration of power in the Grand Secretariat and the Ministries, advocating for the independence of the Censorate. They also called for limitations on the activities of eunuchs within the imperial palace. Their stance on succession was based on principles, arguing that the ruler does not have the right to unilaterally change fundamental laws of the empire, including succession rules. However, their emphasis on decentralization and prioritizing morality and ideology over pragmatism hindered effective governance of the empire, which was already challenging due to its size and population.

The tendency to equate personal virtue with administrative talent led to morality becoming the main target in factional disputes. The regular evaluation of the capital officials was often used to eliminate opponents. In 1577, Zhang Juzheng used this type of evaluation for the first time, resulting in the removal of 51 of his opponents. Another evaluation in 1581 led to the dismissal of 264 officials in the capital and 67 in Nanjing, which was a significant purge considering that during the late Ming period, there were over a thousand officials serving in the central government in Beijing and almost four hundred in Nanjing. In 1587, only 31 jinshi were removed by Gand Secretary Shen Shixing, but none from the Ministry of Personnel, the Hanlin Academy, and the Censorate, where factional disputes were common. The censors also demanded the dismissal of the Minister of Works He Qiming, apparently for political reasons (as a supporter of Zhang Juzheng), just a month after his appointment, which angered the emperor. The minister was forced to leave, and the emperor also dismissed the head of the Censorate and transferred the responsible inspectors to the provinces. This sparked protests against "the emperor's interference in the independence of the Censorate".

In the 1593 evaluation, the Donglins utilized their positions in the Ministry of Personnel and the Censorate to eliminate the followers of the grand secretaries. The newly appointed Senior Grand Secretary, Wang Xijue, was unable to support his party members. He did, however, request the dismissal of several organizers of the purge during additional evaluations. The head of the Censorate opposed this, but the emperor ultimately agreed, sparking further protests from junior officials, including future founders of the Donglin Academy. By the time of the 1599 evaluation, the Donglin opposition had lost its influence, resulting in a more peaceful evaluation. In the 1605 evaluation, the Donglin movement once again attacked their opponents, and through Wen Chun, the head of the Censorate, and Yang Shiqiao, Vice Minister of Personnel, demanded the dismissal of 207 officials from the capital and 73 from Nanjing. The emperor did not agree to such a large-scale purge and explicitly stated that several of the accused officials should remain in their positions. This was an unprecedented refusal and sparked sharp criticism, leading to a months-long debate filled with mutual recriminations. Even Heaven seemed to intervene when lightning struck the Temple of Heaven. Eventually, the accused officials were forced to resign, but so were the organizers of the purge, including Grand Secretary Shen Yiguan, the following year. While the Donglins were successful in dismissing their opponents, they did not have suitable candidates for top positions. And even when a candidate like Li Sancai emerged, he was thwarted in the same way—through an attack on his moral integrity—in Li's case, through bribery. This was also the first instance where a connection to the Donglin movement was used as an argument against a candidate.

In the 1611 evaluation, two anti-Donglin factions clashed, resulting in the downfall of their leaders (Tang Binyin, Chancellor of Nanking University, and Gu Tianjun, teacher of the heir apparent). The career of the highest-ranking Donglin sympathizer, Vice Minister of Personnel and Hanlin Academy scholar, Wang Tu, was also ruined. In the 1617 evaluation, three cliques based on regional origin were in conflict, formed by anti-Donglin censors. In the last decade of the Wanli Emperor's reign, the spineless bureaucrat Fang Congzhe led the Grand Secretariat, while the emperor left many high administrative positions vacant for long periods and simply ignored polemical memoranda.

Economy

Climate and natural disasters

The years 1570–1620 were relatively warm, especially in winter, with an average temperature one degree higher than the previous half century. However, the weather was also drier, leading to occasional flooding. This trend was particularly evident in the years 1585–1589 and 1614–1619, which experienced severe droughts. On the other hand, cold winters were recorded in 1595–1598 and 1616–1620, resulting in an increase in snowy landscapes depicted in Chinese paintings. In addition to these weather patterns, China also faced other natural disasters during this time period. In 1586, extensive flooding occurred, while locust raids destroyed crops in 1587, 1609, and 1615–1619, following periods of drought. Deforestation in the northwest also caused sandstorms, which covered Beijing in clouds of dust in 1618 and 1619. The most significant natural disaster during the Wanli era was the earthquake that struck China in December 1604. Its epicenter was located 30 km off the coast of Fujian, resulting in the destruction of the port cities of Quanzhou and Zhangzhou, as well as damage to buildings in Moon Port. The effects of the earthquake were felt as far as Shanghai and inland areas such as Huguang and Guangxi. The worst individual disasters were the floods in the north in 1585 followed by a major epidemic the following year; a severe drought across the country in 1589; droughts in Fujian and the north in the second decade of the 17th century; and finally, widespread floods in 1613.

Overall, the most difficult years of the Wanli era were the periods 1586–88 and 1615–17. The drought-induced famine of 1587–88 was the first major famine since the mid-1540s, followed by an epidemic. According to the historian of demography Zhao Shuqi, half of the people in northern China died during this time, causing the population of Shanxi, Zhili, and Henan provinces to decrease from 25.6 million in 1580 to 12.8 million in 1588. The Yangtze Valley was also affected by these disasters. The disasters in the years 1586–88 shocked the government, however, the reserves accumulated by Zhang Juzheng helped overcome the difficulties. The authorities learned from this crisis and were able to intervene when the Henan famine broke out six years later, preventing it from spreading.

The second series of natural disasters began in 1615, preceded by two years of flooding in northern China. This combination of floods and drought greatly impacted agriculture, leading to regions across the country requesting assistance starting in the autumn of 1615. The situation was particularly dire in Shandong, where 900,000 people were starving and the civil administration was beginning to fall apart due to food shortages. The famine spread from northern China to the Yangtze River basin by the end of the year, and the following year it affected Guangdong. By the following year, the northwest and southwest regions of the Ming dynasty were also affected. The drought and floods continued until 1620.

In response to the famine, local authorities did not rely on state reserve granaries, which had mostly disappeared, but instead called on the wealthy to purchase and import grain. Officials only intervened by setting maximum prices. This meant that the state did not have to maintain a stockpile of grain when it could be purchased on the market. However, even in fertile years, regions such as Jiangnan still struggled due to their dependence on rice imports.

New crops from America

In the first third of the 16th century, Europeans brought new agricultural crops to China, including maize, sweet potatoes, and groundnuts. These crops were documented to have been cultivated in China during the second third of the 16th century. During the Wanli era, other originally American species such as tobacco and sweet potatoes were introduced and spread throughout the country.

Tobacco was commercially grown in Fujian and exported to the Philippines in the early 17th century, and cultivation began in Guangdong. Initially, tobacco was popular among the poor in Jiangnan, but eventually became a habit among the elite. By the beginning of the Qing period, it was reported that "every official, soldier, and eight out of ten peasants" in the region smoked. It was not until the 1630s that Beijing officials began to mention tobacco.

Sweet potatoes arrived in China in the early 1590s, possibly even earlier. They were brought by Chinese merchants from the Philippines to Fujian and Guangdong, and may have also been imported from Đại Việt. After a famine in Fujian in 1594, the local governor encouraged and promoted the cultivation of sweet potatoes. These crops quickly took hold in Fujian and Guangdong, and later spread to other regions of China in the second half of the 17th century.

Economic developments

During the Wanli era, there was a significant boom in industry, particularly in the production of silk, cotton, and porcelain. The textile industry in Shaanxi employed a large number of people, while Guangdong saw the emergence of large ironworks with thousands of workers. This period also saw the development of specialization in agricultural production and a significant increase in interregional trade. The impact of this development was most strongly felt in Jiangnan, where cities such as Suzhou, Songjiang, Jiaxing, and Nanjing flourished. Suzhou, known for its silk and financial industries, saw its population grow to over half a million by the end of the 16th century, while Songjiang became a center for cotton cultivation.

A significant portion of the production was exported in exchange for silver. Between 1560 and 1640, the Spanish colonies in the Americas shipped 1,000 tons of silver across the Pacific, with 900 tons ending up in China. However, during this same time period, Japan sent 6–7 times more silver to China. This influx of foreign silver coincided with the commercialization of the economy, which led to growth in industries such as cotton and silk, as well as the growth of cities and trade, but this commercialization did not result in prosperity for all. Land and rice prices remained stagnant, and even fell in the 1570s and 1580s, before experiencing a sudden increase in 1587–89 due to famines in southern China. Additionally, wages and labor productivity in the Jiangnan cotton industry also declined. Contemporary commentators observed that while the market economy was thriving, state finances remained poor. Despite the luxurious lifestyle of urban elites, the majority of peasants and day laborers continued to live in poverty. These economic changes also brought about changes in values, particularly in regards to official Confucian doctrines.

During the 16th century, the Ming state gradually shifted towards the policy of zhaoshang maiban (; 'the government purchase from private merchants'). For example, during the Jiajing era, the government began purchasing clothes for silver instead of relying on state textile factories in Suzhou and Hangzhou, which had since disappeared and been replaced by private factories. This marked the emergence of a market economy, where traders were no longer mere extensions of the state apparatus and were able to negotiate prices and contract volumes. State contracts also encouraged the growth of private enterprises, while the quality of production in state factories declined. For instance, in 1575, the army had to return 5,000 unusable shields. By the late 16th century, army officers were refusing to use goods produced by state workshops and instead demanded silver from the government to purchase equipment on the market. The government obtained the necessary silver by converting compulsory services into payments in the single bar reform. The aim of the reform was to eliminate levies in kind, services, and compulsory work in the lijia system and replace them with a surcharge to the land tax paid in silver. Transfers of various duties to silver payments had been taking place in various counties since the 1520s, with the most intense changes occurring in the 1570s to the 1590s. The reform was implemented by county authorities throughout the country. The changes proceeded from the more developed south of the country to the north, where the introduction of procedures common in the south caused a wave of resistance. Controversy centered primarily on the repeal of progressive household taxation: advocates of the reform argued that wealthy households usually received tax exemptions, making progressive taxation only fictitious. By the end of the 16th century, land tax surcharges had already replaced almost all benefits and labor performed in the lijia system.

In an effort to streamline the collection of land tax in 1581, Senior Grand Secretary Zhang Juzheng advocated for the creation of a new cadastre. Over the course of 1581–1582, fields were measured, boundaries were marked, sizes were calculated, and owners and tenants were recorded. Cadastral maps were also compiled during this time. Due to Zhang's untimely death, there was no final summary of data for the entire country, but at the local level, the work served its purpose. Zhang's cadastre served as the foundation for later Ming and Qing cadastres.

As early as 1581, the Ministry of Revenue had compiled the Wanli kuai ji lu (; 'Record of the accounting procedures of the Wanli reign'), which provided an overview of taxes and fees throughout the empire. This document highlighted the complexity, diversity, and dependence on local conditions of these taxes, making unification a challenging task. After incorporating some compulsory works, the land tax amounted to 5–10% of the harvest, but in the four most heavily taxed prefectures of South Zhili, it reached 14–20%. In the 1570s–1590s, approximately 21 million liangs of silver were collected for the land tax, mostly in the form of grain.

Trade

Outside of Jiangnan, in most counties of Ming China, few products were traded across borders, with the most important being grain. Grain was primarily imported to Jiangnan from Jiangxi, Huguang, and western South Zhili, while North Zhili imported rice from Shandong and Beijing imported tax rice. The majority of rice on the market was collected by landlords from their tenants as rent. However, the grain market also facilitated the production of non-food goods, particularly textiles. In Jiangnan, there were areas that did not grow rice, but instead focused on textile crops such as cotton and mulberry. Mulberries were primarily grown in northern Zhejiang, with Huzhou being a central ___location. In and around Songjiang, cotton was grown on more than half of the land. The focus was not just on growing and producing goods, but also on selling them. In the late Ming period, the economy in Jiangnan shifted from cultivation to the processing of cotton, which was imported from Shandong, Henan, Fujian, and Guangdong. Suzhou and Hangzhou were known as centers for the production of luxury goods, while ordinary fabrics were produced in the surrounding areas. Within the production process, there was specialization in individual stages, such as spinning and weaving.

Of the various regional merchant groups, those from Shanxi dominated the salt trade in the interior, including Sichuan. Meanwhile, merchants from Huizhou controlled long-distance trade on the Grand Canal and were the most influential wholesalers and retailers in Jiangnan. They were followed by merchants from Suzhou, Fujian, and Guangzhou, in that order. Merchants from Jiangxi operated on a smaller scale, mainly in Henan, Huguang, and Sichuan. Local agents offered boats, crew, and porters for hire on trade routes. Travel guides were published, providing information on routes, distances, inns, famous places, ferries, and safety. Commercial intermediaries allowed for the sending of money through drafts.

Women entrepreneurs emerged, selling various goods, and also acted as intermediaries in legal disputes. Conservatives viewed women's involvement in trade with disdain, as seen in the case of Li Le, who praised a prefect for "banning gambling and women from selling at markets" in the Jiaxing prefecture.

Silver

The growth of silver imports in the first third of the 16th century led to an increase in its use. By the second half of the 16th century, Ming statesmen were already concerned that silver would completely replace bronze coins. In the last third of the 16th century, the issue of the relationship between silver and coins became a central topic in discussions about monetary policy. Some officials suggested halting the production of coins due to their lack of profitability, while their opponents argued that this was a short-sighted policy that ignored the long-term benefits of increasing circulation. This allowed silver to become the dominant currency. In the 1570s and 1580s, debates about currency were dominated by concerns about silver shortages causing deflation, but these debates died down in the 1590s.

The import of silver had a significant impact on the Ming economy. Its price relative to gold and copper fell by half during the Wan-li era, but its purchasing power was still greater compared to the rest of the world. The Ministry of Revenue's silver income doubled during the 1570s alone, from about 90 tons to approximately 165 tons per year. The income of local authorities also increased, such as in the Moon Port, the main center of foreign maritime trade, where trade licenses and customs fees grew from 113 kg of silver to over one ton between 1570 and 1594. However, the influx of silver also led to the export of gold and coins. This influx of silver also had negative effects, as inflation appeared in regions with a surplus of silver in the late 16th and early 17th centuries, such as the southeast coast, Jiangnan, and the Grand Canal.

Coinage

Silver was distrusted by many officials because they feared dependence on its inflow from abroad and did not trust its ability to provide all the functions of money. As a result, they attempted to revive the use of coins. In 1571–1572, the mints were briefly opened, but Zhang Juzheng reopened them in 1576. He restored the mints in Beijing and Nanjing, and later in Yunnan. Additionally, he opened mints in both the northern provinces where coins were commonly used—Shanxi, Shandong, and Henan—as well as in provinces where they were not commonly used—Shaanxi, Jiangxi, Fujian, and Huguang. While the mints in the metropolitan areas were state-owned, those in the provinces were run by licensed entrepreneurs. However, the production of coins faced immediate challenges such as a shortage of copper and difficulties in hiring qualified personnel. In Jiangxi, for example, the mint was only able to produce 5% of the planned amount of coins. In response, the authorities decreed that at least 70% of tax payments must be made in new coins and encouraged merchants to import coins from surrounding provinces, but merchants often supplied low-quality privately produced coins, which were illegal. Similarly, the introduction of coins failed in Fujian, where silver was already widely used. Zhang's monetary policy was fragmented, with each province's officials making their own decisions on supporting coinage. This led to various issues, such as a revolt in Hangzhou in 1582 when soldiers' salaries were converted into coins in Zhejiang, and the banning of private exchange offices in Jiangxi, which hindered the circulation of new coins. Some provinces also prohibited the export of coins from their territory, while others prohibited coins cast outside their territory. Attempts to introduce new coins into circulation by selling them at a discount only benefited money changers who bought cheap coins from the authorities and resold them at the normal market price. In some cases, attempts to ban the use of illegal private coins resulted in violent protests and the lifting of the bans. While coins cast in Beijing were accepted by the market, low-quality private coins continued to dominate in the south. In 1579, Zhang admitted that the attempt to introduce coins had failed. He closed the Yunnan mint the following year and most of the other provincial mints in 1582, but three mints in Huguang continued to operate, casting different coins and leading to the division of the province into several mint zones. After Zhang's death, his successors and opponents closed most of the mints due to inefficiency. Zhang's opponents argued that the state should not interfere in market and currency affairs and impose a currency that the people did not want. On the other hand, some argued that while silver served as a capital and store of value, coins were essential as a medium of exchange and their production, even if unprofitable, would lead to economic recovery in the long run.

In 1599, the Wanli Emperor returned to an expansive monetary policy. The production of new coins was concentrated in Nanjing, where the capacity of mints increased tenfold, but the circulation of these coins was limited to the immediate vicinity of Nanjing. As a result, there was a surplus of coins in the city, causing their value to decrease from 850 to 1300 per liang of silver. However, in 1606, floods disrupted the import of metals, causing the price of copper to rise. In response, the state limited coin production and laid off 3,000 workers from the mints. These workers then used their knowledge to produce illegal coins. As a result, private coins began to replace national coins within a few years. The government responded by banning the use of private coins, but this caused money changers to stop accepting any coins as a precaution. Nanjing merchants followed suit, leading to riots among the people. This was especially problematic for day laborers and workers who were paid in coins and relied on merchants accepting them for their daily needs. The use of less valuable private coins became more beneficial for their day-to-day transactions.

Culture and society

Philosophy

Wang Yangming rejected the idea of Confucianism as a fixed belief, stating that "The Way is not the private property of Confucius." He emphasized the importance of self-awareness and self-knowledge over strict adherence to doctrine. In general, he shifted the focus of Confucianism from following the teachings of past sages to following one's own heart. In the 1570s, Zhang Juzheng emerged as a strong opponent of Wang's followers, offering an alternative perspective. Zhang emphasized the pragmatic pursuit of state interests, in contrast to the emphasis on personal improvement within Wang's teachings. He believed that actions that benefited the state and its people were the correct ones, stating "If it is to the benefit of the state, I would do it regardless of life or death". Zhang justified his actions against those who were preoccupied with moral debates and self-reflection, viewing them as irresponsible and unproductive. He did not see them as moral role models, but rather as lazy individuals.

After the death of Zhang Juzheng in 1584, three Ming philosophers, Hu Juren, Chen Xianzhang, and Wang Yangming, were given exceptional official recognition. They were among the supporters of private Confucian academies whose tablets were placed in the Temple of Confucius. Wang Yangming's followers, particularly Wang Gen and his students, known as the Taizhou School, were the most radical in their rejection of Zhuist orthodoxy. In the late 16th century, Li Zhi accused the conformists in authority of hypocrisy, prioritizing their own benefit and career over correctness. He also questioned the infallibility of the classics and defended the legitimacy of human desires. Li Zhi believed that pursuing self-interest was good, as it motivated peasants, artisans, and scholars to perform their professions to the best of their abilities. This led to the spread of values such as materialism, pragmatism, and utilitarianism, and the judging of people not by their occupation but by their wealth. As a result, the social status of poor scholars was no longer higher than that of rich merchants. The enthusiasm for Wang Yangming's subjectivism reached its peak at the turn of the 16th and 17th centuries, when individual experience was valued above traditional patterns. These attitudes later influenced the criticality and empiricism of the Qing Confucians.

In the late 16th century, there was a growing trend towards syncretism, which seemed to stem from a dissatisfaction with traditional Confucian beliefs. Lin Zhao'en, known as the "Master of the Three Teachings", sought to connect Confucianism with Buddhism and Taoism, particularly in regards to Taoist healing practices. Along with his studies in Confucianism, Hu Zhi also delved into Buddhism and Taoism, practicing meditation and ultimately achieving enlightenment. From a Buddhist perspective, this was seen as a "revelation of Buddha-Nature", while Confucians viewed it as a "discovery of the heart/mind through innate knowledge".

In 1603, Gu Xiancheng, upon the suggestion of his friend Gao Panlong, revived the Donglin Academy as a hub for discussions on Confucianism. This initiative attracted hundreds of educated individuals who engaged in regular debates, quickly establishing the academy as a prominent intellectual center on a national level. The Donglins rejected the Buddhist and Taoist practice of seclusion, instead advocating for active participation in public life. The academy's leaders aimed for a moral revival to improve the political climate of the country. They opposed the devotion to intuition promoted by Wang's follower Wang Ji and the Taizhou School, instead emphasizing disciplined effort and action. Following Zhu Xi's model, they divided their studies between reading books and meditation, which they did not associate with Chan Buddhist, but rather derived from Confucian ritualism.

Calligraphy and painting

In his theoretical works, Dong Qichang (1555–1636) from Songjiang, a renowned scholar who excelled in literary composition, painting, and calligraphy from a young age, best expressed the aesthetic rules of the Imperial Painting Academy. While he was primarily known as a theoretician of painting, he also wrote about the history of calligraphy. Dong emphasized the importance of painting as a form of calligraphic expression and encouraged artists to study the techniques of past masters. In order to validate his own artistic abilities, he argued that throughout history, painters were divided into two distinct schools: the ink painting of the Southern School, which strove to express the inner essence of the subject, and the descriptive, decorative tradition of professional "craftsman" painters of the Northern School. He himself positioned himself at the end of the development of the Southern School as the true heir of literati painting, seeking to express the thoughts of the creator rather than seeking material gain. His monumental ink landscapes became the standard for traditional painting, and it was not until the 20th century that the concept of the Northern and Southern Schools was reevaluated. One of the notable painters of the Wanli era was Wu Bin, who worked in Nanjing and later at the Beijing court. He was known for his eccentric style, influenced by the local Fujian tradition and elements of the Wu School, which gave his paintings a sense of elegance and beauty, but he also incorporated expressive techniques from the Zhe School.

Dong Qichang was a dominant figure in the theory and practice of late Ming calligraphy. In his works on calligraphy, he placed the masters of his Songjiang region above those of Suzhou. He stressed the importance of studying calligraphy from the Eastern Jin (4th century) and Tang (7th–9th century) periods, specifically highlighting the works of Wang Xizhi and Wang Xianzhi. However, he did not advocate for direct imitation of their styles, but rather a thorough analysis of their techniques. Other notable calligraphers from the second half of the 16th century in Songjiang included Dong Qichang's friend Chen Jiru, a versatile artist and collector, and Xu Wei, a predecessor of individual Qing dynasty artists, known for his "flowers and birds" genre paintings and his "crazy conceptual calligraphy" style, which was similar to abstract painting.

Poetry

In the 1570s and 1580s, Wang Shizhen held the esteemed position of literary arbiter and most respected critic of Ming China. He was a versatile artist and the leading figure among the Later Seven Masters of the Ming. In the following generation, at the beginning of the 17th century, poets focused on expressing their own nature, individual creativity, and emotions. Their thinking was influenced by the individualistic philosophy of Li Zhi. Prominent figures of this era included Tang Xianzu, a poet, essayist, calligrapher, dramatist, and literary theorist; Xu Wei, a poet, essayist, calligrapher, painter, and dramatist; and Tu Long, a poet, critic, dramatist, art collector, and connoisseur. One of the most notable poets of the Wanli era was Hu Yinglin, who came from a wealthy family but chose to pursue literature instead of a career in the civil service after failing the examinations. Although his poems were not particularly significant, he compiled an encyclopedia of poetics called Shisou (Thickets of criticism). In this work, he provided a structured overview of poetic forms, history, and sources from the perspective of the archaizing movement. This movement viewed Tang poetry as the pinnacle of poetic achievement, but also recognized its revival during the Yuan period and the contributions of the seven earlier and seven later masters in the 16th century.

The poets of the Gong'an School, particularly the Yuan brothers—Yuan Hongdao, Yuan Zongdao, and Yuan Zhongdao—held distinct positions. Li Zhi had a direct influence on the Yuan brothers and their Gong'an school, shaping their rejection of traditional authorities, avoidance of imitation (which they believed stifled creativity), pursuit of natural expression, and advocacy for drama and fiction as legitimate literary forms. However, the poetry of the three brothers was largely conventional; they differed from previous generations (Earlier Seven Masters and Later Seven Masters of the Ming) by imitating middle Tang (especially Bai Juyi) and Song (Su Shi) poetry rather than the pinnacle of Tang poetry. In this, they followed Wang Shizhen, who also looked to middle Tang and Song poets as role models. More than their poetry, the brothers' criticism was widely read and their conclusions had gained general recognition by the mid-17th century.The brothers were also active in literary associations, blending Confucianism with Buddhism and Taoism, and exploring various prose and encyclopedic disciplines such as floristry and pharmacopoeia. Yuan Hongdao was a proponent of literature written in colloquial language, arguing that it too was capable of conveying moral truths. Literary connections were not limited to the educated gentry, but also extended to professional painters, writers, and calligraphers, as well as art-loving merchants, talented women, and courtesans. This diverse cultural scene became a significant aspect of Ming literature in the following generation.

During the turn of the 16th and 17th centuries, another literary movement emerged known as the Jingling School, led by Tan Yuanchun and Zhong Xing. While they shared the belief of the Gong'an school that poetry should express "natural feelings", they criticized the imitation of Bai Juyi and Su Shi as producing "vulgar and crude" poetry. Instead, they focused on cultivating their own style, striving to capture the depth and scale of their favorite pre-Tang and Tang works, but often falling into the trap of imitation. Their most notable contributions were the anthologies Return to Old poetry (; Gushi gui) and Return to Tang poetry (; Tangshi gui), published in 1614 and 1617 respectively, in which they expressed their views on poetic creation. The success of these anthologies was further enhanced by the contributions of Min Qiji, who distinguished the poems in color from the editors' notes and comments for the convenience of readers.

Literature and drama

In 1566, Tan Kai, a retired official and bibliophile, published Extensive Records of the Taiping Reign (Taiping guangji), a collection of seven thousand mostly supernatural stories from the early Song dynasty. This collection revived many Tang and older stories and tales. During this time, writers edited and published both old and new stories, as well as short story collections. Some notable examples include Wang Tonggui's Tales Overheard (Ertan, 1597), Su Changzuo's Complete Records of Yanshan (Yanshan conglu, 1602), and Qian Xiyan's Garden of Cleverness (Kaiyuan, 1613), which gained great popularity. Short stories in the classical language were written by Song Maocheng and Pan Zhiheng, while Ling Mengchu and Feng Menglong wrote in the colloquial language. Around 1590, the genre of novels in colloquial language, which was rare at the time, began to flourish. Two notable novels from the Wanli era were Journey to the West, one of the Four Classic Chinese Novels, and the socio-critical Jin Ping Mei. Additionally, Luo Maodeng's 1597 novel The Eunuch Sanbao's Voyage to the Western Ocean (Sanbao taijian xiyang ji) was the first work to impress readers with the size of Zheng He's "treasure ships".

The development of drama was greatly influenced by Liang Chenyu, who incorporated the Kunshan style of music, known as Kunqu, into his drama Washing Silken Gauze (; Huan Sha Ji). This combination of Kunqu music and Chuanqi dramatic form was a huge success, leading to the merging of the two concepts. As a result, in the following decades, numerous authors and plays emerged. The most prestigious position in the theater world was held by private theater troupes, who were employed by the wealthy for their own entertainment and that of their guests. Among the playwrights, Tang Xianzu was particularly notable for his "four dream plays", with his work The Peony Pavilion being highly regarded. Another important playwright of the Wanli era was Zheng Zhizhen, who adapted the popular story Mulian Rescues His Mother (Mulian jiu mu xing xiao xi wen) into a theatrical form. Of Shen Jing's dramas, only the play The Noble Knight-Errant (Yixia ji; an adaptation of one of the chapters of Water Margin) succeeded, yet he became an important theoretician. His followers are known as the Wujiang School. In theory, he emphasized the role of music, which he considered more important than the textual component of the play (the opposite opinion was defended by Tang Xianzu). Zang Maoxun compiled the Anthology of Yuan Plays (Yuanqu xuan), which became the basic source of Yuan zaju dramas for four centuries, however, the plays in it do not have an original form, but were significantly modified by Zang in accordance with late Ming values and artistic attitudes

Books, the book market, and newspapers

In the early 16th century, printed literature prevailed over manuscript literature, leading to an explosive expansion of written texts. Compared to Europe, paper was cheap in China and woodblock printing did not require a large initial investment, allowing for the rapid spread of printed literature of various kinds and genres. This abundance of books was noted by Europeans such as Matteo Ricci during the Wanli era, who marveled at the wealth of literary resources in China. While books were generally affordable, rare prints could still be quite expensive, costing up to a hundred liangs of silver. The widespread availability of books also led to an increase in leisure reading, as people were not only reading for work, but also for pleasure. According to European visitors, literacy was widespread in China, with even the poorest families having access to education and the ability to read and write. This resulted in a larger number of people reading books in China and around the world than ever before.

The book market grew exponentially. In the first third of the 16th century, the market was relatively limited and focused mainly on Confucian classics, official histories, and neo-Confucian philosophers. These books were printed in princely palaces, offices, and commercially, with a particular concentration in Fujian, specifically in Jianning Prefecture in the northern part of the province. However, in the Wanli era, commercial publishers began printing a wide range of literature in hopes of making a profit. This included not only the aforementioned official literature, but also various genres of fiction, encyclopedias, and manuals of all kinds. These ranged from "pocket classics" for students to guides on how to become a writer or lead the country. The market was also flooded with manuals and encyclopedias on household management. By the end of the century, fiction had become extremely popular. The affordability of printing allowed for the distribution of specialized books, such as medical texts, which had previously only been available in manuscript form.

The most significant regions for book production were Suzhou, Fujian, and Zhejiang. Suzhou was known for printing the highest quality and most expensive books, while Fujian produced the largest quantity at the lowest cost. Zhejiang ranked second in both aspects. The growth and commercialization of the book market encouraged academics to publish their own work, a departure from the previous practice of having their students or descendants publish for them. Esteemed scholars could rely on publishers to pay them in advance for their writing, with the expectation of making a profit. This led to the emergence of scholars who focused solely on writing and publishing.

Private libraries were growing in size. During the Song dynasty, it was rare for someone to have a library with ten thousand juan, but during the Wanli era, private libraries in Jiangnan had 30,000 to 50,000 juan. Some scholars, like Ge Jian from Yangzhou, even had 10,000 titles in their personal collections (with each title possibly costing several tens of juan). There were dozens of these extensive private libraries in existence. Due to their size, many of these large private libraries were housed in separate buildings. For example, the famous bibliophile Mao Kun's library had twelve rooms. These impressive private libraries were a source of amazement for Europeans.

Private newspapers also began to emerge during this time. Initially, they mainly republished material from the official gazette, but eventually they started to produce their own news. As early as the 1590s, former minister Yu Shenxing expressed concern that newspaper publishers were exaggerating the failures of the fighting on the northern border, causing unnecessary panic among the population. He criticized their focus on sensational news for the sake of marketability and profit, rather than reporting on truly important events.

Imperial examinations

Only individuals with official status were able to ensure the preservation of a merchant family's wealth. As a result, merchants often encouraged their sons to pursue education and obtain an official rank. However, during the first two centuries of the Ming dynasty, only candidates from families of officials, peasants (or landowners), craftsmen, and soldiers were allowed to take the civil service examinations. Merchants were not permitted to participate. In the Wanli era, merchants were finally allowed to participate in the imperial examinations, but only one candidate, Zheng Maohua in 1607, was able to pass the highest level of the exams, known as the palace examinations, and obtain the jinshi rank. Despite this, merchants still managed to pass the examinations by registering under the names of others or posing as peasants or soldiers from a different ___location. As a result, in the late Ming period, the majority of successful examination candidates came from merchant families.

In the students' environment, the eight-legged essay was an important genre, and mastery of it was crucial for success in examinations. This literary form emerged in the Wanli era and gained popularity over the course of a century. It was not yet rigid and was seen as a challenge for intellectuals to showcase their stylistic dexterity. Esteemed art critics like Li Zhi and Yuan Hongdao valued this genre for its experimental and innovative nature. However, mastering the eight-legged essay required more than just individual study. The preferences and styles favored by examiners were constantly changing, giving an advantage to candidates from larger cities who could keep up with these trends. This is why it was beneficial to be part of literary societies. In the 1570s, these societies began publishing successful essays with commentary and criticism. Additionally, collections of model essays were published by the authorities starting in 1587.

The study was costly; for example, Wang Shizhen spent 300 liang (11.2 kg) of silver per year on his studies. Even the poorest candidates had to cover at least a third of the cost, often resulting in debt. After being appointed to office, officials had to use their salaries to pay off creditors, who were often wealthy merchants, but official salaries were not high, with county heads only earning 87 liang per year in the 16th century. As a result, most officials relied on the revenues from their office, and any significant increase in wealth was considered corrupt.

In 1583, the government tightened control over provincial examinations by selecting chief examiners and their deputies from members of the Hanlin Academy. Previously, these positions were held by teachers in charge of county and prefectural state schools, who typically only passed the provincial examinations.

Clothing

In the early Ming period, the style, materials, and color of clothing were determined by the state. As early as 1541, the Ministry of Rites prohibited inappropriate styles of dress. By the 1560s, these prohibitions were no longer being enforced and people began to dress according to ever-changing fashion trends. The city of Suzhou became the center of fashion and set the trends for the rest of the country. This distinction between appropriate and inappropriate extended beyond clothing to items of daily use and household equipment. The arbiters of taste and elegance condemned the ostentatious display of wealth, such as the use of gold utensils and dishes, as vulgar behavior of the uneducated wealthy. This behavior was becoming more common due to the influx of silver from abroad, which led to the enrichment of merchants who surpassed landowners in terms of wealth and extravagant spending. These "nouveau riche" individuals sought social recognition, but the traditional elites fought back and tried to maintain their upper hand. One of their tactics was the institution of fashion. In the last decade of the Wanli era, the fear of the wealth and influence of the "nouveau riche" reached its peak. On the other hand, from the 1590s onwards, writers from the gentry class produced manuals instructing the ignorant on what objects and antiques were appropriate to own and how to properly dispose of them in accordance with cultural norms. However, the counterfeiting of antiquities and valuables also became widespread.

Fashion was also intertwined with sexual relations, as educated and cultured courtesans like Xue Susu and Ma Shouzhen emerged, breaking free from the traditional role of women being limited to the household. A trend for sexual relations with boys also emerged among the elite, openly defying Confucian norms.

Military and foreign policy

Restoration of Ming military power in the last third of the 16th century

The largest military campaigns of the Wanli era were known as the "Three Great Campaigns of the Wanli Era". The first of these was the suppression of the rebellion in Ningxia, followed by the Imjin War with Japan in Korea and the suppression of the Yang Yinglong rebellion in Bozhou. These campaigns involved the mobilization of tens and hundreds of thousands of troops, as well as their movement and long-distance supply. The success of the Ming dynasty in these campaigns can be attributed to the overall increase in China's military power during the 1570s to the first decade of the seventeenth century. During this time, the Ming dynasty was aggressively expanding along all frontiers, including launching raids into the Mongolian steppes and supporting the colonization of Han borderlands. In addition to these three major campaigns, the Ming troops also suppressed several rebellions within the empire and successfully expanded and secured the borders in the southwest through battles with the Burmese. This allowed for the colonization of previously indigenous territories in the southwest and northwest. The Ming dynasty also actively interfered in the affairs of the Jurchens in the northeast.

Following the example of his teacher Zhang Juzheng, the Wanli Emperor placed great emphasis on military affairs. This was one of the few areas where most civil officials felt insecure, giving the emperor the ability to enforce his will. In order to bypass the usual bureaucratic procedures, Wanli relied on successful generals. In the emperor's eyes, generals were more dependable and trustworthy than officials, as they spent most of their time in the field and did not have the opportunity to build networks of support in the capital. Additionally, the Wanli Emperor saw generals as representatives of a different lifestyle, one that was more free and unartistic. He took great care in selecting capable generals and was not afraid to give them extraordinary powers, allowing them to make quick decisions without waiting for his approval. This contributed greatly to the success of their campaigns. The Wanli Emperor was also willing to allocate significant funds from his reserves to supply and equip the troops, and he entrusted the generals with powers and responsibilities that were typically reserved for civil officials, despite objections from the government.

On the northern border, the Wanli Emperor aimed to replace static defense with more aggressive tactics. In his own words,

He generally preferred a decisive rather than aggressive approach towards domestic rebels and foreign enemies. Under the leadership of capable generals, the Ming army was the strongest it had been since the reign of the Yongle Emperor (1402–1424). Contemporary estimates put the number of Ming soldiers in the 1570s at 845,000. By the beginning of the 17th century, the Ming dynasty had over 4 million men in arms. Training centers were established near Beijing, where units preparing for Korea also trained. Instead of relying on the inefficient and incompetent hereditary soldiers of the Weisuo system, the Ming government turned to hiring mercenaries who were better trained, more disciplined, and more cost-effective in battle. Troops from militant minority nations were also utilized, particularly "wolf troops" (lang bing) from Guangxi. The development of the military was supported by a number of manuals and handbooks. The most extensive surviving works on military affairs are the Chouhai tubian (Gazeteer of Coastal Defense) by Zheng Ruozeng in 1562, the Shenqi pu (Treatise on Firearms) by Zhao Shizhen in 1598, and the Wubei Zhi (Encyclopedia of Military Preparedness) by Mao Yuanyi in 1601. In his manuals Jixiao Xinshu and Lianbing Shiji, General Qi Jiguang provided detailed tactics for using small groups of soldiers, discussed psychological warfare, analyzed the composition, tasks, and training of units, and outlined the use of weapons and procedures based on terrain and soldier experience. He emphasized the importance of morale and training for soldiers.

Towards the end of his reign, the emperor closely monitored military threats on the borders. In 1619, shortly before his death, he allocated funds for an expedition against the Jurchens in Liaodong, but the campaign ended in a disastrous defeat for the Ming army. The emperor then protected the surviving generals, including Li Rubai, from government attempts to execute them.

Rebellion in Ningxia

In March 1592, a rebellion broke out in Ningxia, an important fortress city on the northwestern frontier. Led by Chinese officer Liu Dongyang, the soldiers of the garrison revolted. The rebellion was also joined by Pubei, a Mongol and deputy regional commander who had three thousand horsemen in his personal guard. Due to his origin, the rebellion was attributed to him. The rebels successfully took control of Ningxia and nearly fifty nearby fortresses. They demanded recognition from the government, threatening to ally with the Ordos Mongols. At the time, Ningxia had a population of 300,000 and a garrison of 30,000 (or 20,000) soldiers. The city walls were six meters thick and nine meters high, making it a formidable stronghold. The rebels were experienced soldiers.

On 19 April, the emperor was informed of the uprising and immediately summoned Minister of War, Shi Xing. Following the minister's proposal, he ordered the mobilization of 7,000 soldiers from Xuanhua and Shanxi. Wei Xueceng, an experienced military official and commander-in-chief of the three border regions (Xuanfu, Shanxi, and Datong), was entrusted with the task of suppressing the rebellion. The emperor provided him with a number of officers and officials, including General Ma Gui. Wei Xueceng successfully secured the southern bank of the Yellow River, captured key forts, and within weeks recaptured nearby frontier forts, leaving only the city of Ningxia under rebel control. However, he then declared that he did not have enough men and equipment and took a passive stance. Despite the reinforcements provided, he insisted on negotiating with the insurgents, citing concerns for the lives of civilians in Ningxia. The emperor discussed the situation with the Gand Secretaries, as well as the censors and the ministers, and ultimately took a decisive position to suppress the rebellion as quickly as possible. For the next six weeks, Ming troops besieged Ningxia, occasionally facing resistance from the Mongols. In the fourth month of the year, the Ming launched an attack on the city and managed to eliminate about 3,000 defenders, but their attempt to penetrate the city through the northern gate failed and resulted in heavy losses.

In an effort to conduct the siege operations more effectively, the emperor appointed General Li Rusong as the military superintendent in charge of suppressing the rebellion. This appointment was met with shock by the bureaucracy in the capital, as the position and overall command were traditionally held by civilian officials rather than professional officers. In July, Ming reinforcements arrived at Ningxia and skirmishes between the besiegers and the rebels continued. At the end of July, Li Rusong also arrived and began attacking the city day and night in early August. The rebels were only able to repel them with difficulty. Meanwhile, the Japanese were successfully occupying Korea, prompting the emperor to urge a swift resolution of the situation. In late August, Wei Xueceng was arrested for his reluctance and taken to Beijing. The emperor then approved Shi Xing's plan to build ramparts around the city and fill the interior, including the city itself, with water.

On 23 August, a 5.3 km long dam surrounded Ningxia. The rebels gained the alliance of Mongol chief Bushugtu, but Li Rusong sent Ma Gui and General Dong Yiyuan with part of the army to attack them and occupy the passes east of the city. Ma and Dong successfully repulsed the Mongols. By 6 September, the city was already flooded with almost three meters of water, causing the rebels' attacks to fail and the besieged to suffer from a critical shortage of food. The city's inhabitants and Ma Gui pleaded with the insurgents to surrender in order to save human lives. However, the rebels continued to launch unsuccessful raids while also facing attacks from Ming troops. By the end of September, the 18,000-strong Mongolian army was blocked north of the city. Li Rusong and Ma Gui led a counterattack and drove the Mongols back. As the water breached the walls, the city was eventually taken in mid-October. Pubei committed suicide, while several other rebel leaders were captured and executed. The emperor then sent a large portion of the troops from Ningxia, led by Li Rusong, to Korea.

Korea and Japan: The Imjin War

In the early 1590s, Japanese warlord Toyotomi Hideyoshi had successfully unified Japan under his rule, but his ambitions extended beyond just ruling over his own country. In challenges sent to the rulers of neighboring countries, he declared his intention to dominate East Asia and establish his rule from the Chinese port of Ningbo. His first target was Korea, with the ultimate goal of conquering Ming China. The Chinese were well aware of the Japanese threat to their hegemony in East Asia and responded with vigor.

In May 1592, Japanese troops landed in Korea. Due to the Korean army's lack of preparation, they were unable to put up much resistance and the Japanese quickly advanced, taking control of Seoul in just twenty days and continuing further north. The Korean king fled north to the Korean-Ming border on the Yalu River. In response, the Koreans sought help from Ming China. The Wanli Emperor decidedly took an anti-Japanese stance and only sent a small scouting force of three thousand soldiers. This force was ultimately surprised and destroyed by the Japanese in Pyongyang in August 1592. This event shocked the Beijing court and they began to organize coastal defenses. Vice Minister of War Song Yingchang was sent to Liaodong, a Ming region bordering Korea, to take command of the Korean campaign. A large army was also gathered in Liaodong. The Japanese occupation of Korea sparked a wave of popular resistance, which eventually escalated into a guerrilla war. The victories of the Korean navy, led by Admiral Yi Sun-sin, in the summer and autumn of 1592 played a crucial role in organizing the resistance.After the rebellion in Ningxia was defeated, part of the troops and several generals, including Li Rusong, reinforced the troops gathered in Liaodong. The Korean land army also rose up and, in early 1593, the Ming troops, led by Li Rusong, went into battle. By May 1593, the Sino-Korean forces had pushed the enemy to the vicinity of Busan in southeastern Korea. This led to the Japanese agreeing to negotiate a truce, but the preliminary negotiations dragged on for several years and ultimately failed in October 1596. As a result, Hideyoshi decided to attack Korea again. Despite this, the second invasion in 1597 was not successful. The Japanese did manage to approach Seoul to within 80 km in August 1597, but were eventually pushed back to the southeast after the arrival of Ming troops. The outcome of the war was heavily influenced by naval operations. Initially, the Koreans suffered setbacks under an incompetent admiral, but after Yi Sun-sin was released from prison and placed in command of the fleet, they gained superiority at sea. This forced the Japanese onto the defensive between Ulsan and Sunchon. In May 1598, the Ming fleet arrived and reinforced the Korean fleet. Meanwhile, lengthy sieges and bloody battles took place on land. In the spring of 1598, part of the Japanese troops withdrew from Korea, while the rest successfully resisted the Ming-Korean attacks. After Hideyoshi's death in September 1598, the remaining Japanese troops were evacuated from Korea by the end of the year.

The Imjin War was one of the largest military conflicts of the 16th century, with Japan mobilizing over 150,000 soldiers for the first invasion and over 140,000 for the second. The Ming dynasty also sent a significant number of troops, with over 40,000 soldiers in 1592 and more than double that in 1597. According to Chinese historian Li Guangtao, a total of 166,700 Ming soldiers were deployed to Korea and were provided with 17 million liang of silver and supplies, which was roughly equivalent to half a year's income for the Ming state. While the exact number of Korean soldiers is difficult to estimate, it is believed that there were tens of thousands of them. The losses suffered by Korea were devastating, with the Japanese presenting Hideyoshi with the noses of their enemies as proof of their victory instead of the usual heads. Modern historians estimate that the number of noses brought back to Japan ranged from 100,000 to 200,000.

Yang Yinglong rebellion

The Yang family, descendants of a 9th-century Tang general, controlled a mountainous region on the border of Huguang, Guizhou, and Sichuan. The area spanned over 300 km in the east-west direction and slightly less in the north-south direction, with its center located in Bozhou. The clan ruled this territory for many centuries and, although originally Chinese, they assimilated and identified with the local Miao tribes over time.

Yang Yinglong inherited his position from his father during the Longqing era. He distinguished himself on the Ming side in battles against other natives and Tibetans, and also received recognition from the Ming court for the quality of the wood he supplied. However, he was very ambitious and viewed the Ming troops as weak. Problems with Yang Yinglong's actions continued for the local Ming authorities from 1587. He became involved in disputes between the local Miao tribes and Chinese colonists by attacking the former. Initially, the government in Beijing rejected the local authorities' requests for intervention, stating that there were more pressing matters to attend to and that Yang Yinglong was simply seeking an opportunity to distinguish himself. However, in 1590, open and protracted fighting broke out between Yang Yinglong's warriors and Ming forces. Eventually, Yang Yinglong submitted to the Ming authorities, but was unexpectedly sentenced to execution. In order to secure his release, he offered a large payment and five thousand troops for the war in Korea. After his release, however, he hid in the mountains and plundered a number of prefectures and counties. In 1595, he was caught again and once again escaped punishment by offering a deal. As a result, his son Yang Chaodong was given a hereditary post and another son was sent to Chongqing as a hostage. The emperor considered the matter settled and rewarded the commander, but within a year, Yang Yinglong was once again leading raids on the provinces of Huguang, Sichuan, and Guizhou, and even declared himself emperor. Over the next three years, his hundred thousand Miao soldiers spread fear throughout the area.

Focused on the war in Korea, the Wanli Emperor postponed solving the problems in the relatively peripheral southwest of the empire until early 1599, when he appointed the distinguished official Guo Zichang (1543–1618) as pacification commissioner of Sichuan. The former head of the Censorate, Li Hualong, was promoted to vice minister of war and put in charge of the military affairs of Sichuan, Huguang, and Guizhou. Several generals from Korea were sent to Sichuan, including Li Rumei and the well-known and feared Liu Ting in the southwest. Fighting with the rebels lasted the rest of the year, while they also attacked the major cities of Chongqing and Chengdu. At the turn of 1599/1600, minor skirmishes took place between the ever-strengthening Ming troops and the rebels. In the end, the Ming army had 240,000 soldiers from all over the empire. Yang Yinglong tried to mobilize indigenous warriors against the superior Ming troops, who were much better armed with cannons and rifles. He gathered perhaps up to 150,000 warriors by the end of 1599. However, even the Ming armies were largely composed of local natives. After extensive preparations, Li Hualong planned to attack the rebels from eight directions, each with an army of 30,000 men. He launched the attack at the end of March 1600. The Ming troops systematically pushed back the enemy and in early June, surrounded Yang Yinglong in the mountain fortress of Hailongtun. The fortress fell in a final assault in mid-July, with Yang Yinglong killed. According to Li Hualong's final report, over 22,000 rebels were killed in the fighting.

Yang Yinglong's chiefdom was then incorporated into the standard Chinese administrative system. In the following decade, Ming military actions continued quite successfully in the southwest, putting down several minor revolts. In an effort to prevent the recurrence of such a large-scale rebellion, the Ming authorities organized a systematic policing of the region.

Other rebellions and border wars

During the Wanli Emperor's reign, there were numerous domestic uprisings and rebellions, with the most significant being the uprisings organized by the White Lotus sect in Shandong in 1587 and 1616.

Despite a peace agreement with the Mongol Altan Khan in 1571 and the resumption of Sino-Mongol trade, there were occasional armed clashes between the Ming state and its northern neighbors, although they were not a serious threat. These clashes sometimes involved tens of thousands of men. The Ming troops also conducted raids in Mongolia and Manchuria, resulting in the burning of settlements, killing of defiant leaders, and confiscation of livestock. For instance, in 1591, General Li Chengliang destroyed a Mongol camp during a raid, killing 280 Mongols and dispersing over a thousand of them. These types of actions were already an idea of Zhang Juzheng.

After 1571, relations with the Mongols living north and northwest of Beijing calmed down, but the Mongols in Ordos remained restless and continued to raid Gansu. The Ming armies were able to successfully fight them, utilizing Tibetan and Uighur auxiliaries. In the northeast, the Mongols also attacked the Ming Liaodong. They were a formidable force, with up to 30,000–50,000 horsemen in battle. In 1598, even the Ming commander of the region, General Li Rusong, fell in battle against them.

There were also occasional conflicts on the southwestern border, where the Burmese violated the borders. In 1582-1583 and again in 1584, a Ming army led by General Liu Ting successfully repelled the Burmese and even penetrated deep into Burma. The Burmese launched another attack in Yunnan in the late 16th century. In response, the governor of Yunnan organized a counter-attack with Siam in 1594. In 1600, combined Ming-Siamese forces burned the Burmese capital of Pegu. In 1607, the Viets also raided the Yunnan and Guangxi borderlands.

Đại Việt

In the 1520s, a civil war broke out in Đại Việt (present-day northern Vietnam) between the Mạc dynasty, which had been ruling the northern part of the country since 1527, and the followers of the previous Lê dynasty in the south. In 1592, Lê Thế Tông's army invaded the north and captured Hanoi and most of the country. The followers of the Mạc retreated to Cao Bằng Province and the surrounding area near the Sino-Vietnamese border. The government of Lê Thế Tông, led by Trịnh Tùng, who held more power than the monarch, established connections with the Ming regional authorities in an attempt to gain recognition for the Lê dynasty instead of the Mạc. In 1540, Mạc Đăng Dung was recognized by the Ming emperor (the Jiajing Emperor) as the ruler of Đại Việt, but the country's status was reduced from a kingdom to a local command (; dutongshisi), which he administered as a pacification commissioner or commandant (; dutongshiguan, with the lower second rank). In 1597, after a year of negotiations, Lê Thế Tông arrived at the border with a thousand soldiers and servants to meet with a delegation of Ming regional officials in Ming territory. The meeting was held in a friendly manner, with Lê Thế Tông expressing his desire for Đại Việt to maintain its status as a tributary kingdom, but the Ming representatives did not make any commitments. That same year, Lê Thế Tông sent Vice Minister of Works Phùng Khắc Khoan to Beijing as an envoy. Phùng Khắc Khoan made a good impression in Beijing with his classical education, but he was unable to gain recognition for Lê Thế Tông as the King of Đại Việt. The Wanli Emperor justified this by stating that the civil war was not yet over and it was uncertain if the Lê dynasty had true support. As a result, Lê Thế Tông only received the seal of the pacification commissioner.

Spain, Portugal, and Japan

In the early 1570s, the Spanish settled in the Philippines, centered in Manila. Trade with the Spanish was highly profitable for the Chinese, as silk in Manila was bought by the Spanish for double its price in China. The Spanish paid for Chinese goods in American silver, which they imported to China across the Pacific in considerable quantities, estimated to be between 50 and 350 tons per year. This trade between the Spanish Philippines and China flourished, leading to the rapid growth of a Chinatown in Manila. The number of Chinese settlers in Manila increased from forty in the early 1570s to 10,000 in 1588 and 30,000 in 1603. The Spanish authorities viewed the Chinese with suspicion and concern. This mutual distrust often resulted in armed clashes, and in 1603, a pogrom occurred in which 20 (according to Chinese sources) or 15 (according to Spanish sources) thousand Chinese lost their lives.

During the 1540s, American silver was also introduced to China through the extensive Portuguese trade. Lisbon elites were known to wear Chinese silks, drink Chinese tea, and order porcelain with European motifs from China. The Portuguese had settled in Macau with the consent of local authorities as early as the 1550s. In 1578, they were granted permission to trade in Guangzhou and have continued to do so since then. At the end of the 16th century, between 6 and 30 tons of silver were transported annually from Portugal to Macau. The Dutch also played a significant role in the trade, with the turnover of their trade at the turn of the 16th and 17th centuries matching that of the Portuguese. By 1614, Amsterdam burghers were regularly purchasing blue and white Ming porcelain.

In addition to merchants, missionaries also traveled to China from Europe. The Jesuits, in particular, were successful in spreading the Christian faith through their strategic approach of honoring missionaries. Notable figures such as Michele Ruggieri and Matteo Ricci gained the trust of Chinese dignitaries and were able to persuade some to convert to Christianity. The Jesuits were highly esteemed in Beijing's upper circles for their expertise in mathematics and astronomy, and Ricci was even accepted by the emperor.

In China, silver was a scarce commodity, making it more valuable than in other countries. This was well-known to European traders, who took advantage of the relative cheapness of Chinese goods. As a result, Chinese silk became popular in other parts of the world, such as Latin American countries like Peru and Mexico. This led to a decline in local silk production in Mexico, which had only been introduced by the Spanish a short time before. On the other hand, the textile industry, which utilized Chinese silk, flourished and even exported to European markets. By the 1630s, there was a significant Chinese community in Mexico City, and they also resided in other areas like Acapulco.

After the unification of Japan, the discovery of new silver mines and the improvement of mining techniques, the extraction and export of silver from Japan increased dramatically, particularly to Ming China. Between 1560 and 1600, the annual export of silver ranged from 33 to 49 tons. However, due to the Ming ban on trade with Japan, the import of Japanese silver was facilitated by the Portuguese. In the early 17th century, Japanese silver exports continued to rise, with the import of luxury goods such as silk (reaching up to 280 tons per year in the 1630s). Silk was so abundant and inexpensive in Japan that even some peasants were able to afford it, leading to a rise in its popularity among the lower classes.

Russia

In the autumn of 1618, the first Russian ambassadors arrived in Beijing. Led by Ivan Petlin, a group of Siberian Cossacks had been sent to China by the Tobolsk voivode Ivan Kurakin on the orders of Tsar Mikhail Fyodorovich. The journey began in May 1618 from Tomsk and involved crossing the mountains on the Russian-Mongolian border, passing through Mongolia and the Gobi, and finally arriving in Beijing in early September. However, due to the lack of gifts or credentials, the Cossacks were not granted an audience with the emperor by Ming officials. Despite this, they were warmly received at the Ministry of Rites and were given a letter from the Wanli Emperor, agreeing to future Russian missions and the arrival of Russian merchants. After a few days, the Russians began their return journey, arriving back in Tomsk in May 1619 and eventually reaching Moscow by the end of the year. However, due to Russia's focus on European affairs, there were no further official contacts with China until the end of the Ming dynasty.

Rise of the Jurchens

In 1583, Nurhaci, the leader of one of the many Jurchen tribes in southern Manchuria, began to establish his own state. He united the Jurchens with the support of the Ming dynasty, particularly General Li Chengliang. Some Ming officials grew concerned about Nurhaci's growing power and called for his destruction in 1587, but this issue was not resolved due to discussions within the Ming administration. Nurhaci acknowledged his subordinate relationship to the Ming dynasty and paid tribute in 1590 and 1597 by personally visiting Beijing. By the early 1590s, Nurhaci's state had a large military force, estimated at 30–40,000 horsemen and 10,000 infantry. The Ming authorities declined his offer to lead his army into Korea against the Japanese. In 1599, as part of building his state, Nurhaci introduced a new Manchu script and in 1601, a new organization based on banners. In 1603, he reached an agreement with Ming generals in Liaodong to define the borders.

In 1618, Nurhaci had gained control over all the Jurchen tribes except for Yehe and Haixi, who were under Ming protection. An attack on these tribes would trigger a war with China, which is exactly what Nurhaci provoked by raiding Fushun in May 1618. The Ming retaliated with an expedition in early April 1619, after extensive and costly preparations. Yang Hao, a former commander in Liaodong and leader of the Ming forces in Korea from 1597 to 1598, was put in charge of the overall command. The army was divided into four corps, led by experienced generals (from north to south) Ma Lin, Du Song, Li Rubai, and Liu Ting. The Ming troops consisted of about 100,000 men, including 83,000 Chinese, with the rest being Korean and Jurchen allies. On the other hand, Nurhaci had 50–60,000 soldiers at his disposal, but unlike the Chinese, he did not divide them. Instead, he used his knowledge of the terrain, weather, and mobility to his advantage and crushed the individual Ming corps one by one. First, he defeated Du Song's corps on 14 April, followed by Ma Lin's the next day. Yang Hao, in response, ordered a retreat, and while Li Rubai attempted to retreat as well, the order did not reach Liu Ting and his corps, resulting in their defeat on 20 April. Generals Du Song and Liu Ting both fell in battle. After defeating the Ming, Nurhaci joined forces with the remaining Jurchens and occupied Kaiyuan, where he killed General Ma Lin, and Tieling in northern Liaodong. As a result of the defeat, Li Rubai was accused of cowardice and committed suicide under the weight of criticism, while Yang Hao was imprisoned and executed in 1629.

Death; successors and their reign

In the final months of his life, the Wanli Emperor's health deteriorated significantly. In 1620, he experienced severe dizziness and was confined to his bed. Finally, he died on 18 August 1620. The day after his death, an edict was issued ordering the transfer of one million liang of silver from the emperor's treasury to the frontier troops. Two days later, an additional million was sent from the treasury to strengthen the defenses of Liaodong. The edict also called for the abolition of mining and trade dues, and the dismissal of the eunuchs responsible for collecting them. On 28 August, the Wanli Emperor's eldest son, Zhu Changluo, ascended the throne as the Taichang Emperor.

The Taichang Emperor relied on representatives and sympathizers of the Donglin movement, who were soon appointed to high positions, but he soon fell ill and died on 26 September 1620. His fifteen-year-old son, Zhu Youjiao, became the new emperor as the Tianqi Emperor. The young emperor enjoyed working with wood, making furniture and wooden models of the palace, but he did not enjoy his official duties. During this time, there was a power struggle between the official and eunuch groups in the government. Initially, the Donglins had the upper hand, but from 1624, the court was dominated by the eunuch Wei Zhongxian. In 1627, after the death of the Tianqi Emperor, his younger brother Zhu Youjian ascended the throne as the Chongzhen Emperor and removed Wei Zhongxian's clique. However, due to suspicion and a lack of purpose, he was unable to control the factionalism among officials and assemble a capable administration.

While the government was consumed by internal strife, conditions in the countryside worsened in the 1620s. From 1628, northern China was ravaged by war between rebellious peasants (Li Zicheng rebellion) and the government army. As a result, starving people fled to the cities and entire counties were destroyed in the countryside. The gentry were shocked by the depth of resentment of the poor against the rich, and the state administration began to disintegrate. In 1644, Li Zicheng's army captured Beijing and the Chongzhen Emperor committed suicide. General Wu Sangui, who commanded the Ming border army north of Beijing, saw no other option but to submit to the Qing dynasty (which was renamed in the mid-1630s from the Jurchen state founded by Nurhaci). With the support of the landlords and gentry, the Qing army quickly defeated the rebels and took control of northern China. In the following years, they also conquered the south of the country. In 1662, Wu Sangui, at the head of the Qing army, detained and executed the last Ming emperor, Zhu Youlang, in Yunnan.

Assessment

One of the many historical accounts of the Wanli Emperor and his reign is a unique book written by the eunuch Liu Ruoyu (, 1584 – c. 1642) titled Zhuozhong zhi (; 'An Enlightening Account of Life in the Imperial Palace'). This book provides a detailed description of life in the palace during that time.

The traditional portrayal of the emperor as a ruler who neglected his duties and did not focus on governing is inaccurate and biased. This view was perpetuated by Confucian historians and scholars who criticized the fact that the emperor listened to—in their view—the wrong advisors instead of the right ones.

The Wanli Emperor is often portrayed in traditional Chinese historiography as one of the main causes of the decline and fall of the Ming dynasty. Classical Chinese historians focused on his greed, misuse of eunuch power, factionalism within the government, seclusion in the Forbidden City, indulgence in alcohol and sex, extravagant tomb construction, and political blunders. The History of Ming (the official Ming history completed in 1739) and subsequent works depict him as a lazy, selfish, and reckless ruler who only cared about his harem and neglected state affairs. The animosity of Confucian scholars towards the Wanli Emperor stemmed from different visions of the state and the emperor's protection of military officers against complaints from civilian officials who controlled the administration at the time. Even modern Chinese works on the Wanli Emperor continue to adhere to this traditional perspective. Furthermore, Western historiography tends to adopt the viewpoint of Chinese Confucians and perpetuates it. For example, Charles Hucker's Dictionary of Ming Biography (1976) and Ray Huang's portrayal of the Wanli Emperor in his books 1587, a Year of No Significance: The Ming Dynasty in Decline (1981), as well as in his chapter on the Wanli Emperor in the Cambridge History of China, Volume 7 (1988). It is primarily Ray Huang who is responsible for the Western perception of the Wanli Emperor as an isolated and frustrated emperor, "trapped" by his own bureaucracy.

The downfall of the Ming political system can be attributed to its reliance on ideological and moral principles. Zhang Juzheng, in his pursuit of effective rule through personal relationships, faced criticism from his opponents who focused on his personal life, deeming it immoral and illegitimate. This led to a lack of focus on the practical outcomes of his policies. After Zhang Juzheng's death, the government became divided into factions, with officials in the Censorate and ministries engaging in feuds and purging Zhang's supporters. As a result, important reforms were neglected, and the emperor's indecisiveness only worsened the situation. The emperor was not interested in ruling according to the ideas of his officials, preferring to act according to his own will and disliking being pressured, but he lacked the qualities of an effective despot. His mishandling of the succession question also eliminated the Grand Secretariat as a potential center for government restructuring—as attempted by Gao Gong and Zhang Juzheng—as its grand secretaries were suspected by the government of supporting the emperor, depriving them of the ability to mediate between the ruler and the government.

The Wanli Emperor, like Zhang Juzheng, attempted to increase the military strength of the empire, control the civilian bureaucracy, reduce factionalism, and rely more on military officers rather than civil officials. During the first three decades of his reign, he devoted himself greatly to military affairs and did not hesitate to allocate funds for the army, including the 1619 expedition. Despite the defeat in 1619, he made efforts to protect the officers, such as Li Rubai, who were targeted by the government. During the Wanli era, the Ming armies maintained control over the border with the Mongols, intervened in border disputes in Burma, conducted raids in Mongolia and Manchuria, suppressed a major rebellion in Ningxia, participated in the war in Korea, and deployed 200,000 soldiers to suppress a rebellion in Sichuan and quell minor rebellions. However, after the Battle of Sarhū, the Ming government became embroiled in factional conflicts and began to blame others for their failures. Later Chinese Confucian scholars emphasized the defeats at Sarhū and downplayed the previous victories achieved by eunuchs, soldiers, and the emperor.

Family

The Wanli Emperor had 18 children by eight women, including eight sons, five of whom lived to adulthood, and two daughters who survived. The most important women in his life were his mother, Empress Dowager Li, and his favorite concubine, Lady Zheng. Behind them were Empress Wang and Lady Wang, the mother his eldest son.

After the death of the Longqing Emperor and the accession of the young Wanli Emperor to the throne in 1572, his mother was given the title of Empress dowager. In accordance with tradition, she headed the government during her son's minority, although the decisions remained in the hands of Senior Grand Secretary Zhang Juzheng. She formed a ruling alliance with the head eunuch Feng Bao and retained her influence even after Zhang Juzheng's death. She also formed alliances with grand secretaries Shen Shixing, Xu Guo, and Wang Xijue. She was a devout Buddhist and made large donations to Buddhist monks and monasteries. She supported the succession of the Wanli Emperor's eldest son, the later Taichang Emperor, against the younger Zhu Changxun, the son of Wanli's favorite Lady Zheng. When the emperor objected that his eldest son was the son of a mere palace servant, she replied that he, the Wanli Emperor, was also the son of a mere servant.

In 1577, Empress Dowager Chen (the Longqing Emperor's widow) and Empress Dowager Li (the Wanli Emperor's mother) organized the selection of a wife for the young emperor. They chose the twelve-year-old Wang Xijie, who was married to the Wanli Emperor in early 1578 and became the empress. She only had one daughter and no sons. The Wanli Emperor did not have a good relationship with his empress and instead devoted himself to Lady Zheng. The empress, on the other hand, maintained a dignified public image and showed respect to Empress Dowager Li. She also supported Wanli's eldest son, who would later become the Taichang Emperor, over Lady Zheng's son. However, she was known for her strictness and cruelty within the imperial palace, causing fear among those who served her. The empress died in April 1620, just a few months before the Wanli Emperor's own death.

Lady Wang served as a servant in the palace of Empress Dowager Li. In late 1581, during one of his visits to his mother, the emperor took notice of a young maid who soon became pregnant with his child. Although the Wanli Emperor initially wanted nothing to do with the child, his mother convinced him to acknowledge paternity by providing records of his visits. In August 1582, Lady Wang gave birth to a son, Zhu Changluo, who was the emperor's first child. Two years later, the Wanli Emperor's concubine, Lady Zheng, gave birth to a daughter, Zhu Xuanshu, and quickly gained the emperor's favor and trust, causing his interest in Lady Wang to diminish. She lived in seclusion in the Forbidden City and was neglected by the emperor. It was not until 1606, after the birth of Zhu Changluo's first son (the later Tianqi Emperor), that Lady Wang was granted the title of "Imperial Noble Consort" (Huang Guifei), which was appropriate for the mother of an heir. She died in 1611.

Lady Zheng was chosen to join the emperor's harem in 1581, and soon after her arrival, she captured his attention and love. In 1586, after giving birth to Zhu Changxun, she was promoted to the position of "Imperial Noble Consort", which was just one step below that of empress. She went on to have a total of six children. However, her and the emperor's desire to name Zhu Changsun as the successor instead of their eldest son, Zhu Changluo, caused a political crisis. Despite the emperor's efforts, he was unable to overcome the strong opposition from his ministers and officials, and the decision was postponed for almost two decades. It was not until 1601 that Zhu Changluo was finally appointed as crown prince. In 1615, Lady Zheng was suspected of being involved in the "man with a stick" incident, but these were only rumors and nothing was ever proven. Zhu Changluo fell ill shortly after taking the throne and died after just one month of reign. Once again, Lady Zheng was the subject of rumors that she was responsible for his death, but there was no concrete evidence to support these accusations. She died in 1630.

Consorts and issue

• Empress Xiaoduanxian, of the Wang clan (; 7 November 1564 – 7 May 1620), personal name Xijie

　• Princess Rongchang (; 1582–1647), personal name Xuanying, first daughter.

　　• Married Yang Chunyuan (; 1582–1616) in 1597, and had issue (five sons)

• Empress Dowager Xiaojing, of the Wang clan (; 27 February 1565 – 18 October 1611)

　• Zhu Changluo, the Taichang Emperor (; 28 August 1582 – 26 September 1620), first son

　• Princess Yunmeng (; 1584–1587), personal name Xuanyuan, fourth daughter

• Grand Empress Dowager Xiaoning, of the Zheng clan (; 1565–1630)

　• Princess Yunhe (; 1584–1590), personal name Xuanshu, second daughter

　• Zhu Changxu, Prince Ai of Bin (; 19 January 1585), second son

　• Zhu Changxun, Prince Zhong of Fu (; 22 February 1586 – 2 March 1641), third son

　• Zhu Changzhi, Prince Hai of Yuan (; 10 October 1587 – 5 September 1588), fourth son

　• Princess Lingqiu (; 1588–1589), personal name Xuanyao, sixth daughter

　• Princess Shouning (; 1592–1634), personal name Xuanwei, seventh daughter.

　　• Married Ran Xingrang (; d. 1644) in 1609, and had issue (one son)

• Grand Empress Dowager Xiaojing, of the Li clan (; d. 1597)

　• Zhu Changrun, Prince of Hui (; 7 December 1594 – 29 June 1646), sixth son

　• Zhu Changying, Prince Duan of Gui (; 25 April 1597 – 21 December 1645), seventh son

• Consort Xuanyizhao, of the Li clan (; 1557–1642)

• Consort Ronghuiyi, of the Yang clan (; d. 1581)

• Consort Wenjingshun, of the Chang clan (; 1568–1594)

• Consort Duanjingrong, of the Wang clan (; d. 1591)

　• Princess Jingle (; 8 July 1584 – 12 November 1585), personal name Xuangui, third daughter

• Consort Zhuangjingde, of the Xu clan (; d. 1602)

• Consort Duan, of the Zhou clan

　• Zhu Changhao, Prince of Rui (; 27 September 1591 – 24 July 1644), fifth son

• Consort Qinghuishun, of the Li clan (; d. 1623)

　• Zhu Changpu, Prince Si of Yong (; 1604–1606), eighth son

　• Princess Tiantai (; 1605–1606), personal name Xuanmei, tenth daughter

• Consort Xi, of the Wang clan (; d. 1589)

• Concubine De, of the Li clan (; 1567–1628)

　• Princess Xianju (; 1584–1585), personal name Xuanji, fifth daughter

　• Princess Taishun (; d. 1593), personal name Xuanji, eighth daughter

　• Princess Xiangshan (; 1598–1599), personal name Xuandeng, ninth daughter

• Concubine Shen, of the Wei clan (; 1567–1606)

• Concubine Jing, of the Shao clan (; d. 1606)

• Concubine Shun, of the Zhang clan (; d. 1589)

• Concubine He, of the Liang clan (; 1562–1643)

• Concubine Dao, of the Geng clan (; 1568–1589)

• Concubine Rong, of the Li clan (; 1568–1626)

Tomb

The Wanli Emperor was buried in the Ming tombs at the base of the Tianshou Mountain, located outside of Beijing. This site is the final resting place for thirteen of the sixteen emperors who reigned from 1368 to 1644. The Wanli Emperor's burial complex, known as the Ding Mausoleum, was constructed between 1584 and 1590. It consists of three walled courtyards, each containing smaller buildings. The second and third courtyards are separated by a three-tiered terrace, which leads to a vast sacrificial hall measuring 30x67 meters. At the back of the third courtyard stands a mound surrounded by a three-meter-high rampart. In 1956–1957, Chinese archaeologists excavated the mound and discovered an underground structure. This structure includes an entrance hall, an outer hall, a middle hall, and a proper burial chamber. The middle hall is accessible through entrances on the left and right side chambers, as well as the back of the chamber. The burial chamber, which is 9.1x30 meters and 9.5 meters high, is larger than the other rooms. The entrance is located in the middle of the longer side. Inside the burial chamber, archaeologists found wooden coffins containing the remains of the emperor, empress, and the Taichang Emperor's mother. Over three thousand objects were also discovered, including jewelry, gold and silver items, jade and porcelain objects, clothing, and the crowns of the emperor and empress.

The archaeological survey conducted in the 1950s has been considered unprofessionally carried out in China since the 1990s. Due to a lack of necessary knowledge, it was not possible to preserve and protect wooden and textile artifacts. The report of the survey was compiled in 1986 based on the preserved notes of the participants in the excavations. Additionally, many of the discovered objects, including the remains of the emperor and his wives, were destroyed by the Red Guards during the Cultural Revolution.

人物生平

早年經歷

明神宗是明穆宗三子。出生時，父親尚為裕王，母親李氏為王府宮女出身。父親裕王的第一任王妃李氏所生二子朱翊鉽、朱翊鈴均早夭，嫡母繼妃陳氏無子。

作為實際上的長子，父親明穆宗在登基後稱他為「朕元子」。隆慶元年正月十八日（1567年），父親正式起名為朱翊鈞，意思是「夫鈞者，言聖王制馭天下猶制器者之轉鈞也，其為義大矣。」隆慶二年（1568年）被立為皇太子。幼時朱翊鈞就十分聰惠，明穆宗在宮中騎馬時，年幼的朱翊鈞就大叫道：「父皇為天下之主，獨騎疾騁，萬一馬驚，卻如何是好？」穆宗聽後歡喜萬分，馬上下馬過來摟朱翊鈞在懷裡褒賞一番。其母李貴妃教子非常嚴格，每次經筵結束以後，便督促考問他今天所學的內容。朱翊鈞小時候稍有懈怠，李貴妃就將其召至面前長跪。

隆慶五年冬，父親明穆宗為他舉行了成人冠禮。他被引導至殿前特設的帷帳內，按照禮儀規定進行三次更衣，每次以不同的服飾在眾人面前亮相。一旦離開帷帳，他手持玉圭，接受引導行禮，並使用專門設計的酒杯飲酒。整個過程都由禮官的導唱和音樂伴奏，耗時近半天。次日，他再次被引導至殿前，端坐接受百官的慶賀，姿態莊重。

隆慶六年，父親明穆宗駕崩，朱翊鈞即位，改元萬曆，堅持按照祖宗舊制，舉日講，御經筵，讀經傳、史書。而他每天讀書亦十分用功，朝章典故都讀很多遍，即使是隆冬盛暑亦從不間斷，以後隨朱翊鈞年漸長而學愈進，另外他的書法也十分出色，筆劃遒勁，經常親自賜墨寶給大臣，連張居正仔細端詳作品，也不得不承認皇帝的書法是「揮瀚灑墨，初若並不經意，而鋒穎所落卻是奇秀天成」，但張居正終究認為他應該成為一位聖君而非書法家，便劈頭蓋臉奏訓一頓，自此直到張居正死後朱翊鈞才重新接觸書法。

萬曆中興

神宗即位時只得九歲，故在位之初十年尚處年幼，由母親李太后代為聽政。即位之初內閣紛爭傾軋，閣臣之間關係惡劣，時高拱以主幼國危，痛哭時說了一句：「十歲太子如何治天下。」被馮保以訛傳訛成：「十歲孩子，如何作人主。」引起太后大驚，明神宗聽聞亦聞之色變。後太后將一切內務大事交由馮保，而大柄悉以委居正，軍政皆由張居正主持裁決，獨握大權。

在小皇帝朱翊鈞以及李太后全力的支持下，張居正大刀闊斧地實行了一條鞭法等改革措施，清丈田畝，改革賦稅，整飭軍備，考察官吏，使社會經濟有很大的發展，人民生活也有所提高，一改前弊。萬曆初年太倉的積粟達1300萬石，可支用十年，僅僅是太僕寺的銀兩儲蓄便多達四百餘萬，而太倉庫更是有超過千萬兩的積蓄，國家繁榮昌盛，扭轉明中葉以來的頹勢，是為「萬曆中興」。後人在論及此段發展情況時，多歸功於張居正的鞠躬盡瘁，而對朱翊鈞的傾心委任卻往往忽視，實際上，隨朱翊鈞年紀長大，他也不再是名義上的擺設，張居正可以勸導、利用他幹什麼，卻不能強迫他做出違心之事，因此張居正也有無可奈何之時。

神宗幼年，太后及張居正都希望其成為儒家所倡導的皇帝典範。萬曆八年，神宗因和太監孫海、容用出遊行為輕浮不檢，太監馮保告知李太后。太后大怒道「天下大器豈獨爾可承耶？」並拿出以霍光罷黜昌邑王之事威脅神宗，帝師張居正又乘機捉刀，寫下罪己詔，言詞犀利，以警惕皇帝。雖然保住皇位，但也因此使神宗認為顏面盡失。一次神宗在讀《論語》時，誤將「色勃如也」之「勃」字讀作「背」音，張居正厲聲糾正：「當作勃字！」聲音太大，嚇得神宗驚惶失措，在朝大臣無不大驚。沈德符在《萬曆野獲編》中說：「宮府一體，百闢從風，相權之重，本朝罕儷，部臣拱手受成，比於威君嚴父，又有加焉。」「江陵以天下為己任，客有諛其相業者，輒曰我非相，乃攝也。」晚年張居正的權勢之大，威權赫奕，連神宗都有所忌憚，曾經有丘岳由亞卿左遷藩參，曾以黃金製對聯饋張居正云：「日月並明，萬國仰大明天子；丘山為岳，四方頌太岳相公。」。張居正奉旨歸喪時，地方大員行長跪禮，撫按大吏越界迎送，空前絕後。而奪情以後，張居正也日益偏恣，好同惡異，左右用事之人多通賄賂，時人益惡之，神宗亦意識到張居正的權力過大，「幾乎震主」，為後期清算張居正埋下伏筆。張居正死後，二十歲的神宗始親政。

文獻記載，神宗親政後勵精圖治，虛心納諫，屢蠲賦稅，生活節儉，如僅在萬曆十一年間，蠲免並災傷織造議留就已達銀一百七十六萬一千兩。北京乾旱，神宗關心民瘓，親自以旱詔中外理冤抑，釋鳳陽輕犯及禁錮年久的犯人。另親自步行至天壇祈雨，皇上齋戒，親躬步行將近二十里的路程而不乘車輦出，且絲毫沒有因驕陽酷日而為難的樣子，其舉止從容不迫，表現的肅穆得體，百姓能一睹天顏，紛紛舉首加額高呼「聖德爾。」另外又敕六部都察院等曰：「天旱雖由朕不德，亦天下有司貪婪，剝害小民，以致上乾天和，今後宜慎選有司。」蠲天下被災田租一年。

朝鮮使者於《朝天記》、《朝天日記》中記載神宗年輕時儀容莊嚴穩重，額頭廣闊、下巴飽滿，步伐矯健、神採威嚴，目光炯炯有神、舉手投足之間使人敬畏，而帝王氣度更是深不可測，是中外一至認為都有道明君。他在位的前十五年被評價「勤於朝政，勵精圖治，大有作為，足以稱道，儼然如一代賢君」。

File:Ming Shenzong.jpg|中年的神宗皇帝

File:371abc12c8fcc3ce631248949045d688d53f2055 (1).jpg|郊祀天壇中的神宗皇帝。

File:Wanli-Emperor.jpg|明神宗冕服像想像圖

萬曆怠政

明神宗的老師、第一任首輔兼萬曆新政的策劃與執行人張居正過世後第二年，明神宗斥逐馮保，下詔追奪張居正的封號和諡號，並查抄張家，平反劉臺冤案，起用因反對張居正而遭懲處的官員。萬曆十七年起（1588年），明神宗開始怠慢朝政（一說沉湎於酒色之中，一說是染上鴉片煙癮），萬曆十七年十二月大理寺左評事雒于仁寫《酒色財氣四箴疏》：「皇上之恙，病在酒色財氣也。夫縱酒則潰胃，好色則耗精，貪財則亂神，尚氣則損肝」。鄒漪《啟禎野乘》卷一《馮恭定傳》中也說到明神宗荒于酒色：「因曲蘗而驩飲長夜，娛窈窕而晏眠終日。」《明史鈔略》記載萬曆二十一年皇太后萬壽時，神宗在暖閣召見王錫爵：……上曰：「朕知道了。」錫爵又奏：「今日見了皇上，不知再見何時？」上曰：「朕也要先生每常相見，不料朕體不時動火。」爵對：「動火原是小疾，望皇上清心寡慾，保養聖躬，以遂群臣願見之望。」而明神宗也開始奢侈靡費，斂財揮霍，又屢屢從國庫提銀，史稱「傳索帑金」，並任用張鯨等奸倖。後因立太子的國本之爭與內閣爭執長達十餘年，最後索性三十年不出宮門、不郊、不廟、不朝。1589年，神宗不再接見朝臣，內閣出現了「人滯于官」和「曹署多空」的現象。

萬曆二十五年，右副都御史謝杰批評神宗荒于政事，親政後政不如初：「陛下孝親、尊祖、好學、勤政、敬天、愛民、節用、聽言、親親、賢賢，皆不克如初矣。」萬曆三十四年，禮科左給事中孫善繼也極陳時弊說：「惟願皇上修萬曆十五年以前之勵精，復萬曆十五年以前之政體，收萬曆十五年之人心，庶平明之治成，垂拱之理得。」以至於朱翊鈞在位中期以後，方入內閣的廷臣不知皇帝長相如何，于慎行、趙志皋、張位和沈一貫等四位國家重臣雖對政事憂心如焚，卻無計可施，僅能以數太陽影子長短來打發值班的時間。

萬曆四十年（1612年）南京各道御史上疏：「臺省空虛，諸務廢墮，上深居二十餘年，未嘗一接見大臣，天下將有陸沉之憂。」首輔葉向高卻說皇帝一日可接見福王兩次，但明神宗不承認，並表示他已經沒有傳召福王很久了，若真的每日接見，福王出入禁門，隨從這麼多，人所共見，必然耳目難掩。萬曆四十五年（1617年）十一月，「部、寺大僚十缺六、七，風憲重地空署數年，六科止存四人，十三道（110人）止存五人。」而明緬戰爭也因為明朝方面忽視而先勝後敗，被緬甸東籲王朝蠶食孟養在內國土。

囚犯們關在監獄裡，有長達二十年之久還沒有審問過一句話的，他們在獄中用磚頭砸自己，輾轉在血泊中呼冤。臨江府知府錢若賡因勸諫神宗選民女為妃事得罪神宗，被神宗投入詔獄達三十七年之久，直至其子錢敬忠上疏：「臣父三十七年之中……氣血盡衰……膿血淋漓，四肢臃腫，瘡毒滿身，更患腳瘤，步立俱廢。耳既無聞，目既無見，手不能運，足不能行，喉中尚稍有氣，謂之未死，實與死一間耳。」萬曆帝才以「汝不負父，將來必不負朕。」將其釋放。首輔李廷機有病，連續上了一百二十次辭呈都得不到消息，最後不辭而去。萬曆四十年（1612年）吏部尚書孫丕揚上二十餘疏請辭不得，最後也拜疏自去。四十一年（1613年），吏部尚書趙煥也因數請去職還鄉不得，於是稱疾不出，逾月才終於請辭成功。吳亮嗣于萬曆末年的奏疏中說：「皇上每晚必飲，每飲必醉，每醉必怒。酒醉之後，左右近侍一言稍違，即斃杖下。」

樊樹志的《萬曆傳》考究裡，中允地解釋了明神宗怠政原因，源於健康狀況惡化非子虛烏有，追溯萬曆十四年九月十八日以後，皇帝因病免朝，言「頭昏眼黑，力乏不興」。學者曹國慶認為萬曆帝患有齲齒、牙周病和氟牙症等多種牙科疾病，頜骨發育不良，面部凹陷而左右兩側不對稱。對祭享太廟活動也只能權讓勛貴代理，並無奈地說道「非朕敢偷逸，恐弗成禮」，後來又遣內使對內閣傳諭「聖體連日動火，時作眩暈」，「聖體偶因動火，服涼藥過多，下注於足，搔破貼藥，朝講暫免。」與定陵發掘後查證神宗左足有疾互相引證。且當萬曆十五年三月初六，聖體初安以後，神宗旋即上朝聽政，隨後又與三輔臣見面，並打招呼說「朕偶有微疾，不得出朝，先生每憂心。」十六年二月初一又如常參與文華殿經筵，並興致勃勃地與閣臣討論《貞觀政要》，唐太宗與魏徵。萬曆十八年正月初一時，收到雒于仁奏疏的神宗召見首輔申時行入見，當申時行向他提出皇上有病需要靜攝，也當一月之間至少數次視朝，神宗並沒有惱怒，只是解釋道「朕病癒，豈不欲出！即如祖宗廟祀大典，也要親行，聖母生身大恩，也要時常定省。只是腰痛腳軟，行立不便。」次年病情稍好後神宗與閣臣談起病情，也是真情流露地說起自己久病的心情「朕近年以來，因痰火之疾，不時舉發，朝政久缺，心神煩亂」。乃至神宗在位中期王家屏，王鍚爵輔政期間仍是「面目發腫，行步艱難」，以致連嫡母仁聖皇太后陳氏病逝，一向孝順聞名的神宗也因病動彈不得，只能遣人代理，而遭受到朝臣猛烈的評擊責難，有苦難言，此後神宗病情反復，在萬曆三十年病情之差甚至要一度立下遺旨，向沈一貫託孤。可見神宗在位期間的「動履不便」「身體虛弱」以致在位期間怠政，實不是推諉託辭。

萬曆中期後雖然不上朝，但是並沒有出現英宗以來的宦官之亂，也沒有外戚幹政，也沒有嚴嵩這樣的奸臣，朝內黨爭也有所控制，萬曆對於日軍攻打朝鮮、女真入侵和梃擊案都有迅速的反應，如萬曆二十四年，乾清坤寧兩宮大火，神宗下罪己詔書，表示雖然忽略一般朝政庶務，但還是關心國家大事，而處理政事的主要方法多是在九重宮闕下通過諭旨的形式向下面傳遞，並透過一定的方式控制朝局。

此外礦稅之弊，即神宗在位期間的賦稅措施，一般被是認為萬曆中年後弊政的一部分，萬曆擺脫張居正的束縛之後，開始通過向各地徵收礦稅銀的方式，增加內庫的內帑，大多數學者認為這是一項弊政，也有許多的反對意見，認為礦稅也有相當的好處，如礦稅入內帑後大多用于國家救災，餉軍救急等。

萬曆三大征

神宗在軍事上任用幹練將校，先後主持發兵平定了播州（遵義）楊應龍之亂的播州之役、平寧夏哱拜之亂的寧夏之役、抵抗日本豐臣秀吉發兵侵略朝鮮以及奴兒幹都司的朝鮮之役，維護了明朝的內部統一及宗主國的權威。此三場戰爭合稱萬曆三大征。後世有說明軍雖均獲勝，但軍費消耗甚鉅，如僅朝鮮一役消耗國庫便高達銀八百八十三萬五千兩，米數十萬斛，對晚明的財政造成重大負擔。但實際上明代晚期僅對後金的戰事，耗費就高達六千萬兩之巨，遠超三大征，且三大征都是不得不打之戰，如朝鮮一國勢拱神京，地牽關海，薊、遼之外藩，東江之咽噎，一或失守，重險撤焉，如若不打甚至打敗了，明朝都有亡國之危。而三大徵實際軍費則由內帑和太倉庫銀足額撥發，三大徵結束後，內帑和太倉庫仍有存銀，而面對薩爾滸之戰的大敗，朱翊鈞用熊廷弼守遼東，屯兵築城，才稍稍將東北局勢扭轉。

萬曆皇帝指揮的萬曆朝鮮之役使朝鮮保全了國家，避免了亡國的巨大危險，儘管朝鮮人對萬曆皇帝有著深厚的感情，但是在朝鮮使臣的記錄中，更多的還是對萬曆帝消極怠政、貪婪奢侈等惡劣行徑的批評。而朝鮮使臣塑造的萬曆皇帝形象，也反映出明中葉之後朝鮮對中國社會集體想像的轉變，大明國的形象已經由朝鮮前期塑造的天朝上國，逐步褪去了耀目的光環，而走向了沒落。但在明清鼎革後，朝鮮對明朝的推崇思念又走向一個新的巔峰，朝鮮君王設大報壇，萬東廟祭祀明太祖，明神宗和明思宗。朝鮮孝宗甚至一度打算北伐清廷，朝鮮士子儒生暗中使用崇禎年號幾近三百年，鄙視清朝，並以宋時烈等為首推崇「尊周思明」「春秋大義」，稱自己是「皇明遺民」，那怕隱居山中，一生不出仕為大明守節者也大有人在，甚至到近代朝鮮高宗稱帝時，大明滅亡已超過二百餘年，其即位時諸臣勸進仍是「神宗皇帝再造土宇，則義雖君臣，恩實父子……嗚乎！天命靡常，皇社旣屋，帝統墜地，獨大報一壇，乃皇春一胍之所寄……陛下聖德大業，宜承大明之統緒。」一切禮節皆取自《大明會典》。

西學東漸

神宗在位期間，西方傳教士紛紛來華，其中以利瑪竇為代表。利瑪竇還在萬曆二十八年（1601年）覲見了神宗，向神宗進呈《萬國圖志》、自鳴鐘、大西洋琴等西方方物，獲得了神宗的信任。

利瑪竇還與進士出身的翰林徐光啟交情最好。除利瑪竇來華外，來中國的傳教士還有意大利的熊三拔、艾儒略，日耳曼人湯若望等人。

西方傳教士來到中國，把西方數學、天文、地理等科學技術知識還有西方文化傳到中國，在一定程度上促進了當時中國社會經濟文化的發展，而中國士大夫階層中的少數先進分子，同時起了一種喚醒的作用。

File:CEM-19-Asiae-nova-description-1610-Jodocus-Hondius-2538.jpg|荷蘭地理學家約道庫斯·洪第烏斯編制的萬曆三十八年（1610年）明朝版圖。

File:CMOC Treasures of Ancient China exhibit - calligraphy brush with dragon design.jpg|上刻「大明萬曆年製」的御用毛筆

國本之爭

萬曆九年，神宗在向太后請安時，一時衝動，臨幸一名宮女，生下了長子朱常洛。因為朱常洛是宮女所生，神宗不喜歡他，且有意立愛妃鄭氏所生的朱常洵為太子。萬曆十四年群臣上奏請神宗即立常洛為太子，萬曆以常洛尚年幼體虛未定，拖延不決。

萬曆二十一年，明神宗變本加厲，下手詔要將皇長子朱常洛、三子朱常洵和皇五子朱常浩一同封為藩王。朝臣聽聞一片譁然，紛紛上奏神宗。如雪片般飛來的痛批奏摺，使神宗倍感壓力，迫於眾議只好不得已收回前命。直到萬曆二十九年，神宗才立其為皇太子。

而長久以來的國本之爭引發出了兩次妖書案，這些案件即是朝廷大臣內鬨的縮影，可說是東林黨爭。

女真崛起

此時東北女真族興起，成為日後明朝的隱患。萬曆四十六年（1618年）四月十三日，女真酋長努爾哈赤自稱「覆育列國英明汗」，湊「七大恨」，以掀起叛亂，並僭稱國號為後金。四十六年四月，女真兵克撫順，殺死遼東總兵官張承胤，朝野震驚。為了應付女真，把努爾哈赤「務期殲滅，以奠封疆」，自萬曆四十六年九月起，朝廷先後三次下令除了畿內八府及貴州以外，加派全國田賦九厘，合共增賦五百二十萬，時稱遼餉，明末三餉之始，而神宗有鑑於地方官員在遼餉外可能會額外徵收火耗剝削百姓，特別下旨嚴禁。萬曆四十七年（1619年），遼東經略楊鎬領尚方劍，調兵遣將，並以李如柏、杜松、劉綎、馬林四將分兵進攻後金，結果在薩爾滸之戰大敗，死四萬餘人，開原和鐵嶺淪陷，首都燕京震動。

戰爭中，明神宗多有佈置方略，但一直吝惜內庫帑銀，不願撥內帑充餉，直至朝臣再三請求而後才勉強發了帑銀十萬，但其中多黑如漆或脆如土，致使師老餉匱。待四路殞將覆師後，神宗才又警憒振聾，發了近四十萬兩內帑銀解赴遼東，並任用熊廷弼守遼東，並給予其大力支持，屯兵築城，振飭軍備，才稍稍將東北局勢扭轉。雖然明神宗多年未正式上朝，但大到朝鮮之役，小到順天府祈雨，均由皇帝在內宮作出，並發各部門直接執行。

死亡

薩爾滸之戰後，遼東失陷，神宗鬱鬱寡歡，焦勞國事。萬曆四十八年（1620年）四月，皇后王喜姐病逝，明神宗在眾大臣的催促下，傳召禮部葬禮查優厚先例辦理。

萬曆四十八年七月二十一日（1620年8月18日），神宗皇帝死於紫禁城弘德殿內，享年五十八歲。臨終前遺詔指出大臣應勉以用心辦事，以及廢礦稅，起用建言而得罪的官員等。

朝鮮一國為此舉哀。皇太子朱常洛立即發內帑百萬犒賞邊關將士。停止所有礦稅，召回以言得罪的諸臣。不久，再發內帑百萬犒邊。八月即位，改元泰昌，是為明光宗，光宗即位後，內閣先是為神宗擬上廟號顯宗、諡號恭皇帝，後來，朝臣認為諡號的「恭」是晉恭帝，隋恭帝兩位末代皇帝的諡號，先帝聖謨不可殫述，而帝堯運乃神之德，於是後改成為其上廟號神宗，諡號顯皇帝。九月，在位不足三十天的明光宗便在紅丸案之中暴斃。因光宗即位不到一個月即告駕崩，孫子熹宗朱由校即位後，於十月丙午（10月27日）葬神宗於定陵。

彌留之際：

臨終遺言：

遺詔

陵寢墓地

萬曆帝的定陵1958年被發掘，萬曆帝尸骨復原，「生前體形上部為駝背」、左腳略右腳短。文革時期的1966年8月24日，遺骨被紅衛兵付之一炬。因此，萬曆皇帝之所以三十年不上朝的原因，有一說是認為自己身形不正，感到自卑，所以不敢見人。

陵寢的考古發掘

1955年10月4日，郭沫若、沈雁冰、吳晗、鄧拓、范文瀾、張蘇等人聯名提交《關于發掘明長陵的請示報告》給國務院秘書長習仲勛。報告轉給主管文化工作的國務院副總理陳毅，並呈報國務院總理周恩來。文化部文物局局長鄭振鐸、中國科學院考古研究所副所長夏鼐得知後認為條件不成熟，強烈反對貿然發掘，高層形成一場爭論。周恩來向毛澤東作了匯報，毛澤東點頭後，周恩來批下「原則同意」四字。長陵發掘委員會委員夏鼐負責發掘的技術指導，便讓其學生趙其昌（後任首都博物館館長）做前期調研。趙其昌帶探工在長陵未找到發掘線索。在向夏鼐、吳晗等人匯報後，經商討決定先試掘獻陵，積累經驗再發掘長陵。後來吳晗和夏鼐認為試掘獻陵對長陵的發掘參考價值不大，吳晗提議試掘永陵，遭夏鼐強烈反對，認為這與發掘長陵無異；試掘思陵，吳晗認為太小，是妃子墓改建。此後吳晗和夏鼐才想到定陵。楊仕、岳南合著的《定陵地下玄宮洞開記》認為，吳晗和夏鼐想到定陵的原因有二，「第一，定陵是十三陵中營建年代較晚的一個，地面建築保存得比較完整，將來修複起來也容易些。第二，萬曆是明朝統治時間最長的一個，做了48年皇帝，可能史料會多一些。」 定陵的開挖始末，《風雪定陵》一書有詳細的介紹。

1956年5月開始試掘，歷時一年試掘成功，1957年打開玄宮。其玄宮由前室、中室、後室、左配室、右配室組成，石條起券，前室前面有隧道券，總面積1195平方米，出土文物3000多件。1959年9月30日，就定陵原址建為「定陵博物館」，郭沫若題寫館名。1959年10月1日正式對外開放。由于技術水平落後，出土的大批文物無法保存，發掘出土的絲織品變硬腐化。鄭振鐸、夏鼐為此上書國務院，請求立即停止再批准發掘帝王陵墓的申請，國務院總理周恩來同意了他們的意見。不主動發掘帝王陵墓自此成為中國考古界的定規。

1966年文化大革命爆發後，定陵遭到嚴重破壞，保存在定陵文物倉庫中的萬曆帝、后的屍骨被紅衛兵以「打倒地主階級的頭子萬曆」的口號被揪出。1966年8月24日，萬曆帝、后的三具尸骨以及一箱帝、后畫像、資料照片等被抬到定陵博物館重門前的廣場上接受批鬥並焚毀。

任用官吏

內閣首輔

• 張居正

• 呂調陽

• 張四維

• 馬自強

• 申時行

• 潘晟

• 余有丁

• 許國

• 王錫爵

• 王家屏

• 趙志皋

• 張位

• 陳于陛

• 沈一貫

• 沈鯉

• 朱賡

• 于慎行

• 李廷機

• 葉向高

• 方從哲

• 吳道南

名將

• 戚繼光

• 李成梁

• 李如松

• 達雲

• 麻貴

• 熊廷弼

• 王崇古

• 譚綸

• 李化龍

• 沈有容

• 杜松

• 劉綎

• 陳璘

• 鄧子龍

• 駱尚志

• 官秉忠

• 董一元

• 柴國柱

• 張臣

• 蕭如薰

太監

• 馮保：萬曆初年司禮監掌印兼秉筆太監，與張居正合作剷除高拱，助其成為首輔，其人善琴能書，但個性貪婪，後被抄家貶除。

• 張鯨：掌東廠。助萬曆罷除馮保後任秉筆太監。性剛果，萬曆帝倚任非常，但後漸招權受賕，最終得罪寵衰，減死充軍。

• 張誠：司禮監掌印太監，以能幹有勞績，調度有方而著稱。

• 陳矩：司禮監秉筆太監。提督東廠，為人平恕識大體，清廉正直，體恤官民。

• 陳增：礦稅太監。增肆惡山東者十年。

• 陳奉：御馬監奉御。每托巡歷，鞭笞官吏，剽劫行旅。

• 高淮：尚膳監監丞。掠奪民財甚劇。遼東礦監，其黨橫行，激起民變。

• 梁永：御馬監監丞。掠奪民財甚劇。

• 田義：司禮監太監，周慎簡重，練達老成，性儉樸寡言，休休有量，有大臣度。

• 崔文升：鄭貴妃宮中內侍。

人物評價

官方評價

• 明朝官修的編年體史書《明神宗顯皇帝實錄》總評萬曆皇帝一生說：「蓋上仁孝聖神，逈絕千古，享國愈久，聖德彌隆，無挽近綜核之煩，而自臻治古幾康之理。海內沐浴玄化幾五十年，國祚靈長，永永無極，所培毓遠矣。先是因秉軸者懲操切之過，不無稍劑以寬大，而上明習政事，乾綱獨攬，予奪進退，莫可測識。晚頗厭言官章奏，概置不報，然每遇大事，未嘗不折衷群議，歸之聖裁。中外振聳，四封宴如，雖以憂勤之主極意治平而不得者，上獨以深居靜攝得之，周之成康，漢之文景，未足況也。至慈護先考，終始無間，尤非草野所得窺，而為堯為舜之旨，更諄諄以期。 ……廟號曰神，殆真如神雲。」

正面

• 黃汝良：「倉箱紅朽無憂歲，南北敉寧不用兵。北塞稱臣四十年，封疆無數獲生全。」

• 姚希孟：「緬懷祖德豈難躋，八柄河魁手自持。鳳詔未聞傳墨敕，貂璫只許貢朱提。兵符細柳將軍令，國計元和宰相稽。蟬鬢秀才垂紫袖，批紅不改舊標題。」

• 丁耀亢：「憶昔村民千百家，門前榆柳蔭桑麻。鳴雞犬吠滿深巷，男舂婦汲聲歡嘩。神宗在位多豐歲，鬥粟文錢物不貴。門少催科人晝眠，四十八載人如醉。」

• 錢謙益：「國家修明昌大之運，自世廟以迄神廟，比及百年，可謂極盛矣。」「萬曆中，正國家日中豫泰之候。」「當盛明日中，君臣大有為之日。」「嗚呼，我神宗顯皇帝，丕承謨烈，久道化成，制科取士，人物滋茂。」

• 王時敏：「神宗之世，海內乂安，生民不見兵火。」

• 談遷：「今吏民嗷嗷，追念寬政，謳吟思慕，雖改代詎一日忘之哉？」

• 夏允彞：「神廟衝齡踐祚，睿質夙成……士大夫以氣節相矜，雖無姚、宋之輔，亦無愧開元之盛時也。」「神廟睿聖非常，雖御朝日希，而柄不旁落，止以鄙夷群臣之故，置庶務于不理。士大夫益縱橫于下，而國事大壞。」

• 陳洪綬：「楓溪梅雨山樓醉，竹塢香茶佛屋眠。得福不知今日想，神宗皇帝太平年。」

• 吳偉業：「余嘗惟國家當神宗皇帝時，天下平治。」「以余所聞，神宗皇帝時，士大夫以讀書講學相高。」「餘生也晚，猶見神宗皇帝之世，江南土安俗阜，風習最為近古。」

• 顧炎武：「昔在神宗之世，一人無為，四海少事。」「老人尚記為兒時，煙火萬里連江畿。斗米三十穀如土，春花秋月同遊嬉。定陵龍馭歸蒼昊，國事人情亦草草事。」

• 彭孫貽：「眼見萬曆年，朝野穆清昊。」「風光漫思江南樂，父老還思萬曆年。」

• 方孝標：「此時神廟正垂衣，四海烽清禾黍肥。」

• 吳嘉紀：「酒人一見皆垂淚，乃是先朝萬曆錢。」

• 林古度：「陸離徬彿五銖光，筆畫分明萬曆字。座客傳看盡黯然，還將一縷為君穿。且共開顏傾濁釀，不須滴淚憶當年。」

• 徐枋：「神宗朝正當國家全盛。」

• 杜濬：「萬曆年間，……九州富庶無旌麾，揚州之域尤稀奇。。」

• 李鄴嗣：「神宗全盛日，海內一愁無。尚及聞遺老，今猶哭鼎湖。」

• 汪琬：「琬嘗追溯神宗之世，國家方承平無事。」「神宗德澤猶在人心。」

• 曾燦：「神宗乙巳年，中原邊輔無烽煙。聖人御極賢者出，粟米流脂貫朽錢。」

• 陳維嵩：「先朝神宗御宇五十餘載，六服休暢，被潤澤而大豐美。」

• 呂留良：「生逢神廟間，貌古性亦淳。海宇忘兵革，冠佩何彬彬。當時不知好，今憶真天神。三十後少年，語之笑且嗔。」

• 魏世效：「萬曆之四十六年，天下熙暤。當斯時也，物安其性，民安其業，濡染涵育，莫不知立身愛君之道。而敦龐之風，謙下之節，亦惟此時人能有之。」

• 朝鮮貢使李睟光：「巍功赫業五帝六，冠帶車書四海一。商周禮樂漢文物，鼓舞堯天歌舜日。」「聖主天地千年德，嗚呼!聖主天地千年德。」

• 朝鮮大臣樸淳：「皇上年方十歲，聖資英睿，自四歲已能讀書，以方在諒陰，未安于逐日視事，故禮部奏，惟每旬內三六九日視朝。仍詣文華館，御經筵，四書及《近思錄》、《性理大全》，皆畢讀。自近日，始講《左傳》，百司奏帖，親自歷覽，取筆批之，大小臣工，莫不稱慶。」

• 朝鮮使臣對萬曆皇帝執政前期的勤政是極為稱道的：「因聞皇上講學之勤，三六九日，則無不視朝，其餘日則雖寒暑之極，不輟經筵。四書則方講孟子，綱目至於唐紀，日出坐殿，則講官立講。講迄，各陳時務。又書額字，書敬畏二字以賜閣老，又以責難陳善四字，賜經筵官，以正己率屬四字，賜六部尚書，虛心好問，而 聖學日進於高明。下懷盡達，而庶政無不修，至午乃罷，仍賜宴於講臣，寵禮優渥雲。嗚呼！聖年才至十二，而君德已著如此。若於後日長進不已，則四海萬姓之得受其福者。」

• 《宣祖實錄》：「今皇帝沖年卽位，資質英明，時無過誤，朝野無事，人情似有喜悅之意。」

• 成書于清初的小說《樵史通俗演義》開篇說：「傳至萬曆，不要說別的好處，只說柴米油鹽雞鵝魚肉諸般食用之類，哪一件不賤？假如數口之家，每日大魚大肉，所費不過二三錢，這是極算豐富的了。還有那小戶人家，肩挑步擔的，每日賺得二三十文，就可過得一日了。到晚還要吃些酒，醉醺醺說笑話，唱吳歌，聽說書，冬天烘火夏乘涼，百般玩耍。那時節大家小戶好不快活，南北兩京十三省皆然。皇帝不常常坐朝，大小官員都上本激聒，也不震怒。人都說神宗皇帝，真是個堯舜了。一時賢想如張居正，去位後有申時行、王錫爵，一班兒肯做事又不生事，有權柄又不弄權柄的，坐鎮太平。至今父老說到那時節，好不感嘆思慕。」

• 《亂離見聞錄》作者陳舜回憶說：「予生萬曆四十六年戊午八月廿六日卯時，父母俱廿三歲，時丁昇平，四方樂利，又家海角，魚米之鄉。斗米錢未二十，斤魚錢一二，檳榔十顆錢二文，著十束錢一文，斤肉，只鴨錢六七文，斗鹽錢三文，百般平易。窮者幸托安生，差徭省，賦役輕，石米歲輸千錢。每年兩熟，耕者鼓腹，士好詞章，工賈九流熙熙自適，何樂如之。」

• 成書于天啟四年的小說《警世通言》，第三十二章說：「自永樂爺九傳至於萬曆爺，此乃我朝第十一代的天子了。這位天子，聰明神武，德福兼全，十歲登基，在位四十八年，削平了三處寇亂。那三處？日本關白平秀吉，西夏承恩，播州楊應龍。平秀吉侵犯朝鮮，承恩、楊應龍是土官謀叛，先後削平。遠夷莫不畏服，爭來朝貢。真個是：一人有慶民安樂，四海無虞國太平。」

• 成書于萬曆四十七年的《萬曆野獲編》，編輯小引說：「今上御極已垂五十年。德符幸生堯舜之世，雖果處菰蘆，然詠歌太平，無非聖朝佳話。間有稍關時事者，其涇渭自明，藿食者但能粗憶梗概而已。」

• 清世祖：「當明之初，取民有制，休養生息。萬曆年間，海內殷富，家給人足。天啟，崇禎之世，因兵增餉，加派繁興，貪吏綠以為奸，民不堪命，國祚隨之，良足深鑒。」

• 崔瑞德，《劍橋中國明代史》：萬曆皇帝聰明而敏銳；他自稱早慧似乎是有根據的。他博覽群書；甚至在他最後的日子裡，在他已深居宮廷幾十年，並已完全和他的官吏們疏遠了時，按照他時代的標準，他仍然博聞廣識。

負面

• 《明史·神宗本紀》：「贊曰：神宗沖齡踐阼，江陵秉政，綜核名實，國勢幾於富強。繼乃因循牽制，晏處深宮，綱紀廢弛，君臣否隔。於是小人好權趨利者馳騖追逐，與名節之士為仇讎，門戶紛然角立。馴至悊、愍，邪黨滋蔓。在廷正類無深識遠慮以折其機牙，而不勝忿激，交相攻訐。以致人主蓄疑，賢奸雜用，潰敗決裂，不可振救。故論者謂明之亡，實亡於神宗，豈不諒歟。」「神皇乘運，豫大豐亨，征徭既繁，百工叢脞，揆厥亂源，所自來爾。」

• 趙翼《廿二史劄記·萬曆中礦稅之害》：「論者謂明之亡，不亡於崇禎而亡於萬曆。」

• 谷應泰《明史紀事本末·第六十五卷礦稅之弊》：「神宗奕葉昇平，邊圉封貢，海內乂安，家給人足……逮至萬曆二十四年，張位主謀，仲春建策，而礦稅始起……當斯時也，瓦解土崩，民流政散，其不亡者幸耳。」

• 清高宗在《明長陵神功聖德碑》則道：「明之亡非亡於流寇，而亡於神宗之荒唐，及天啟時閹宦之專橫，大臣志在祿位金錢，百官專務鑽營阿諛。及思宗即位，逆閹雖誅，而天下之勢，已如河決不可復塞，魚爛不可復收矣。而又苛察太甚，人懷自免之心。小民疾苦而無告，故相聚為盜，闖賊乘之，而明社遂屋。嗚呼！有天下者，可不知所戒懼哉？」

• 宋浚吉: 「不怨暗君，天啓皇帝不可怨之君，而萬曆皇帝以初年英豪之主，臨御四十年，未嘗引接臣僚，此可為戒者也。」

• 黃仁宇在《萬曆十五年》一書將萬曆皇帝的荒怠，聯繫到萬曆皇帝與文官群體在「立儲之爭」觀念上的對抗。怠政則是萬曆皇帝對文官集團的報復。黃仁宇說：「他身上的巨大變化發生在什麼時候，沒有人可以做出確切的答復。但是追溯皇位繼承問題的發生，以及一連串使皇帝感到大為不快的問題的出現，那麼1587年丁亥，即萬曆十五年，可以作為一條界線。這一年表面上並無重大的動蕩，但是對本朝的歷史卻有它特別重要之處。」在《萬曆十五年》文末總結，「1587年，是為萬曆15年，歲次丁亥，表面上似乎是四海昇平，無事可記，實際上我們的大明帝國卻已經走到了它發展的盡頭。在這個時候，皇帝的勵精圖治或者晏安耽樂，首輔的獨裁或者調和，高級將領的富於創造或者習於苟安，文官的廉潔奉公或者貪污舞弊，思想家的極端進步或者絕對保守，最後的結果，都是無分善惡，統統不能在事實上取得有意義的發展。因此我們的故事只好在這裡作悲劇性的結束。萬曆丁亥年的年鑑，是為歷史上一部失敗的總記錄。」

其他

• 在黃仁宇等的著作中也表達出中國明代中後期，皇帝只是一個牌位，而事實上萬曆的個人行為對基層的國家的習慣軌跡並無大的影響。

軼事

賢臣為寶，珠玉何益

萬曆元年十月八日，是日講的日子，朱翊鈞在文華殿聽張居正進講《帝鑑圖說》。當張居正講到宋仁宗不喜珠飾，值得效法時，朱翊鈞立即表示同感：「賢臣才是寶，珠玉又有何益！」張居正接著說：「聖明的君主貴五穀而賤珠玉，五穀可以養人，而金玉飢不可食，寒不可衣，《書經》稱不作無益害有益，不貴異物賤用物，道理也就在這裡。」「是啊！宮裡的人喜歡裝飾，我在年賜時每每節省，宮人們都有意見，我說國庫的積蓄又有多少呢？」朱翊鈞又回答說。張居正便誇獎道：「皇上能這樣說，真是社稷生靈的福氣啊！」當時朱翊鈞才不過十歲。

少年老成

萬曆二年，朝鮮使臣許篈、趙憲前來朝貢。許篈在其前往中國記錄見聞的《朝天記》對年幼的萬曆天子的形象進行了描寫，記載其「聲甚清朗」「天威甚邇，龍顏壯大，語聲鏗然，不勝歡欣之極」同行的另一位使臣趙憲則更生動地記錄地在《朝天日記》道：「上年僅十二歲，而注視別人時十分老成，端坐在龍椅上也不曾搖動，並不會叫太監內臣傳達他的旨意，反而是親自對臣工下聖諭，而聲音玉質淵秀，金聲清暢。一聽到年幼天子的聲音，就感動起來，對以後天下太平萬歲的希望，也更加愈切了。」，而趙憲甚至把年幼的萬曆天子與其父明穆宗作比較，卻指出其父上朝時精神不集中、時常東張西望，而且聲音微弱，需要宦官再去大聲宣旨，儀態形像不佳。

喜好讀書

自從張居正去世以後，萬曆終於能擺脫出翰林學士的羈絆；而自從他成為父親以來，李太后也不再管他的生活。但是，皇帝自幼聰惠，在這個時候確實已經成年了，他已經不再有興趣和小宦官去打鬧，而是變成了一個喜歡讀書的人。他命令大學士把本朝諸祖宗的「實錄」抄出副本供他閱讀，又命令宦官在北京城內收買新出版的各種書籍，包括詩歌、論議、醫藥、劇本、小說等各個方面。

罷治水田

萬曆十四年三月，一次君臣召對中，因京師陰霾蔽空，皇帝決定減免一些稅賦，並認為或許最近開水田太過擾民，而致上天警示，應當停止，閣臣申時行委婉地說道：「京東地方，田地荒蕪，廢棄可惜，相應開墾。」皇帝復說道：「南方地下，北方地高。南地濕潤，北地鹼燥。且如去歲天旱，井泉都乾竭了。這水田怎能做得？」於是申時行頓時認為聖裁允當，拜首執行。

御史拿人

明朝遺民李長祥在「天問閣集」的「劉宮人傳」中也對萬曆皇帝有過高度評價，甚至認為萬曆皇帝比起東漢光武帝，唐太宗來，品德更在其上。

明末流離出宮的一個老宮女劉氏曾在萬曆年間任職。他與李長祥講述當年的事情「一天內官（太監）持朱筆寫的傳票給萬曆皇帝看，皇帝看完不說話，太監說：「連皇帝內侍的左右內官都容不下，還敢來捉拿。」皇帝沉默了一回，便回答說：「用朱票捉拿人是巡城御史的職責，怎麼能奪他權柄，阻礙他執法，況且你們一定是幹了些什麼壞事。這事朕不管，人就隨他捉拿吧。」這時候皇帝還不知道當時發生了什麼事。

後來李長祥覽神宗遺事，原來是當年有一人告內官於御史，御史不知道他已經進宮了，即出朱票拿人。手持朱票去捉人的也不是有經驗的人，直接走到午門去索問。一眾內官馬上就大怒並把票奪走，走到皇帝面前奏上此事，皇帝說的話就跟老宮女劉氏一模一樣，居然兩事能互相對證。

李長祥也不禁大加讚許：「嗚呼聖人哉，聖人哉……考當日所為，亦飾語耳，若神宗乃真有其實，雖唐虞三代之令主，何以加此。其能使海內家給人足，道不拾遺，夜不閉戶者四十八年，有以哉！」

怠政之謎

明神宗屍骨被發掘後，發現其駝背後左腳長右腳短，但學者認為神宗生前並不適用。一說神宗生前從未走出過紫禁城，也不符史實，《明神宗實錄》均載，祭先皇陵、祭天、祈雨、祭孔、祭先農等重大儀式均由皇帝主持，且亦有參與騎馬、步行，均不見有載其殘頹之說，屍體上發現的殘缺應該是年老時造成的，而非先天疾病，且三十年不上朝的神宗，其實都有在內廷批奏摺、發令等，並非完全不事朝政。《五雜俎》卷九、《萬曆野獲編》卷第二十四均載明神宗一晚夢虎噬足，第二日覺得腳痛，便令人將西苑虎城幾隻老虎餓死，其中一虎甚大，長丈許，餓至二十四日方死，呼聲動地。從此明神宗不再養虎。

中英交流

英國女王伊麗莎白一世在萬曆二十四年（1596年）給當時中國在位的神宗皇帝寫了一封親筆信，希望英中兩國開展貿易往來以及在其他領域交流的願望。同時還派使者約翰·紐伯萊出使明朝，將這封親筆信遞交給神宗。然而使者在途中遇難，伊麗莎白一世感到相當無奈，表示這件不幸的事情是她的終身遺憾。但是這封親筆信卻沒有丟失，後來被大英博物館收藏。

1986年，中華人民共和國主席李先念邀請英國女王伊莉莎白二世訪華，伊莉莎白二世決定將那封時隔390年的信作為贈禮送給中國國家主席李先念，伊莉莎白二世女王深情地說：「390年前那封信未能到達你們這個偉大而美麗的國度，今天終於由我本人平安地送到了，我為此感到由衷地自豪。」

伊麗莎白一世寫給明朝萬曆帝的親筆信內容如下：

中俄交流

萬曆年間，俄羅斯沙皇國特使伊萬·佩特林曾穿越蒙古草原到訪中國，並獲萬曆皇帝授予敕書，回國後直到1676年才翻譯此「國書」到俄文，此時明朝早已滅亡。而「國書」因語句不通，長期被質疑此訪的真偽，直到現代才得到研究人員的証實。

家庭成員

妻妾

皇后

• 孝端顯皇后王氏，皇后，謚曰孝端貞恪莊惠仁明媲天毓聖顯皇后，合葬定陵，主祔廟。

• 孝靖皇后王氏，光宗朱常洛生母，初封恭妃，後進皇貴妃，崩，謚溫肅端靖純懿皇貴妃，葬天壽山。明熹宗謚曰孝靖溫懿敬讓貞慈參天胤聖皇太后，遷葬定陵，祀奉慈殿。

妃嬪

• 貴妃鄭氏，九嬪之一。封貴妃，後進皇貴妃。薨，謚恭恪惠榮和靖皇貴妃，葬銀泉山。南明弘光帝謚曰孝寧溫穆莊惠慈懿憲天裕聖太皇太后。

• 敬妃李氏，原為宮人，初封敬妃，後進皇貴妃。薨，謚恭順榮莊端靜皇貴妃，葬銀泉山。南明永曆帝謚曰孝敬恭順榮莊瑞靖敬天光聖太皇太后。

• 端妃周氏，九嬪之一。

• 端靖榮妃王氏，九嬪之一。

• 德嬪李氏，九嬪之一。崇禎二年薨。

• 榮嬪李氏，九嬪之一。天啟六年薨。

• 慎嬪魏氏，九嬪之一。死于萬曆三十四年。

• 敬嬪邵氏，九嬪之一。萬曆三十四年薨。

• 順嬪張氏，九嬪之一。萬曆十六年(1588年)十二月，禮部題順嬪張氏薨逝。

• 和嬪梁氏，九嬪之一。崇禎十六年薨。

• 宣懿昭妃劉氏，思宗尊為太妃。

• 宜妃楊氏

• 清惠順妃李氏：（?－1623年），萬曆三十二年（1604年）八月冊封順妃。生有皇幼子朱常溥和皇幼女天台公主朱軒媺（皆早夭，次序不詳）。天啟三年薨逝，謚號清惠，袝葬銀錢山恭順榮zh-hans:莊; zh-hant:莊;端靖皇貴妃旁。

• 莊靖德妃許氏，原為宮人。

• 溫靜順妃常氏南山公常江的女兒。

• 僖妃王氏

• 悼嬪耿氏。萬曆十七年六月悼嬪耿氏薨。

• 侍御胡氏，未獲正式冊封

• 貴人郭氏

兄弟

• 憲懷太子朱翊鉽

• 靖悼王朱翊鈴

• 潞簡王朱翊鏐

子女

子

• 光宗朱常洛（1582－1620，38歲），母孝靖皇太后王氏，繼皇帝位一月後死去。

• 邠哀王朱常漵（1585年），甫生即死，母恭恪皇貴妃鄭氏。

• 福王朱常洵（1586－1641，55歲），母恭恪皇貴妃鄭氏，被李自成所殺，追尊明恭宗。

• #長子朱由崧，南明弘光帝，廟號安宗。　

• 沅懷王朱常治（1587－1588），母恭恪皇貴妃鄭氏，一歲殤。

• 瑞王朱常浩（1590－1644，54歲），母端妃周氏，被張獻忠所殺。

• 惠王朱常潤（1594－1645，51歲），母敬妃李氏，南明時被清廷所殺。

• 桂端王朱常瀛（1597－1645，48歲），母敬妃李氏。追尊明禮宗。

• #四子朱由榔，南明永曆帝，廟號昭宗。　

• 永思王朱常溥（1604－1606），母順妃李氏，兩歲殤。

女

• 榮昌公主朱軒媖（1582－1647），母孝端顯皇后，萬曆二十四年下嫁楊春元，在清朝順治年間去世。四十四年，春元卒。久之，主薨。

• 雲和公主朱軒姝（1584－1590），母貴妃鄭氏，六歲早薨，追冊。

• 靜樂公主朱軒媯（1584－1585），母榮妃王氏，薨于萬曆十三年閏九月戊午。

• 雲夢公主朱軒嫄（1584－1587），母孝靖太后，明光宗同母妹。三歲早薨，追冊。

• 仙居公主朱軒姞（1584－1585），母德嬪李氏，萬曆十二年七月二十日生，同年十二月三十日薨逝。

• 靈丘公主朱軒姚（1588－1589），母貴妃鄭氏，于萬曆十六年八月甲午生，萬曆十七年五月庚申薨。

• 壽寧公主朱軒媁（1592－1634），母貴妃鄭氏，二十七年下嫁冉興讓。

• 泰順公主朱軒姬（？－1593），母德嬪李氏，夭折，追冊。

• 香山公主朱軒嬁（1598－1599），母德嬪李氏，在萬曆二十七年正月庚戌賜名，六月庚寅即薨。

• 天台公主朱軒媺（1605－1606），母順妃李氏，夭折，追冊。

影視作品

延伸閱讀