Early years

Childhood

Zhu Di, the future Yongle Emperor, was born on 2 May 1360 as the fourth son of Zhu Yuanzhang. At the time, Zhu Yuanzhang was based in Nanjing and was a prominent leader in the Red Turban Rebellion, an uprising against the Mongol-led Yuan dynasty that controlled China. The rebellion aimed to restore Han Chinese rule after decades of Mongol domination. In the 1360s, Zhu Yuanzhang conquered China, established the Ming dynasty, and declared himself emperor. He is commonly known by his era name as the Hongwu Emperor.

After taking the throne, Zhu Di claimed to be the son of Zhu Yuanzhang's primary wife, Lady Ma, who had been empress since 1368, but other sources suggest that his real mother was a concubine of the Hongwu Emperor with the title Consort Gong, who was either Mongolian (from the Khongirad tribe) or possibly Korean. After becoming emperor, Zhu Di attempted to present himself as the Hongwu Emperor's legitimate successor by declaring himself and his fifth son, Zhu Su, as the only sons of Empress Ma in the 1403 edition of the official Veritable Records of Emperor Taizu. This was clearly absurd, as it was unlikely that a son of the empress would not be named as successor during the Hongwu Emperor's lifetime. Therefore, in the later version of 1418, all five of the Hongwu Emperor's sons were recognized as her descendants.

Zhu Di spent his childhood in Nanjing, where he was raised with a strong emphasis on discipline and modesty, along with the other children of Zhu Yuanzhang. Out of all his siblings, he had a special fondness for Princess Ningguo, Zhu Fu, and Zhu Su, who was only 15 months younger. Despite their contrasting personalities, Zhu Di and Zhu Su became the closest of friends. While Zhu Di enjoyed activities such as archery and horseback riding, Zhu Su preferred studying literature and tending to plants.

The emperor took great care in the education of his sons, enlisting the help of prominent scholars from the empire. Initially, Song Lian was appointed as the teacher for the crown prince, and also gave lectures to the other princes. Song Lian's successor, Kong Keren, had a significant influence on Zhu Di, teaching him philosophy and ethics. Zhu Di's favorite subject was the history of the Han dynasty, particularly the emperors Gaozu and Wudi. In fact, he often referenced examples from the life of Qin Shi Huang in his decrees.

Youth

On 22 April 1370, the emperor's sons, with the exception of the crown prince, were granted princely titles. Zhu Di was bestowed with the title of Prince of Yan. Yan was a region located in the northeast of China, with its most significant city being Beiping (present-day Beijing). During the Mongol-led Yuan dynasty, Beiping served as the capital of China. After being conquered by the Ming dynasty in 1368, it became a crucial stronghold for the troops guarding the northern border of China and was also designated as the capital of the province with the same name.

At that time, Zhu Di was given his own household, with adviser Hua Yunlong and tutor Gao Xian at its head. Gao Xian spent the next four to five years lecturing him on Confucian classics, history, agriculture, and irrigation. He also trained the prince in poetry and prose writing, and explained the rules of governance and the selection of subordinates. After Hua's death and Gao's dismissal, Fei Yu, Qiu Guang, Wang Wuban, and Zhu Fu took over Zhu Di's education. Despite receiving a comprehensive education from esteemed teachers, Zhu Di's true passion always lay in military pursuits rather than scholarly pursuits and palace discussions.

In early 1376, he married Lady Xu, the daughter of Xu Da, who was ranked first among all of the early Ming generals. She was two years younger than him. Lady Xu was known for her intelligence, decisiveness, and energy. The couple welcomed their first son, Zhu Gaochi, on 16 August 1378, followed by their second son, Zhu Gaoxu, in 1380. Their third son, Zhu Gaosui, was born three years later.

A few weeks after the wedding, he traveled to Fengyang (then known as Zhongdu—the Central Capital) where he underwent seven months of military training alongside his elder brothers, Zhu Shuang and Zhu Gang. Two years later, he returned to Fengyang with his younger brothers, Zhu Su, Zhu Zhen, and Zhu Fu, and stayed for an additional two years. During this time, he not only trained in command and combat, but also gained knowledge in logistics and the acquisition and transportation of materials and supplies for warfare. It was during this period that his organizational skills began to emerge, which he later utilized effectively in his battles. He also took the opportunity to disguise himself as a regular soldier and immerse himself in the lives of ordinary people. Looking back, he considered his time in Fengyang to be the happiest days of his life.

In 1376, Li Wenzhong, the nephew and adopted son of the Hongwu Emperor, who was responsible for defending the north, was given the responsibility of preparing the prince's palace in Beijing. He utilized the former palaces of the Yuan emperors, providing Zhu Di with a larger and more fortified residence compared to his brothers, some of whom resided in converted temples or county offices. General Li also focused on fortifying the city, a decision that would have consequences during the civil war when his son, Li Jinglong, unsuccessfully attempted to besiege Beiping in 1399.

Prince of Yan in Beiping

In April 1380, at the age of twenty, he moved to Beiping. He encountered a strong Mongolian influence, which the government tried to suppress by banning Mongolian customs, clothing, and names. The city had recovered from the famine and wars of the 1350s and 1360s and was experiencing growth. Along with the hundreds of thousands of soldiers stationed in the region, the city was also home to officials administering the province, as well as artisans and laborers from all over the country. The main concern of the local authorities was providing enough food for the population. Peasants were relocated to the north, soldiers and convicts were sent to cultivate the land, and merchants were granted licenses to trade salt in exchange for bringing grain to the region. The government also transported food supplies to the city.

Zhu Di's interest in the military was put into practice when he personally trained his own guard. He used his detachments as a means of balancing the power of the provincial commander, who was unable to mobilize troops without authorization from the emperor and approval from the prince. Meanwhile, the prince had the freedom to train and deploy his own guard. In 1381, Zhu Di had his first experience in the field when he joined Xu Da's campaign against the Mongols, led by Nayur Buqa.

In the 1380s, Zhu Di served in border defense under the leadership of his father-in-law, Xu Da. After Su's death in 1385, Fu Youde, Xu's deputy, took over leadership. In 1387, Zhu Di participated in a successful attack on the Mongols in Liaodong, led by Feng Sheng. The following year, a Ming army led by Lan Yu made a foray into eastern Mongolia and defeated the Mongol khan Tögüs Temür, capturing many prisoners and horses, but both generals were accused of mistreating captives and misappropriating booty, which was reported to the emperor by the prince.

In January 1390, the emperor entrusted his sons with independent command for the first time. The princes of Jin (Zhu Gang), Yan (Zhu Di), and Qi (Zhu Fu) were given the task of leading a punitive expedition against the Mongol commanders Nayur Buqa and Alu Temür, who were threatening Shanxi and Gansu. Zhu Di demonstrated excellent command skills when he defeated and captured both Mongol commanders in battle. They then served under him with their troops. The emperor himself appreciated Zhu Di's success, which contrasted with the hesitancy of the Prince of Jin. Zhu Di continued to lead armies into battle against the Mongols repeatedly and with great success.

In 1392, the emperor's eldest son and crown prince, Zhu Biao, died. The court then discussed who would succeed him, and ultimately, the primogeniture viewpoint, advocated by scholars from the Hanlin Academy and high officials, prevailed. As a result, Zhu Biao's son, Zhu Yunwen, was appointed as the new successor. Generals Feng Sheng, Fu Youde, and Lan Yu (who were related to the successor by blood) were chosen as his tutors and teachers, but due to a recommendation from Zhu Di, the Hongwu Emperor began to suspect the three generals of treason. Zhu Di did not have a good relationship with Lan Yu, and according to historian Wang Shizhen (; 1526–1590), he was responsible for Lan Yu's execution in March 1393. The other two generals also died under unclear circumstances at the turn of 1394 and 1395. In their place, princes were appointed. For example, in 1393, the Prince of Jin was given command of all the troops in Shanxi province, and the Prince of Yan was given command in Beiping province. Additionally, Zhu Shuang, Prince of Qin, was in charge of Shaanxi, but he died in 1395.

The Hongwu Emperor, who was deeply affected by the death of his two eldest sons and the strained relations between his remaining sons and the heir, made the decision to revise the rules governing the imperial family for the fourth time. The new edition significantly limited the rights of the princes. However, these changes had little impact on Zhu Di's status as they did not affect his main area of expertise—the military. Furthermore, the prince was cautious not to give any reason for criticism. For example, he did not object to the execution of his generals Nayur Buqa and Alu Temür, who were accused of treason. He also exercised caution in diplomatic relations, such as when he welcomed Korean delegations passing through Beiping, to avoid any indication of disrespect towards the emperor's authority.

Out of the six princes responsible for guarding the northern border, Zhu Di was the second oldest but also the most capable. He had operated in a vast territory, stretching from Liaodong to the bend of the Yellow River. He was not afraid to take risks, as demonstrated by his defeat of the Mongols led by Polin Temür at Daning in the summer of 1396. He also went on a raid with the Prince of Jin several hundred kilometers north of the Great Wall, which earned them a sharp reprimand from the emperor. In April 1398, Zhu Di's elder brother, the Prince of Jin, died, leaving Zhu Di as the undisputed leader of the northern border defense. Two months later, Zhu Di's father, the Hongwu Emperor, also died.

Rise to power

Conflict with the Jianwen Emperor

After the death of the Hongwu Emperor, Zhu Yunwen ascended the throne as the Jianwen Emperor. His closest advisers immediately began reviewing the Hongwu Emperor's reforms, with the most significant change being an attempt to limit and eventually eliminate the princes who were the sons of the Hongwu Emperor and served as the emperor's support and controlled a significant portion of the military power during his reign. The government employed various methods to remove the five princes, including exile, house arrest, and even driving them to suicide.

Zhu Di was considered the most dangerous of all the princes. He was an experienced military leader and the oldest surviving descendant of the Hongwu Emperor. Due to this, the government treated him with caution and limited his power. They replaced military commanders in the northeast with generals loyal to the Jianwen Emperor and transferred Zhu Di's personal guard outside of Beiping. Despite this, Zhu Di managed to convince the emperor of his loyalty. He even asked for mercy for his friend Zhu Su and begged for permission to return his sons, who had been staying in Nanjing since the funeral of the Hongwu Emperor. This was done by the government as a precaution, effectively holding them as hostages. In June 1399, the emperor's adviser, Huang Zicheng, convinced the emperor that releasing Zhu Di's sons would help calm the situation. The result was the exact opposite.

In early August 1399, Zhu Di used the arrest of two of his officials as a pretext for rebellion. He claimed that he was rising up to protect the emperor from the corrupt court officials. With the support of Beijing dignitaries, he gained control of the city's garrison and occupied the surrounding prefectures and counties. He attempted to justify his actions through letters sent to the court in August and December 1399, as well as through a public statement.

In his letters and statements, he repeatedly asserted that he had no desire for the throne, but as the eldest living son of the deceased emperor, he felt a duty to restore the laws and order that had been dismantled by the new government. He explained that this was out of respect for his late father. He also accused the current emperor and his advisors of withholding information about his father's illness and preventing him from attending the funeral. Furthermore, he condemned their unjust treatment of the emperor's uncles, who were his own younger brothers. He justified his actions as necessary self-defense, not against the emperor himself, but against his corrupt ministers. He referred to these actions as the Jingnan campaign, a campaign to clear away disorders.

Civil war

At the start of the war, Zhu Di commanded a force of 100,000 soldiers and only held control over the immediate area surrounding Beiping. Despite the Nanjing government's larger number of armies and greater material resources, Zhu Di's soldiers were of higher quality and he possessed a strong Mongol cavalry. Most importantly, his military leadership skills were superior to the indecisiveness and lack of coordination displayed by the government's generals.

In September 1399, a government army of 130,000 soldiers, led by the experienced veteran general Geng Bingwen, marched towards Zhending, a city located southwest of Beiping, but by the end of the month, they were defeated. In response, the court appointed a new commander, Li Jinglong, who then led a new army to besiege Beiping on 12 November. Zhu Di, who had been gathering troops in the northeast, swiftly returned and defeated the surprised Li army. The soldiers from the south, who were not accustomed to the cold weather, were forced to retreat to Dezhou in Shandong.

In 1400, there were battles in the southern part of Beiping province and northwestern Shandong, with varying levels of success. In the spring, Zhu Di led a successful attack into Datong, defeating Li Jinglong near Baoding in May and outside Dezhou in June. However, due to concerns about potential enemy reinforcements, Zhu Di ended the siege of Jinan in September and retreated to Beiping. Li Jinglong's lackluster performance led the government to appoint Sheng Yong as the new commander of the counterinsurgency army.

In 1401, Zhu Di attempted to weaken the enemy by attacking smaller units, which disrupted the supply of government troops. Both sides then focused on breaking through along the Grand Canal. In January, Zhu Di suffered a defeat at Dongchang, but in April he was victorious at Jia River. The front continued to move back and forth for the rest of the year.

In 1402, instead of launching another attack along the Grand Canal, Zhu Di advanced further west and bypassed Dezhou. He then conquered Xuzhou in early March. The government troops retreated south to Zhili and were repeatedly defeated. In July, the rebels reached the north bank of the Yangtze River. The commander of the government fleet defected to Zhu Di's side, allowing the rebel army to cross the river without resistance and advance on Nanjing. Due to the betrayal of Li Jinglong and Zhu Hui, Zhu Di's younger brother, the capital city was captured on 13 July 1402, with little resistance. During the clashes, the palace was set on fire, resulting in the deaths of the emperor, his empress, and his son.

Accession to the throne

On 17 July 1402, Zhu Di ascended the throne, officially succeeding his father, the Hongwu Emperor. Even as late as the summer of 1402, the new emperor was still dealing with the followers of the Jianwen Emperor. These followers denied the legitimacy of Zhu Di's rule and he responded by erasing the Jianwen Emperor's reign from history. This included abolishing the Jianwen era and extending the Hongwu era until the end of 1402. In addition, Zhu Di abolished the reforms and laws implemented by the Jianwen government, restored the titles and privileges of the princes, and destroyed government archives (with the exception of financial and military records). He also attempted to involve respected supporters of the Jianwen Emperor, such as Fang Xiaoru and Liu Jing, in his administration, but they refused and were subsequently executed. Similarly, Huang Zicheng and Qi Tai were executed, along with their family members, teachers, students, and followers. Many others were imprisoned or deported to the border, resulting in a purge that affected tens of thousands of people.

After Zhu Di ascended to the imperial throne, the Veritable Records of Emperor Taizu were rewritten. The original version, created in 1402 at the court of the Jianwen Emperor, was deemed unacceptable by the new regime. In late 1402, the authors of the original version began to revise their work, completing it in July 1403, but the emperor was dissatisfied with the revised version and in 1411, he ordered a new version to be prepared. This new version was completed in June 1418, and changes focused primarily on Zhu Di's claim to the throne. It included claims that he was the son of Empress Ma, that the Hongwu Emperor had considered appointing him as successor, that he was to be the regent of the Jianwen Emperor, and that he was an exceptionally talented military leader who was highly favored by his father.

Government

In contrast to the frequent changes in offices during the Hongwu Emperor's reign, the high levels of the Yongle Emperor's administration remained stable. While the emperor did occasionally imprison a minister, the mass purges seen in the Hongwu era did not occur again. The most significant political matters were overseen by eunuchs and generals, while officials were responsible for managing finances, the judiciary, and routine tasks. As a result, the atomization of administration that was characteristic of the Hongwu Emperor's rule diminished, allowing the emperor to focus less on routine details.

The political influence of the bureaucratic apparatus gradually increased, and under the Yongle Emperor's rule, ministers were able to challenge the emperor, even at the cost of their freedom or lives. The most significant change was the emergence of the Grand Secretariat, which played a crucial role in the politics of the Yongle Emperor's successors. Led by the grand secretaries, officials gained control of the government.

Princes and generals

The emperor restored the titles of the princes of Zhou, Qi, and Min, which had been abolished by the Jianwen Emperor, but these titles did not come with the same power and authority as before. During the latter half of his reign, the Yongle Emperor accused many of these princes of committing crimes and punished them by removing their personal guards. Interestingly, he had previously condemned the same actions when they were carried out by the Jianwen Emperor. In order to reduce political threats, the Yongle Emperor relocated several border princes from the north to central and southern China. By the end of his reign, the princes had lost much of their political influence.

One of the Yongle Emperor's first actions upon assuming the throne was to reorganize the military command. He promoted loyal generals and granted them titles and ranks. In October 1402, he appointed two dukes (gong; )—Qiu Fu and Zhu Neng, thirteen marquises (hou; ), and nine counts (bo; ). Among these appointments were one duke and three counts from the dignitaries who had defected to his side before the fall of Nanjing—Li Jinglong, Chen Xuan, Ru Chang, and Wang Zuo. In June 1403, an additional nine generals from the civil war were appointed as marquises or counts. In the following years, meritorious military leaders from the campaign against the Mongols were also granted titles of dukes, marquises, and counts, including those of Mongolian origin.

The emperor established a new hereditary military nobility. While their income from the state treasury (2200–2500 dan of grain for dukes, 1500–800 for marquises, and 1000 for counts; with 1 dan being equivalent to 107 liters) was not particularly high, the prestige associated with their titles was more significant. They commanded armies in the emperor's name, without competition from the princes who had been stripped of their influence. The nobility also held immunity from punishment by local authorities, but there were notable differences from the Hongwu era. During that time, the generals, who were former comrades-in-arms of the emperor, held a higher status, had their own followers, and wielded considerable power in their assigned areas. This eventually posed a threat to the emperor, leading to their elimination. Under the Yongle Emperor, members of the nobility did not participate in regional or civil administration, nor were they assigned permanent military units. Instead, they were given ad hoc assembled armies. Additionally, the emperor often personally led campaigns accompanied by the nobility, strengthening their personal relationships. As a result, the military nobility was closely tied to the emperor and remained loyal. There was no need for purges, and any isolated cases of punishment were due to the failures and shortcomings of those involved. Overall, the nobility elevated the emperor's prestige and contributed to the military successes of his reign.

Officials and authorities

The emperor reorganized the civilian administration, gaining the support of officials who had often served under the previous government. He restored the administrative structure of the Hongwu era, while also making some changes. First and foremost, in 1402, the Grand Secretariat was created to act as an intermediary between the emperor and the government, partially replacing the Central Secretariat that had been abolished in 1380. Despite their informal position, the grand secretaries quickly gained dominance in the civil administration.

The Grand Secretariat was established in August 1402, when the emperor began to address current administrative issues during a working dinner with Huang Huai and Xie Jin after the evening audience. In September 1402, he appointed five additional grand secretaries. These grand secretaries were all from the south or southeast and were highly educated and skilled in administration, having previously served in lower positions in the Jianwen Emperor administration. Despite their relatively low status (at most fifth rank), they were given high titles in the crown prince's household. Over time, they evolved from subordinate assistants responsible for organizing correspondence and formulating responses to becoming influential politicians who proposed solutions to problems. Their close proximity to the emperor gave them an advantage over the ministers. The emperor kept his grand secretaries with him, and some even accompanied him on his Mongol campaigns. During this period, the empire was governed by the crown prince with the assistance of other grand secretaries and selected ministers. The crown prince developed a close relationship with the grand secretaries and became the de facto representative of the officials.

The Yongle Emperor was meticulous in his selection of the top officials for the state apparatus, including the members of the Grand Secretariat and the ministers. He placed particular trust in those who had served him during the civil war, such as Jin Zhong, Guo Zi, Lü Zhen, and Wu Zhong. These ministers came from all over China, but were all highly educated and capable administrators. Among them, Minister of Revenue Xia Yuanji was the most trusted by the emperor. Xia advocated for moderation in spending and using resources for the benefit of the population, which earned him the respect of the Yongle Emperor for his honesty and transparency. Xia held this position for nineteen years until 1421, when he, along with Minister of Justice Wu Zhong and Minister of War Fang Bin, protested against the costly campaign into Mongolia. Despite their objections, the emperor ultimately prevailed and Fang Bin committed suicide, while Wu Zhong and Xia Yuanji were imprisoned. After the Yongle Emperor's death, they were exonerated and returned to their positions of authority. Other notable ministers who served for many years included Jian Yi, Song Li, Liu Quan, and Zhao Hong, who held various ministerial positions.

During most of the Yongle Emperor's reign, four out of the six ministries (Personnel, Revenue, Rites, and Works) were headed by the same minister. This continuity of leadership continued even after the emperor's death, with many ministers remaining in their positions.

The regular cycle of civil service examinations also contributed to the improvement and stabilization of administration at lower levels. In the second decade of the Yongle Emperor's reign, the examinations were held every three years. A total of 1,833 individuals passed the examinations in the capital, and the majority of these graduates were appointed to government positions. The Imperial University, which was previously responsible for selecting officials, lost its significance and became a place for candidates to study for the palace examinations. By the end of the Yongle Emperor's reign, the Ministry of Personnel had a sufficient number of examination graduates to fill important positions at the county level and above. Overall, the administration became more qualified and stable.

Eunuchs

The Yongle Emperor relied heavily on eunuchs, more so than his father did. He even recruited eunuchs from the Jianwen era, with whom he had been associated during the civil war. These eunuchs came from various backgrounds, including Mongolian, Central Asian, Jurchen, and Korean. In addition to their duties within the Forbidden City, the Yongle Emperor trusted their unwavering loyalty and often assigned them tasks outside the palace's walls, such as surveillance and intelligence gathering.

Eunuchs also held positions of military command and led diplomatic missions, but their role as the emperor's secret agents, responsible for monitoring both civilian and military officials, was well-known but also unpopular and feared. While they were known for exposing corrupt officials, they also had a reputation for abusing their power and succumbing to corruption themselves. In 1420, a special investigation office was established, informally known as the "Eastern Depot" due to its ___location in the palace. This office was responsible for overseeing the judiciary, but it became infamous for its role in the disappearance of individuals. Stories of innocent imprisonment, torture, and unexplained deaths involving the office circulated until the end of the dynasty.

Succession disputes

The Yongle Emperor had four sons, the first three by Empress Xu, while the fourth, Zhu Gaoxi, died in infancy. The eldest son, Zhu Gaochi, was not physically fit and instead of warfare, he focused on literature and poetry. The second son, Zhu Gaoxu, was a tall and strong, a successful warrior, but the third son, Zhu Gaosui, was mediocre in character and ability.

Many influential officials, including General Qiu Fu, convinced the emperor that the second son should be the crown prince. They argued for his prowess and military skills, citing his past actions of saving his father from danger and turning the tide of battles during the civil war. Grand Secretary Xie Jin disagreed and argued that the eldest son would win the hearts of the people with his humanity. He also reminded the emperor of the future accession of Zhu Zhanji, the emperor's favorite grandson and Zhu Gaochi's eldest son. Ultimately, on 9 May 1404, Zhu Gaochi was appointed as the crown prince, with the Yongle Emperor appointing Qiu Fu as his tutor the following day.

At the same time, he appointed Zhu Gaoxu as the Prince of Han and entrusted him with control of Yunnan. Zhu Gaosui became the Prince of Zhao, based in Beijing. Zhu Gaoxu refused to go to Yunnan, and his father gave in to his wishes, which allowed him to provoke conflicts with his older brother. In the spring of 1407, he succeeded in slandering Xie Jin, who was accused of showing favoritism towards Jiangxi natives in the examinations. As a result, Xie Jin was transferred to the province and later imprisoned. Huang Huai (from 1414 until the end of the Yongle Emperor's reign) and Yang Shiqi (briefly in 1414), both accused of not observing the ceremony, also faced imprisonment due to their support of the crown prince and resulting enmity with Zhu Gaoxu. In 1416, Zhu Gaoxu was given a new fief in Qingzhou Prefecture in Shandong. Once again, he refused to leave, which led to a reprimand from his father. He then began to raise his own army and even had an army officer killed. As a result, his father stripped him of his titles, demoted him to a common subject, and later imprisoned him. The following year, he was deported to Shandong.

Military

During the Yongle Emperor's reign, the military underwent significant changes. He implemented four major reforms, including the abolition of the princely guards (huwei; ), the relocation of the majority of the capital guards (jingwei; ) from Nanjing to Beijing, the establishment of the capital training camps (jingying; ), and the reorganization of the defenses along the northern border.

The emperor reorganized the Embroidered Uniform Guard (Jinyiwei), which was responsible for carrying out secret police duties. Its main focus was handling politically sensitive cases, such as investigating members of the imperial family, but there were instances of corruption and abuse of power within the organization, most notably the case of Ji Gang. Ji Gang, who had been the emperor's favorite during the civil war, was eventually accused of plotting against the throne and executed in 1416. By 1420, the Embroidered Uniform Guard had been overshadowed by the Eastern Depot, which also conducted investigations on its officers.

The abolition of the princes' armies was a logical decision. Zhu Di's military strength as the Prince of Yan played a crucial role in his rise to the throne, and he was determined to prevent history from repeating itself. The existing princely guards were mostly integrated into the regular army, and although the Yongle Emperor's sons had played an active and successful role in the civil war, they were not given command of the armies after it ended. Instead, campaigns were led by dependable generals or the emperor himself.

One significant and permanent step taken during this time was the relocation of a large portion of the army to the Beijing area. As the capital moved to Beijing, the majority of the 41 guard units of the Nanjing garrison also made the move. Among the troops stationed in Beijing were 22 guard units of the Imperial Guard (qinjun; ), totaling 190,800 men. This included the original three guard units of Zhu Di's princely guard. Overall, approximately 25–30% of the Ming army (74 guard units in the mid-1430s) was now concentrated in and around Beijing, with a total strength of over two million men under the Yongle Emperor's reign. As a result, soldiers and their families made up a significant portion of the population in the Beijing area. To oversee the remaining guard units in and around Nanjing, a military commander position was established, often filled by eunuchs.

After the second campaign in Mongolia, the emperor made the decision to enhance the training of his soldiers. He established the capital training camps, known as the Three Great Camps (Sandaying), in the vicinity of Beijing. In 1415, he issued a decree requiring all guards in the northern provinces and the southern metropolitan area to send a portion of their troops to these camps for training. The camps were specifically designed for the training of infantry, cavalry, and units equipped with firearms. Each camp was under the leadership of a eunuch and two generals. The emperor placed great emphasis on the importance of cavalry in successful combat in the steppe. As a result, the number of horses in the army significantly increased from 37,993 in 1403 to 1,585,322 in 1423.

At the beginning of the Yongle Emperor's reign, the defense system on the northern border was reorganized. Under the Hongwu Emperor, the defense of the north was organized in two lines. The first, the outer line, consisted of eight garrisons located in the steppe north of the Great Wall. These garrisons served as bases for forays into Mongolian territory. The second line of defense was along the Great Wall, but at the time, the Great Wall had not yet been built. This strategic placement allowed for the prevention of Mongol raids even in the steppe. Under the Yongle Emperor's reign, the outer line was abandoned with the exception of the garrison in Kaiping. The emperor then resettled friendly Mongolian Uriankhai on the vacated territory.

The border troops along the northern borders were placed under the authority of nine newly established border regional commands. These commands were under the control of provincial military commanders (zongbing guan; ) and were located in Liaodong, Jizhou, Xuanfu, Datong, Shanxi, Yansui, Guyuan (in Shaanxi), Ningxia, and Gansu. Unlike in the Hongwu era, the soldiers stationed on the border were not from nearby guards, but were instead from the three capital training camps. The commanders of these areas were chosen from officers of the inland garrisons or higher commands. By the end of the Yongle era, there were 863,000 soldiers stationed in garrisons along the northern border.

The withdrawal to the Great Wall was a significant decline in security, as evidenced by later Ming officials debating the occupation of Ordos. The main fortress of the inner line, Xuanfu, was vulnerable to Mongol attacks after the withdrawal. Under the Yongle Emperor, however, the negative effects of the withdrawal were overshadowed by Ming power and strength. After his death, the Chinese did not make any attempts to reclaim the steppe for the rest of the Ming dynasty.

The navy was not a separate branch of the army; only the coastal guards had ships. By 1420, there were approximately 1,350 small patrol ships and an equal number of large warships scattered among the coastal garrisons. The Nanjing fleet consisted of 400 warships, 400 cargo ships manned by soldiers from Nanjing garrison guards, who were trained for naval combat (four of the ten Nanjing guards had "naval" names), and 250 treasure ships and other ships used for long-distance voyages.

Economy

Population, agriculture, and crafts

Around 1400, the Ming dynasty had a population of 90 million. During the first third of the 15th century, the weather was more stable and warmer compared to before and after. This favorable climate allowed for rich harvests, making agriculture the foundation of the country's prosperity. Although there were occasional local disasters such as epidemics or floods, they did not significantly alter the overall situation. The government provided assistance to affected regions using state funds.

The Yongle Emperor recognized that the most effective way to ensure his own rule and that of his descendants was by supporting the peasants. For example, in 1403, when the crops were destroyed by a locust invasion in Henan, he took the initiative to organize relief efforts for the affected population. He also punished negligent officials and rejected the suggestion of Minister of Revenue, Yu Xin, to punish officials who were unable to collect taxes in full. The emperor argued that the root of the problem was the natural disaster, not the officials. In 1404, when he was informed of the increase in silk production in Shandong, he responded that he would not be satisfied until there was enough food and clothing for everyone in the empire, ensuring that no one suffered from hunger or cold.

The northern provinces were impoverished and unproductive, and their local army and administration had become reliant on importing rice from the south during the Hongwu era. The relocation of the capital to Beijing resulted in an increase in the number of soldiers, officials, artisans, and laborers, exacerbating the issue. In response, the government attempted to resettle people from the densely populated south to the north, but the southerners struggled to adapt to the harsh northern climate and many returned to their homes. By 1416, the government had abandoned this forced resettlement policy and instead implemented a strategy of supporting local development. As part of this, the government began selling salt trading licenses to merchants in exchange for rice deliveries to the north. On the other hand, the influx of impoverished immigrants from other parts of north China resulted in an increase in cultivated land and the production of agricultural and textile goods. This also led to the establishment of foundries in Zunhua, located in Hebei.

Finance and currency

The Yongle Emperor was unfamiliar with the Hongwu Emperor's frugal ways, as his reign saw significant spending on foreign expansion (such as wars in Jiaozhi and Mongolia, and naval voyages) and internal politics (such as the construction of a new capital and the restoration of the Grand Canal). This resulted in a significant increase in state spending, which doubled or even tripled compared to the Hongwu era, but the exact size of this spending is difficult to determine as there was no official state budget and each source of income was allocated to cover specific expenses. The government attempted to generate revenue by issuing paper money and demanding more grain from hereditary soldiers, but these measures were not enough to solve the fiscal problems. In some areas, taxes were even reduced, but the state still managed to meet its needs through requisitions and an increase in the work obligation. As a result of these financial challenges, the state's reserves, which were typically equivalent to one year's income during the Ming period, reached a record low under the Yongle Emperor's rule.

The economic growth was supported by the government's expansion of precious metal mining, particularly copper and silver, in southern China and Jiaozhi. The government also increased the emission of paper money (banknotes, baochao). Revenues from silver mining, which previously accounted for only 30% of output, rose significantly from 1.1 tons in 1390 to over 10 tons in 1409, and remained at this level for the rest of the Yongle Emperor's reign. The government also produced coins from the mined copper, which were stored in state treasuries and given as gifts to foreign embassies, but these coins continued to circulate on the domestic market alongside the baochao, in contrast to the Xuande and Zhengtong eras (1425-1447) when they were removed from circulation under government pressure.

The Yongle Emperor, like his father, believed that banknotes were the foundation of currency. In order to cover the deficit caused by expensive foreign policies and the relocation of the capital, he printed large volumes of these banknotes, but this excessive printing led to inflation, the most severe in the Ming period. By 1425, paper money was only worth 2% of its nominal value, causing the population to reject it. In an attempt to encourage its circulation, the government required fees to be paid with these banknotes, but this had little impact. Additionally, the repeated bans on the use of silver in commercial transactions (in 1403, 1404, 1419, and 1425) were also unsuccessful.

Officials and title holders were no longer solely compensated with grain, as the Hongwu Emperor rules had originally intended. Instead, senior officials received only 60% of their salary in grain, while lower officials received a mere 20%. The remaining portion was paid in bills and coins. However, this method of payment using devalued banknotes resulted in a significant decrease in the already low salaries of these officials. As a result, many officials and officers resorted to seeking illegal sources of income.

The Yongle Empror, in particular, sought to increase income from military farms (juntun; ). However, the northern borderland, where most of the military units were located, was largely barren. In order to make up for the lack of resources, officers resorted to becoming landowners and using the labor of their soldiers, leading to desertion among the ranks. Despite the government's efforts to control and increase production, the hereditary soldiers consistently delivered less each year. For example, their production dropped from 23 million dan of grain in 1403 to 14 million in 1407 and eventually to 5 million in 1423.

Taxation and levies

Under the Yongle Emperor's reign, the amount of land tax collected was significantly higher than in previous decades, with a yield of 31–34 million dan of grain. In comparison, the land tax in 1393 was only 29.4 million dan. However, the actual burden of the tax was also influenced by transportation costs and additional fees that were collected to cover them. In some cases, the tax was not collected in grain, but rather in silk and other commodities, based on calculations determined by the state. These calculations often did not reflect the current market prices, resulting in the tax being increased multiple times.

The taxation in Jiangnan remained exceptionally high, with Suzhou and Songjiang prefectures supplying 14% of the empire's land taxes. The residents of Jiangnan were not able to pay these high taxes, leading to a significant amount of arrears in the early 1430s. For example, Suzhou Prefecture alone had 8 million dan of grain in arrears. In response to this issue, the Xuande Emperor eventually reduced their taxes.

Part of the materials and labor required for government construction projects were purchased using surpluses collected in state granaries, but these purchases were made at prices set by the state, which were lower than market prices. As a result, the increased demands of the state had a significant impact on the population, primarily through the implementation of more and more extraordinary levies and the growth of compulsory work for the state. For example, the work duty of artisans, which was typically 30 days a year, was often extended for periods longer than a year. Additionally, the cost of importing rice to Beijing fell on the peasants of the Yangtze River Delta. These taxpayers were responsible for supplying rice to southern port cities, from where it was then transported north by the army. To cover these costs, a tax surcharge was imposed, which had to be paid in money. However, both the sea route to the north and the inland route were expensive and inefficient. Fortunately, the opening of the Grand Canal in 1415 greatly improved transportation conditions. By 1418, taxpayers themselves were responsible for transporting rice all the way to Beijing. In 1431, the government relieved them of this duty and soldiers once again began to transport grain along the Grand Canal.

In an effort to reduce the government's demands on its subjects and limit government spending, the Yongle Emperor's successors implemented reforms. Despite these efforts, maintaining a large army and supplying Beijing continued to be a difficult task.

Construction projects

New capital city

The Yongle Emperor's most significant accomplishment was the relocation of the capital to Beijing. The idea of moving the capital from Nanjing (then known as Yingtian) to the north was first considered by the Hongwu Emperor in the early 1390s. Despite Nanjing's proximity to the empire's economic center in the Yangtze Delta, both Hongwu and Yongle emperors faced the challenge of governing from a great distance from the empire's northern and western borders, which required a significant amount of attention. Additionally, as a foreigner in Nanjng, the Yongle Emperor likely felt more at home in Beijng, which served as his political base. Beijing was also strategically located on the northern border, accessible by the Grand Canal and in close proximity to the sea, making it a convenient ___location for supplies. Its history as the capital of the Liao, Jin, and Yuan empires also added to its significance.

The relocation of the capital was a highly challenging undertaking that demanded a significant mobilization of both people and resources from all corners of the country to be transferred to the outskirts of the empire. The emperor initiated the move of the metropolis in February 1403 by elevating Beijing to a secondary capital and renaming it from Beiping (Pacified North) to Shuntian (Obedient to Heaven), but it was commonly referred to as Beijing (Northern Capital). He appointed his eldest son, Zhu Gaochi, to administer the city and province, and established branches of ministries and chief military commissions in Beijing. In 1404, he relocated 10,000 families from Shanxi to the city and exempted it and the surrounding area from taxes for two years. The following year, over 120,000 landless households from the Yangtze Delta were relocated to the north, and construction of government buildings began. The government also began felling trees in the forests of Jiangxi, Huguang, Zhejiang, Shanxi, and Sichuan to provide wood for the palaces in Beijing. Artisans and laborers were sent from all over the country, but the work was slowed by supply issues.

In March 1409, the emperor arrived in the north for the first time in seven years, following the end of the first Mongol campaign, but upon his arrival in Nanjing the following year, officials protested the excessive spending on construction in Beijing. As a result, spending was reduced and the pace of construction slowed for several years.

From 1414 to the end of 1416, the emperor remained in Beijing during the campaign in Mongolia. During this time, the reconstruction of the Grand Canal was completed in 1415, which greatly aided in the supply of the north. Construction then resumed at a faster pace. The exact number of workers involved in building the city is unknown, but it is estimated to have been several hundred thousand. The chief architects and engineers include Cai Xin, Nguyễn An, a Viet eunuch, Kuai Xiang, Lu Xiang and others. By the end of 1417, most of the palaces were completed, but construction on the walls continued. In 1420, the city was deemed ready for the relocation of the government. On 28 October 1420, Beijing was officially declared the principal capital of the empire, and by February 1421, ministries and other government agencies had relocated to Beijing.

In 1421, a famine broke out in the northern provinces. At the same time, three major audience halls in the newly built Forbidden City were destroyed by fire. This event shook the emperor, who saw it as a sign of displeasure from Heaven. In response, he called upon government officials to critique the mistakes of the government. One of the officials, a junior secretary named Xiao Yi, strongly criticized the decision to build the capital in the north and was subsequently executed. This effectively silenced any further discussion on the matter.

The empire was administered by the Beijing authorities from 1421, although some ministries remained in Nanjing, but their powers were limited to the southern metropolitan area and held little political significance. The cost of supplying Beijing, which was located far from the economically developed regions of the country, was a constant burden on the state treasury. Despite this, Beijing remained the permanent capital of the Ming dynasty.

Grand Canal

During the centuries leading up to the Yongle Emperor's reign, the Grand Canal was neglected and partially disappeared. In the early years of the Yongle Emperor's rule, there were two routes for transporting rice to Beijing to feed the city's inhabitants and northern troops. The first route began at Liujiagang in the Yangtze Delta and went through the East China Sea to Tianjin, but this route was risky due to weather and pirates. The second route, which went through the rivers and canals of Anhui, Shandong, and Hubei, was problematic because cargo had to be transferred multiple times. Every year, 480,000 to 800,000 dan of rice were transported by sea, and even more was transported by inland waterways, with a total of 2 to 2.5 million dan delivered to the north in 1410–1414. This slow and difficult transportation of rice put a heavy burden on the population. Local officials in Shandong petitioned the emperor to improve transportation by restoring a continuous waterway from south to north, and the emperor approved. The government then sent 165,000 workers to reconstruct the waterway, and they built a system of fifteen locks in western Shandong. After the reconstruction was completed in 1415, transportation became faster and cheaper. In 1417 and 1418, the amount of rice shipped increased to 5 and 4.7 million dan, respectively, due to the Yongle Emperor's projects, before falling again to 2–3 million per year. The transportation was provided by 160,000 soldiers with 15,000 ships, and maintenance was carried out by 47,000 workers. The opening of the Grand Canal led to the economic growth of the regions it passed through. It also resulted in the end of sea transportation of rice to the north, which caused a decline in naval shipbuilding.

The reopening of the Grand Canal had a positive impact on Suzhou. Its strategic ___location in the middle of the canal network south of the Yangtze (which was reconstructed after 1403) allowed the city to regain its status as a major commercial hub and experience a return to prosperity after being deprived of it during the reign of the Hongwu Emperor. Meanwhile, Nanjing's political and economic influence declined, relegating it to a regional center, but it remained the foremost cultural center of the empire.

Other projects

The Yongle Emperor completed the Xiao Mausoleum, where his father and founder of the dynasty, the Hongwu Emperor, was buried. A grand Sifangcheng pavilion was constructed, featuring an eight-meter stele carried by a bixi turtle. The stele bore an inscription honoring the virtues and accomplishments of the deceased emperor. Originally planned to be 73 meters tall, the stele was ultimately left unfinished at the Yangshan Quarry due to difficulties in transportation and erection.

While the Hongwu Emperor had intended for the tombs of future Ming emperors to be located near his own tomb, only his eldest son Zhu Biao was buried there. When the capital was relocated to Beijing, the Yongle Emperor made the decision to also move the dynastic burial grounds. After consulting with feng shui experts, a site was chosen on the southern slopes of the Tianshou Mountains, approximately 50 km north of downtown Beijing. This became the final resting place for the Yongle Emperor and his twelve successors.

In Huguang, a large-scale construction project was undertaken by the Yongle Emperor, who employed twenty thousand workers over a period of twelve years to build a complex of Taoist temples and monasteries on the Wudang Mountains. The result was a grand structure consisting of 9 palaces, 81 temples, and 36 monasteries, all connected by over 100 bridges. The main objective of this project was to gain popularity among the people and to erase any negative impressions left by the previous emperor's overthrow and harsh treatment of secret societies.

Another notable construction project during this time was the Porcelain Tower in Nanjing, which was built between 1412 and 1422 by over a hundred thousand soldiers and workers. This impressive structure, made entirely of white "porcelain" bricks, stood at over 70 meters tall and served as a prominent landmark in Nanjing until its destruction during the Taiping Rebellion.

Culture

The emperor portrayed himself as a patron of education and a model Confucian leader in order to solidify his legitimacy. He actively promoted traditional education, commissioned the compilation of Confucian classics, and declared Confucianism as the official state ideology. In 1414, he tasked scholars from the Hanlin Academy with creating a comprehensive collection of commentaries on the Four Books and Five Classics by Zhu Xi and other prominent Confucian thinkers of his school. This project was completed by October 1415 and became the official guide for teaching and examinations.

The Yongle Encyclopedia was the most significant and extensive collection of encyclopedias during the Yongle era. The emperor commissioned Grand Secretary Xie Jin to compile a collection that included all known books, either partially or completely. This project involved 2,169 scholars from the Hanlin Academy and the Imperial University and took four years to complete, finishing in December 1407. The scope of the encyclopedia was vast, consisting of 22,277 juan, with the contents alone spanning 60 juan. but it was not published and only a few manuscripts were kept in the imperial libraries. Currently, only 700 juan have survived. This encyclopedia covered a wide range of topics and included materials from all fields of Chinese literature. Its significance lies in its contribution to the preservation of Chinese literature, as it was used by compilers in the 17th century.

The emperor was known for his tolerance towards Chinese philosophical and religious schools, even those that he personally disagreed with. While he did support Confucianism, Taoism, and Buddhism, he showed a preference for Confucianism. He also considered strict Confucians to be hypocritical. In addition to his respect for Chinese culture, he actively rejected Mongolian customs, language, clothing, and names. He also displayed benevolence towards Muslims, providing financial support for the repair of mosques. As a result, mosques built during the Yongle era in Nanjing and Xi'an have been preserved.

He was impressed by the lamas invited from Tibet. In Beijing, there were several monasteries staffed by Tibetans, with a population of no less than two thousand, but his reverence for Buddhism had its boundaries. He only allowed his subjects to become monks to a limited extent, following the Hongwu Emperor's decree that only one man out of forty could do so. On the other hand, he promoted the spread of Buddhism among the non-Chinese peoples of the empire, but with purely political motives—to pacify conflicts and maintain peaceful rule over them.

Foreign policy

General characteristics

During the Yongle era, Ming China was considered the strongest, wealthiest, and most populous country in the world. The Yongle Emperor, along with the Xuande Emperor to a large extent, stood out from their predecessors and successors due to their active and expensive military and diplomatic efforts. Their main goal was to expand the influence of the Ming dynasty beyond the borders of China. In just over twenty years of the Yongle Emperor's reign, his envoys visited to numerous nearby and distant countries, seeking to establish at least a symbolic recognition of the Ming emperor's supremacy and sovereignty. Similar to his father, the Yongle Emperor had hoped to conquer Mongolia in order to resolve security concerns in the north. To the east and south, the Ming dynasty controlled the seas from Japan to the Strait of Malacca. Chinese naval forces maintained peace on trade routes in Southeast Asia and regularly visited the Indian Ocean, a region that had previously been rarely explored by the Chinese. In addition to Mongolia, Ming missions also ventured into Manchuria in the north and the Timurid Empire in the west.

In an effort to incorporate countries from around the world into the tributary system of subordination to the Ming dynasty, the emperor utilized a combination of military force, diplomatic contacts, trade exchange, and the spread of Chinese culture. According to Confucian political thought, China was to be seen as the center of civilization by other nations and states. These missions not only demonstrated the power of the Ming dynasty, but also enforced recognition of the Yongle Emperor's supremacy and brought valuable local products. The strength of the Ming dynasty is evident in the number of rulers from Asian states who made the journey to China. It was rare for monarchs to leave their own country, highlighting the immense pressure they were under.

Foreign trade

One of the main reasons for engaging in foreign activities during the Yongle Emperor's reign was to revive China's declining foreign trade, which had suffered under the isolationist policies of the Hongwu Emperor. Foreign trade was seen as a valuable source of additional income for the imperial treasury, which was necessary given the high government expenditures at the time, but the Ming emperor maintained a monopoly on foreign trade and entrusted it to his personal servants—eunuchs. He also strictly prohibited his subjects from engaging in overseas trade and only allowed foreigners to enter China for tributary missions. Any violation of this state monopoly, known as the Haijin policy, was considered a serious offense and was punished by the government as piracy or smuggling.

During the Yongle era, there was a significant increase in foreign trade. Large quantities of porcelain were exported to traditional markets in East and Southeast Asia, Central Asia, and the Ottoman Empire. The export of silk and silk clothing was even more significant, as it had a major impact on economies throughout Asia. For example, Bengali textile mills imported Chinese silk for processing and re-export, while Egyptian textile manufacturers suffered from competition from the East.

The revival of trade in East Asia was accompanied by an outflow of copper coins from China to other regions such as Korea, Japan, Southeast Asia, and India. This led to the growth of Malacca and ports in northern Java, which became more important than older trading centers. The influx of Chinese coins also boosted local trade. Chinese copper coins were the standard currency in Brunei, Sumbawa, and the Moluccas until the early 16th century.

China's prosperity also had a positive impact on other regions such as Central and Western Asia, Korea, Japan, Southeast Asia, India, the Middle East, and East Africa. In more distant countries, where silver was the only valuable commodity for trade, its outflow to China's economy became a concern. In the first decades of the 15th century, governments from London to Cairo complained about the outflow of silver to the East.

Tibet and Nepal

In Tibet, the Hongwu Emperor did not establish contacts with the kings of the Phagmodrupa dynasty, but instead with the Karmapa, who ruled southeastern Tibet (Kham), which was adjacent to China. The first envoy from the Karmapa arrived in Nanjing in late 1372. The 5th Karmapa, Deshin Shekpa, was known for his reputation as a miracle worker and had already caught the Yongle Emperor's attention while he was still a Prince of Yan. After ascending the throne, he sent a mission led by the eunuch Hou Xian and the monk Zhiguang to request a visit from Deshin Shekpa. In 1407, Deshin Shekpa finally arrived in Nanjing, where he was gifted and admired by the Yongle Empror. He also took the opportunity to visit Mount Wutai. According to Tibetan records, the Yongle Empror even offered to provide an army to help secure Deshin Shekpa's rule over Tibet, but the Karmapa graciously declined. Missions from the Karmapas continued to come to China until the late 1540s.

After the Karmapa's visit, the Yongle Empror sent several delegations to other religious leaders in Tibet. These delegations were led by Yang Sanbao, who visited multiple monasteries and convinced several princes to pledge their allegiance to the Ming dynasty. Yang even traveled as far as Nepal, where delegations from Hou Xian and Deng Cheng also visited. In response to an invitation from the Ming government, representatives from the Tibetan Buddhist schools of Sakya and Gelug also journeyed to Nanjing. This strategy of maintaining relationships with various religious schools while ignoring the Tibetan kings ultimately contributed to the fragmentation of Tibet, which was likely a deliberate policy.

Central Asia

In the western regions, the Yongle Emperor sent embassies to various cities and states in Central Asia, ranging from the Chinese border to the Timurid Empire. His goal was to establish his superiority and receive tribute by offering Chinese titles and goods in exchange. This tactic proved successful as local rulers, such as Engke Temür of Hami, accepted the title of king (wang) in 1404. Even the three leaders of the Oirats, who were the dominant Western Mongols in Dzungaria, submitted to Ming demands in 1409. However, not all rulers were as receptive. In Samarkand, the emperor's embassies were unsuccessful and were executed by Emir Timur, who controlled Central Asia. This was similar to the fate of the Hongwu Emperor's embassies before. Timur then gathered an army of 200,000 in Otrar, with the intention of conquering China. He died in February 1405 before he could carry out his plans. His descendants were too preoccupied with internal conflicts and had no interest in waging war against China.

The most significant aspect of the Ming dynasty's relations with Central Asian states was the lucrative trade that existed between them. This trade was so profitable that local states were willing to acknowledge their formal subordination to the Ming emperor. Between the years 1402 and 1424, a total of 20 missions were sent from the Timurid capitals of Samarkand and Herat, 44 from Hami, 13 from Turpan, and 32 from other Central Asian states. These missions brought tribute to China in the form of precious metals, jade, horses, camels, sheep, and even lions. In return, they received silk and other luxury goods, as well as paper money which they could use to purchase goods in Chinese markets.

In Central Asia, Hami maintained close relations with the government of the Yongle Emperor. He sent envoys multiple times a year, but the Ming government attempted to control trade and discourage independent private activities. Trade with Turpan and Oirats occurred with less frequency. The Ming government also opposed the ongoing conflicts between Central Asian states, although their efforts were not always successful. They were unable to influence the internal affairs of these states.

Timur's successors, Khalil Sultan and from 1407, Shah Rukh, maintained positive relations with the Ming court. In fact, the Yongle Emperor even sent his chief experts on foreign affairs, Chen Cheng, Li Xian, and the eunuch Li Da, to Samarkand and Herat. Furthermore, in his correspondence with Shah Rukh, the Yongle Emperor gradually stopped insisting on his subordination, showing a shift towards a more equal relationship. This was likely due to a shared interest in trade, which was prioritized over maintaining prestige.

Mongolia

The Ming government attempted to incorporate the Mongols into the tributary trade system. In this system, the Mongols would provide horses and other domestic animals in exchange for paper money, silver, silk, cloth, and titles and ranks for their leaders, but the Ming government placed restrictions on the amount of trade allowed. If the nomads were unable to obtain enough goods through peaceful means, they resorted to raiding. As a result, many Mongols migrated to China and often served in the military instead of being conscripted into the declining Weisuo system.

The Mongols were divided into two main groups: the Western (Oirats) and Eastern Mongols. In addition, the Uriankhai formed a separate group. The Ming dynasty had a strong relationship with the Uriankhai, who aided the Yongle Emperor during the civil war and earned his trust. As a result, the Yongle Emperor resettled them in the territory that had been vacated by Ming troops in 1403.

During the early years of the Yongle Emperor's reign, the Mongols of eastern Mongolia remained persistently hostile. However, the Ming government was able to establish relations with the weaker Oirats and their envoys began to visit China regularly from 1408. In 1409, the Oirats, encouraged by the Ming, launched an attack on the Eastern Mongols. In response, the Ming army also attacked the Eastern Mongols, but suffered a defeat in September of that year, resulting in the death of their commander Qiu Fu. This prompted the emperor to personally take action against the Mongols. In March 1410, he led an army of hundreds of thousands from Beijing and after a three-month campaign, he was able to defeat Öljei Temür Khan Bunyashiri and the Mongol chingsang Arughtai. Following this victory, the emperor returned to China. As a result, the Ming dynasty enjoyed peaceful relations with the Eastern Mongols, who were now led by Arughtai, for the next ten years.

The period of peace in the north was short-lived. In April 1414, the Yongle Emperor launched a second campaign into Mongolia, this time against the formidable Oirats. The Oirat cavalry suffered heavy losses in a battle along the upper Tuul River due to the superior firepower of the Ming artillery. In August, a content Yongle Emperor returned to Beijing.

The period of peace in the north came to an end in 1421 when the Eastern Mongols began to launch raids across the border. Despite facing opposition from his ministers, the Yongle Emperor decided to march against them in 1422, 1423, and 1424, but his efforts were ultimately unsuccessful. The large amount of money spent on equipping the armies proved to be a waste when the Mongols refused to engage in battle. The emperor died while returning from his fifth campaign in Mongolia.

Despite his best efforts, the Yongle Emperor was unable to subdue the Mongols. The campaign into Mongolia did not result in any lasting changes and proved to be extremely costly. Although the Chinese had larger troops, more resources, and better weaponry, the nomads' mobility and the vastness of the battlefield negated these advantages. The constant feuding among the Mongol leaders eventually led them to become hostile towards China. In the end, the Yongle Emperor's policies, particularly the decision to withdraw to the Great Wall, weakened the Ming dynasty's position in the steppe.

Manchuria, Korea, and Japan

Among the Jurchens living in Manchuria, the Ming government aimed to maintain peace on the borders, counter Korean influence, acquire horses and other local products such as furs, and promote Chinese culture and values among them. In 1403, the Yongle Emperor sent the first mission to Manchuria, offering Chinese goods and titles in exchange for the Jurchens' recognition of their subordination. From 1411 onwards, the Yongle Emperor dispatched expeditions led by the eunuch Yishiha to the distant hunting tribes of northern Manchuria. Yishiha's squadron sailed down the Amur River, reaching as far as its mouth at Tyr, and declared the local Jurchens as subjects of the Ming dynasty.

By acknowledging their subordination to the Ming emperors, the Koreans were able to secure their northern border. This not only brought stability to the border, but also strengthened the legitimacy of the Korean government through official recognition from China. The ruling Joseon dynasty only came into power in 1392. The exchange of envoys, which had been frequent under previous emperors, continued during the Yongle Emperor's reign. The Yongle Emperor's first ambassadors arrived in Korea in 1402 to announce the new emperor's ascension. In the years that followed, there were regular contacts between the two countries, with the Koreans sending two to three delegations per year. Some of the Ming's demands were seen as excessive and difficult by the Koreans, but they still fulfilled them. These demands included providing horses and oxen for military purposes, bronze Buddha statues, relics, paper for printing Buddhist literature, and even sending girls to serve in the imperial harem. However, the Koreans maintained their autonomy in internal affairs.

During the Hongwu era, relations with the Ashikaga government of Japan were at a standstill. Hu Weiyong, who was executed in 1380, was accused of conspiring with Japanese assistance. In 1399, Shōgun Yoshimitsu took the initiative to restore contacts in order to make profit from trade with China. This led to another mission being sent in 1403, during which the Yongle Emperor's sovereignty was recognized. In the same year, the Ming government opened maritime trade offices in Ningbo, Quanzhou, and Guangzhou, which allowed Japanese merchants with government licenses to trade. In 1411, new Shōgun Yoshimochi implemented an isolationist policy and interrupted official relations. He also rejected the Ming's attempt to re-establish relations in 1417. Despite this, the allure of Chinese coins and goods was too strong for the Japanese to resist, and illegal private trade continued from the ports of southern Japan.

Đại Việt

In the late 14th century, Đại Việt (present-day northern Vietnam) was facing internal weakness. In 1400, Lê Quý Ly overthrew the Trần dynasty and changed the name of the state to Đại Ngu. Despite pleas from Viet refugees to the Ming government to restore the fallen dynasty, the Yongle Emperor recognized the new Viet government and confirmed Lê Quý Ly's son as the ruler of Đại Ngu in the winter of 1403, but relations between the two countries were strained due to escalating border disputes. Lê Quý Ly prepared for the impending conflict and continued to engage in border skirmishes. In the spring of 1406, his soldiers even ambushed a Ming diplomatic envoys accompanying the Trần pretender. In response, the Yongle Emperor ordered an invasion. By late 1406, the Ming army had attacked Đại Ngu from two directions, quelling resistance by mid-1407. In July, the country was officially annexed to the Ming dynasty as Jiaozhi Province.

In 1408, a rebellion led by supporters of the Trần dynasty broke out and was eventually suppressed by the Ming army in 1409. However, this was not the end of unrest as another rebellion erupted shortly after and was only fully crushed in 1414 when the Chinese captured the rebel leader, Trần Quý Khoáng. Despite this, the majority of the Ming army was unable to withdraw until 1416. By the end of 1417, the Viet people rose up in rebellion once again. This time, they were led by Lê Lợi, a skilled military leader who gained widespread support from the population. Despite their efforts, until the end of the Yongle Emperor's reign, the Ming generals were unable to suppress the rebellion.

Other Southeast Asian countries

In Southeast Asia, the Ming dynasty had a strong presence during the Yongle era. From 1402 to 1424, the Ming government sent 62 missions to Southeast Asian countries and states (excluding Đại Việt), and received 95 in return. This included important countries such as Champa, Malacca, Ayutthaya (in present-day Thailand), Majapahit (centered in Java), Samudera in Sumatra, Khmer, and Brunei, all of which paid tribute to the Yongle Emperor. These local rulers sent precious metals, spices, and rare animals to China, and in return received Chinese goods and coins. The Ming government showed a strong interest in trade and left a lasting impression of their naval power in Southeast Asia, although their focus shifted to northern affairs after 1413.

The ruler of Brunei was the first foreign ruler to sail to Nanjing and visit the Yongle Emperor's court. This visit resulted in more favorable terms of trade relations for Brunei compared to other countries, but tributary exchange with the Philippines was limited. Champa was a significant ally against insurgents in Jiaozhi, as they were traditional enemies, but relations cooled in 1414 when the Yongle Emperor refused to return territories previously conquered by the Viets. Despite this, official missions between the two countries continued. Ayutthaya was viewed positively by the Ming dynasty and had a peaceful relationship with them. In exchange for Ming protection of Malacca, Ayutthaya provided tribute and received profits from the trade.

The rise of Malacca as a significant trading center can be attributed to the support of the Ming dynasty. This support was crucial for the Chinese as it provided them with a strategic foothold in the Strait of Malacca and a reliable vassal. In fact, three successive rulers of Malacca made visits to the imperial court to pledge their loyalty to the Yongle Emperor. As a result, the Ming dynasty established a fortified trading post in Malacca, which served as a supply base for their missions to the Indian Ocean. Additionally, during the first third of the 15th century, the sultan of Samudera, had a close association with the Ming dynasty, with the Ming fleet stationed on a nearby island to support him in times of war.

The Javanese Majapahit Empire weakened in the early 15th century due to the division of Java and civil war. The presence of the Ming dynasty suppressed its influence in Sumatra, the Malay Peninsula, Borneo, and the southern Philippines. In Java itself, the Ming fleet forcibly subdued the local rulers. In 1407, the Ming expedition became involved in the local conflicts, resulting in the loss of 170 Chinese soldiers. Ming envoys then coerced the Javanese king into paying an indemnity of 60,000 liang (2,238 kg) of gold, threatening that Java would suffer the same fate as Đại Việt if they did not comply.

Indian Ocean

In 1405, the Yongle Emperor appointed his favorite commander, the eunuch Zheng He, as admiral of a fleet with the purpose of expanding China's influence and collecting tribute from various nations. A total of two thousand ships were constructed to aid Zheng He in his seven voyages, including numerous large "treasure ships".

In the early years of the Yongle Emperor's reign, Timur's campaigns disrupted traditional trade connections with Central Asia. As a result, one of the initial goals of sending emissaries by sea to the Indian Ocean may have been to find potential allies against the Timurid Empire of Timur, but this goal became less relevant when Timur died in 1405, at the beginning of the campaign to China. The Ming dynasty then established proper relations with his successors.

From 1405 to 1421, Zheng He embarked on six voyages to the Indian Ocean. The first voyage took place from 1405 to 1407 and consisted of 250 or 317 ships, including 62 large "treasure ships". A total of 27,800 people were on board. The final voyage was made during the reign of the Xuande Emperor from 1431 to 1433. Chinese sailors followed the main trade routes of Southeast and South Asia, sailing into the Indian Ocean. During the first three expeditions, they sailed to South India, with their main destination being Calicut, the commercial center of the region. In the following four voyages, they reached Hormuz in Persia, while separate squadrons visited various ports in the Arabian Peninsula and East Africa.

In addition to foreign policy and trade goals, Zheng He's expeditions also had the task of mapping the countries visited and had an educational aspect as well. The Chinese were interested in bringing back exotic animals and plants for medicinal purposes.

After the deaths of the Xuande Emperor and Zheng He, the practice of large-scale expeditions was discontinued. The loss of key supporters of long-distance sailing was just one factor in the decision to abandon an active maritime policy. The officialdom saw the high cost of equipping the fleet as a way for the eunuchs to gain disproportionate power. As a result, reducing spending on the navy also reduced the influence of the eunuchs at court.

Death and legacy

On 1 April 1424, the emperor embarked on his final campaign into Mongolia, but the campaign was unsuccessful and the emperor fell into a deep depression. He died on 12 August 1424 in Yumuchuan, located north of Duolun. While official annals do not provide a specific cause of death, private records suggest that the emperor suffered from multiple strokes in his final years, with the last one ultimately proving to be fatal. He was buried in the Chang Mausoleum, the first of the Ming tombs located north of Beijing.

He was given the posthumous name Emperor Wen (Cultured Emperor) and the temple name Taizong (Grand Ancestor), which was customary for second emperors of the dynasty. In 1538, the Jiajing Emperor changed the temple name to Chengzu (Accomplished Progenitor) in order to strengthen the legitimacy of his decision to elevate his father to imperial status after his death. However, the use of the character cheng, which means perfection, completion, or accomplishment, shows a high level of respect for the Yongle Emperor and his accomplishments.

For Chinese historians in the following centuries, he represented the ideal ruler—an energetic and capable general who led China to power, while also being a Confucian and a restorer of traditional institutions. He was also credited with unifying northern and southern China, but they also criticized his violent overthrow of his predecessor and the subsequent purges. His high spending on foreign expansion and domestic projects, particularly the relocation of the capital, was met with sharp disapproval even during his lifetime. Late Ming historians, however, justified the negative effects of his rule as necessary for building a powerful empire. They also strongly condemned the Yongle Emperror's interventions in education, as his promotion of neo-Confucian orthodoxy led to a decline in scholarship and intellectual development.

Modern historians, such as Chan Hok-lam and Wang Yuan-Kang, argue that the Yongle Emperor's desire for a unified China and domination over the world ultimately led to decisions that proved problematic in the long run. They believe that abandoning the outer defense line north of the Great Wall was a strategic mistake, making the country more vulnerable to attacks. Additionally, the economic downturn at the time made it difficult to support large military operations, while the strict control over trade with the Mongols only worsened relations between the two. The invasion of Đại Việt was also a mistake, as the Ming defeat weakened the empire's reputation in Southeast Asia.

Family

Consorts and issue

• Empress Renxiaowen, of the Xu clan (1362–1407)

　• Princess Yong'an (1377–1417), personal name Yuying, first daughter

　　• Married Yuan Rong, Marquis of Guangping in 1395, and had issue (one son, three daughters)

　• Zhu Gaochi, the Hongxi Emperor (16 August 1378 – 29 May 1425), first son

　• Princess Yongping (; 1379 – 22 April 1444), personal name Yuegui, second daughter

　　• Married Li Rang, Marquis of Fuyang in 1395, and had issue (one son)

　• Zhu Gaoxu, Prince of Han (30 December 1380 – 6 October 1426), second son

　• Zhu Gaosui, Prince Jian of Zhao (19 January 1383 – 5 October 1431), third son

　• Princess Ancheng (; 1384 – 16 September 1443), third daughter

　　• Married Song Hu, Marquis of Xining in 1402, and had issue (one son)

　• Princess Xianning (; 1385 – 27 July 1440), fourth daughter

　　• Married Song Ying, Marquis of Xining (; d. 1449) in 1403, and had issue (one son)

• Noble Consort Zhaoxian, of the Wang clan (d. 1420)

• Noble Consort Zhaoyi, of the Zhang clan

• Consort Gongxianxian, of the Korean Andong Gwon clan (1391–1410)

• Consort Zhongjingzhaoshunxian, of the Yu clan (d. 1421)

• Consort Kangmuyigonghui, of the Wu clan

　• Zhu Gaoxi (; 18 January 1392 – January/February 1392), fourth son

• Consort Gongshunrongmuli, of the Chen clan (; d. 1424)

• Consort Duanjinggonghuishu, of the Yang clan

• Consort Gongherongshunxian, of the Wang clan

• Consort Zhaosujinghuixian, of the Wang clan

• Consort Zhaohuigongyishun, of the Wang clan

• Consort Huimuzhaojingshun, of the Qian clan

• Consort Kanghuizhuangshuli, of the Korean Cheongju Han clan (d. 12 August 1424)

• Consort Kangjingzhuanghehui, of the Korean Choi clan (; 1395–1424)

• Consort Anshunhui, of the Long clan

• Consort Zhaoshunde, of the Liu clan

• Consort Kangyishun, of the Li clan

• Consort Huimushun, of the Guo clan

• Consort Zhenjingshun, of the Zhang clan

• Consort Shun, of the Korean Im clan ( 1392–1421)

• Consort Hwang, of the Korean Hwang clan (d. 1421)

• Lady of Bright Deportment, of the Korean Yi clan (1392–1421)

• Lady of Handsome Fairness, of the Korean Yeo clan (1393–1413)

• Beauty Gongrong, of the Wang clan

• Beauty Jinghui, of the Lu clan

• Beauty Zhuanghui

• Unknown

　• Princess Changning (; 1387 – 5 April 1408), fifth daughter

　　• Married Mu Xin, Marquis of Xiping (; 1386–1453), the fourth son of Mu Ying, on 20 June 1403, and had issue (one son)

早期經歷

元順帝至正二十年（1360年）四月十七日（5月2日），朱棣生于應天府（今南京）。

洪武三年（1370年），朱棣十歲，受封燕王。曾居中都（今鳳陽），對民情頗有所知。洪武十三年（1380年），朱棣就藩北平府，之後多次受命參與北方軍事活動，兩次率師北征，曾招降蒙古乃兒不花，並曾生擒北元大將索林帖木兒，加強了他在北方軍隊中的影響。

朱元璋晚年，長子太子朱標去世後，洪武二十五年四月，朱元璋于東閣門召集群臣，欲立燕王朱棣為太子，劉三吾等群臣反對，以朱元璋痛哭而結束。朱元璋次子秦王朱樉、三子晉王朱棡先後去世，朱元璋於洪武三十一年（1398年）閏五月駕崩後，四子朱棣不僅在軍事實力上，而且在家族尊序上都成為諸王之首。

靖難之役

建文帝削藩

建文帝朱允炆登基後，為了提防燕王謀反，於洪武三十一年十二月派工部侍郎張昺為北平布政使，都指揮使謝貴、張信為北平都指揮使。隨後又命都督宋忠屯兵駐開平，並調走北平原屬燕王管轄的軍隊。

建文元年（1399年），朱棣裝病，使建文帝把作為人質的朱棣三子朱高熾、朱高煦、朱高燧回燕藩；之後由於屬下被朝廷處死，遂裝瘋。由於王府長史葛誠告知朝廷，裝瘋被發覺。

時燕王遣使入金陵奏事，使者被齊泰等審訊，被迫供出燕王的異狀，於是朝廷下密旨，令張昺、謝貴逮捕燕王府的官屬，張信逮捕燕王本人。但張信經過考慮，將此事告知朱棣。於是朱棣和僧人姚道衍等進行舉兵的謀劃，令張玉、朱能將八百勇士帶入府中潛伏，以待變故。

燕王起兵

張昺、謝貴得到建文帝密詔後，於七月初四帶兵包圍燕王府。朱棣假意將官屬全部捆縛，請二人進王府查驗。二人進府後，被朱棣府內的死士擒獲，連同府內叛變的葛誠、盧振一同斬殺。當日夜裡，朱棣奪下北平九門，遂控制北平全城。

燕王朱棣起兵，援引《皇明祖訓》，號稱清君側，指建文帝身邊的齊泰和黃子澄為奸臣（謀害皇室親族），需要鏟除，稱自己的舉動為「靖難」（意為「平定災難」），並上書建文帝。

燕軍控制北平後，七月初六，通州主動歸附；七月初八，攻破薊州，遵化、密雲歸附；七月十一，攻破居庸關；七月十六，攻破懷來，擒殺宋忠等；七月十八，永平府（今河北盧龍縣，屬秦皇島市）歸附。七月二十七，為防止大寧軍隊從松亭關偷襲北平，用反間計使松亭關內訌，守將卜萬下獄。至此，北平周圍全部掃清。燕軍兵力增至數萬。

燕軍攻破懷來後，由於領地相距太近，七月二十四日，谷王朱橞逃離封地宣府（今屬張家口，距北京約150公里，距懷來約60公里），奔京師。八月，齊泰等顧慮遼王、寧王幫助燕王，建議召還京師；遼王從海路返京，而寧王不從，遂削寧王護衛。宋忠失敗後，部將陳質退守大同。代王本欲起兵呼應朱棣，被陳質所控制，未果。

七月，朱棣反書到京，朱允炆削朱棣宗室屬籍，廢為庶人。決定起兵討燕。在真定（今河北正定）置平燕布政使司。

耿炳文率軍在八月十三日到達真定，並分兵於河間、鄚州（河北任丘北約30里）、雄縣，為犄角之勢。在經過觀察後，八月十五日，燕軍趁中秋夜敵軍不備，偷襲雄縣；成功後又利用伏擊擊敗了鄚州的援兵，遂攻克鄚州，收編剩餘的部隊。八月二十四日，燕軍到達無極縣。從樵夫和中央軍被俘士兵處得知敵情，於是燕軍發動決戰。

二十五日，燕軍趁耿炳文送使臣出城時偷襲中央軍，炳文逃回城中後，怒而迎戰。在燕軍主力與耿炳文軍相持時，朱棣親自率軍襲擊其側翼，耿炳文大敗潰逃，中央軍投降三千多人。中央軍狼狽逃回城中，城池差點失守。部將李堅、甯忠、顧成等被俘；士兵被殺、被俘數萬人（後放還）。耿炳文率殘部不到十萬人在真定堅守不出，燕軍攻城三天不克。八月二十九日，燕軍返回北平。顧成降燕之後，留在北平協助燕世子朱高熾守城。

耿炳文戰敗，朱允炆開始擔憂戰事，考慮換將。黃子澄說曹國公李景隆是名將李文忠之子，建議他接任；齊泰反對，但建文不聽。八月三十日，拜李景隆為大將軍，誓師出征，並召回耿炳文。李景隆以德州為大本營，調集各路兵馬包括耿炳文敗兵，增兵至五十萬人，九月十一日進至河間。

朱棣聽說朝廷以五十萬傾國之兵交付李景隆，大喜過望，說：「李景隆不會用兵，給他五十萬大軍，根本是自取滅亡。趙括之失必然重演，我軍必勝。」

大勝李景隆

九月初一江陰侯吳高率遼東兵攻打永平郡，九月廿五，攻陷永平郡，決定趁勢偷襲大寧（今內蒙古寧城）以獲得其精銳部隊；另一方面利而誘之，將中央軍引至「空城」北平下。九月廿八，出師。。十月初六，燕軍經小路到達大寧城下。朱棣單騎入城），見寧王朱權，向朱權求救。在居大寧期間，朱棣令手下吏士入城結交並賄賂大寧的軍官等。十月十三，朱棣提出告辭，朱權在郊外送行，伏兵盡起，大寧軍紛紛叛變，歸附朱棣。於是朱權與王妃、世子等一同隨朱棣前往北平，而大寧的全部軍隊（包括其騎兵精銳朵顏三衛）都被朱棣收編。大寧成為空城。朱棣實力大增。十月十九，燕軍在會州整編，分立五軍（中前左右後）。十月廿一，入松亭關。

十一月初五，渡白河（時已結冰，渡河處在今北京順義區東），打敗李景隆的哨探陳暉部隊萬餘人。李景隆大敗。李景隆令鄭村壩所有軍隊輕裝撤退。。燕軍輕易擊潰城下的敵軍，獲得大量物資。此戰中央軍喪師十餘萬。十一月初九，朱棣回到北平城，再次上書，惠帝不應。十二月十九日，朱棣出師攻打大同。十二月廿四，抵達廣昌，守將楊宗投降。建文二年（1400年）正月初一，燕軍抵達蔚州，守將王忠、李遠投降。二月初二，燕軍攻大同。李景隆前來救援。李景隆走出紫荊關後，燕軍從居庸關返回北平。中央軍兵力、裝備大量損失，士氣受到重創。

建文二年四月，李景隆從德州，郭英、吳傑等從真定誓師北伐兵力增至六十萬。燕軍亦出。四月二十日，燕軍渡過玉馬河。四月廿四，燕軍戰鬥失利。。次日（四月廿五），再次交戰。。四月廿七，燕軍進攻德州。初九，燕軍進入德州。五月十五，燕軍攻濟南，李景隆逃走。燕軍遂圍濟南。十月，朝廷召李景隆回南京。黃子澄、練子寧、葉希賢等上書，請求立斬李景隆。朱允炆不聽。鄭村壩之戰和白溝河之戰，使得兩軍攻守形勢逆轉。

燕軍圍濟南。右參政鐵鉉、盛庸堅守。朱棣射信入城招降，未果。五月十七，燕軍掘開河堤，放水灌城。鐵鉉決定派千人詐降，誘朱棣進城。朱棣圍城攻打三個月。六月，惠帝遣使求和，朱棣不聽。七月，平安進軍河間，擾亂燕軍糧道。八月十六，朱棣撤兵回北平。盛庸、鐵鉉追擊，大敗燕軍，收復德州。

建文二年十月，朱棣決定再度南下，十月廿七到達滄州。燕軍僅用兩天就攻下滄州，徐凱等投降。燕軍自長蘆渡河，十一月初四到達德州。朱棣招降盛庸未果，遂南下。十一月，燕軍到達臨清，焚其糧船。燕軍從館陶渡河，先後到達東阿、東平，威脅南方，迫使盛庸南下。盛庸在東昌（今山東聊城）決戰。十二月廿五，燕軍至東昌。朱棣仍然親自率軍衝鋒，盛庸開陣將朱棣誘入，然後合圍，張玉被中央軍包圍戰死。次日，燕軍再次戰敗，遂北還。在擊退中央軍的阻截後，建文三年正月十六，燕軍返回北平。

朱棣與姚廣孝商議，姚廣孝強烈支持再次出兵。二月十六，朱棣再次出師。三月二十日，燕軍探知盛庸在夾河（今河北省衡水市武邑縣附近，漳河支流）駐紮，於是駐紮在距對方四十里的地方。三月廿二，燕軍進兵夾河 。朱棣率領一萬騎兵和五千步兵攻擊盛庸軍左翼，不能入。此時燕將譚淵望見已經開戰，於是主動出兵攻打。朱棣、朱能等則趁中央軍調動產生的混亂，趁暮色向中央軍後方猛攻，斬殺莊得。此戰殺傷相當，但燕軍損失了大將譚淵。當夜，朱棣率領十餘人在盛庸營地附近露宿；次日（三月廿三）清晨，發現被中央軍包圍。朱棣再次利用禁殺之旨，引馬鳴角，穿過敵軍，揚長而去。中央軍愕然，不敢射箭。

朱棣回到營中，鼓勵眾將「兩軍相當，將勇者勝」，於是再次會戰，雙方互有勝負。戰鬥打了七八個小時後，盛庸大敗，損失了數萬人，退回德州。吳傑、平安引兵準備會合盛庸，聞庸已敗，退回真定。夾河之戰結束。夾河之戰重新確立了燕軍的優勢。閏三月初四，朱允炆因夾河之敗，再次罷免齊泰、黃子澄，謫出京城，暗中令其募兵。

擊敗盛庸後，朱棣進軍真定 。閏三月初九，兩軍會於藳城交戰 。次日，復戰，南軍不能支，大敗而去 。朱棣將射成刺蝟的軍旗送回北平，令世子朱高熾妥善保存，以警示後人。從白溝河、夾河到藳城，燕軍三次得大風相助而勝，朱棣認為這是天命所在，非人力所能為。夾藳之戰再次使南軍損失慘重，正面戰場戰事稍緩和。南軍改為通過談判、反間、襲擊後方等方式間接作戰。擊敗平安後，燕軍南下，先後經過順德、廣平、大名，並駐紮於大名。諸郡縣望風而降。

朱棣聽說齊黃被貶，上書和談，表示「奸臣竄逐而其計實行，不敢撤兵」。朱允炆得書，與方孝孺討論，方孝孺表示可以藉此機會遣使回報，拖延時間，並懈怠其軍心；同時令遼東等軍隊攻其後方，以備夾攻。於是（四月）惠帝令大理寺少卿薛嵓去見朱棣，傳詔並秘密在軍中散佈相關消息。薛嵓見朱棣，說「朝廷言殿下旦釋甲，暮即旋師。」朱棣表示這連三尺小兒也騙不過。薛嵓無言以對。五月初一，盛庸、吳傑、平安等分兵騷擾燕軍餉道。朱棣遣使者進京表示盛庸等不肯罷兵，必有主使。惠帝聽從方孝孺的意見，將其下獄（一說誅殺），和談破裂。

朱棣見和談破裂，從濟寧南下，成功焚燒大量中央軍糧船，京師大震，德州陷入窘境。

七月，燕軍進攻彰德，林縣投降。七月初十，平安自真定趁虛攻北平，擾其耕牧。朱高熾固守。朱棣分兵回援；（九月十八）平安與戰不利，退回真定。由於河北戰事不利，方孝孺想出了反間計，利用朱高熾（長子）和朱高煦（次子）的矛盾，先寫一封信給守北平的高熾，令其歸順朝廷，許以燕王之位；然後派人告訴朱棣和高煦（隨軍）世子密通朝廷，以使燕軍北還。但朱高熾得到信後，根本沒有拆開，將朝廷使者連人帶信一起送往朱棣處。反間計失敗。

七月十五，盛庸令大同守將房昭入紫荊關威脅保定，據易州西水寨以窺北平。朱棣回兵救援。朱棣分兵守保定，並包圍房昭的山寨。十月初二，燕軍與真定援兵和房昭軍決戰，房昭退回大同。十月廿四，燕軍回到北平。之後又擊敗了襲永平的遼東敵軍。

建文三年冬，南京有宦官因犯錯被處罰，逃到朱棣處，告知南京守備空虛。朱棣遂決定直接率兵南下，臨江一決。道衍亦支持不再與盛庸、平安等糾纏，直趨京師。

攻克南京

1401年（建文三年十二月初二），燕師復出。十二月十二，到達蠡縣（約在保定以南50公里）。建文四年（1402年）正月，燕軍南下至館陶渡河，長驅直入。正月十四，陷東阿；正月十五，陷東平；正月十七，陷汶上；正月廿七，陷沛縣（進江蘇）；正月三十，到達徐州。惠帝見燕軍再次出動，三年十二月令駙馬都尉梅殷（惠帝的姑父，顧命大臣）任總兵官，鎮淮安。建文四年正月初一，將遷往蒙化的朱橚（廢周王）召回南京。命魏國公徐輝祖率兵援山東。

二月初一，何福、平安、陳暉進兵濟寧，盛庸進兵淮上。二月廿一，朱棣擊敗徐州的出戰軍隊，徐州自此閉城死守。朱棣繼續南下。三月初一，燕軍進逼安徽宿州。三月初九，抵達渦河（今安徽蚌埠市懷遠縣以北）。平安帶兵來追；但三月十四日在淝河中了朱棣所設的伏兵，只得退回宿州。三月廿三，朱棣遣將斷徐州餉道，鐵鉉等率兵圍攻，互有勝負。四月十四，燕軍進達睢水之小河，搭浮橋。次日，平安、何福領軍奪橋，雙方隔河殭持。數日後，中央軍糧盡，朱棣決定偷襲。半夜，渡河繞至敵後；四月廿二，雙方戰於齊眉山（靈壁縣西南三十里），中央軍大勝，斬燕將李斌。

燕軍陷入窘境。四月廿三，燕軍眾將要求北返，朱棣不同意，說「欲渡河者左，不欲者右。」大部份人站於左側，朱棣怒。朱能這時強力支持朱棣，表示「漢高祖十戰九不勝，卒有天下」，堅定了燕軍堅持的決心。

這時，朝廷訛傳燕軍已兵敗，京師不可無良將，遂召回徐輝祖。四月廿五，考慮到在河邊不易防守，何福移營，與平安在靈壁（一作靈璧）深溝高壘作長遠之計。由於糧道被燕軍阻礙，平安親自率兵六萬護衛糧草。四月廿七，朱棣率精銳襲擊平安，將其一分為二；何福全軍出動救援，朱高煦也率伏兵出現，何福敗走。

中央軍缺糧，何福與平安決定次日（廿九）突圍而出，在淮河取得給養，號令為三聲炮響；次日，燕軍攻打靈壁墻壘，進攻信號正巧也是三聲炮響。於是中央軍以為是己方號炮，紛紛奪路而逃；燕軍趁勢進攻，中央軍全軍覆沒。靈壁之戰就此意外結束。此戰燕軍生擒了陳暉、平安、馬溥、徐真、孫成等三十七員敵將，四名內官（宦官），一百五十員朝廷大臣，獲馬二萬餘匹，降者不計其數。只有何福單騎逃走。

靈璧之戰後，燕軍向東南方向直線前進。五月初七下泗州，朱棣謁祖陵。盛庸在淮河設下防線阻礙燕軍渡河，朱棣在嘗試取道淮安、鳳陽受阻後，遣朱能、丘福率士兵數百人繞道上游乘漁船渡河，五月初九從後方突襲盛庸，盛庸敗走。燕軍遂克盱眙。

五月十一，燕軍向揚州方向前進，五月十七到達天長（揚州西北50公里）。守揚州的監察御史王彬本想抵抗，但屬下反叛，趁其沐浴時綁縛之。五月十八，揚州不戰而降。隨後高郵歸降。

揚州失陷，金陵震動。朱允炆驚慌不已，與方孝孺商議後，先後定下如下幾個救急方法：下罪己詔；號召天下勤王；派練子寧、黃觀、王叔英等外出募兵；召回被貶黜的齊泰、黃子澄；遣人許以割地求和，拖延時間。

五月廿二，朱允炆遣慶成郡主（朱元璋的侄女、朱棣的堂姐）與朱棣談判，表示願意割地。朱棣說「此奸臣欲姑緩我，以俟遠方之兵耳。」郡主無言以對，遂返。

六月初一，燕軍準備從浦子口渡江，但遇到了盛庸最後的抵抗。燕軍戰不利，此時朱高煦引兵來援，殊死力戰，擊敗盛庸。隨後南軍的一支水軍部隊降燕，燕軍遂於六月初三自瓜洲渡江，並再次擊敗退守此地的盛庸。六月初六，燕軍至鎮江，守將率城投降。

六月初八，燕軍駐紮於龍潭（距京師金陵東約30公里），朝廷大震。朱允炆徘徊殿間，召方孝孺問計。方孝孺表示城中尚有二十萬兵，應堅守待援；即使真戰敗，國君為社稷而死，是理所應當的。可以再派大臣、在京諸王前往談判以拖延時間。於是六月初九，派李景隆、茹瑺等見朱棣，再次談判；朱棣表示割地無名，只要奸臣。六月初十，遣谷王朱橞（建文元年逃回京城）、安王朱楹等第三次前往談判，無果。

六月十二，外出募兵的大臣們仍未返回，朱允炆只得派在京諸王和武臣們守衛各門。時左都督徐增壽（徐達子，輝祖弟）謀內應，被一群文官圍毆。

六月十三，燕軍抵金陵（南京）。徐增壽作內應，事敗，被朱允炆親自誅殺於左順門。守衛金川門（位於南京城西北面）的朱橞和李景隆望見朱棣麾蓋，開門迎降。

燕軍進南京，朱棣入城，朱允炆見事不可為，遂在皇宮放火。馬皇后死於大火，朱允炆本人不知所終；此後其下落成為千古謎團。

南京稱帝

建立稱帝之正當性

朱棣進入南京後，並未立即登基即帝位，須知當初朱棣起兵，是以「清君側」為由，為了建立其即帝位之正當性，做了以下三件事：

第一，宣稱建文帝朱允炆已自焚身死：建文四年六月十三日，南京城陷時，皇宮大火，馬皇后葬身火海 。隨後朱棣入城，派人找出馬皇后的屍體，指認其為朱允炆，並執其手哭「癡兒，何至是！」 。

第二，誅殺建文帝朝重臣，即所謂「清君側」：建文四年六月廿五，明成祖誅殺齊泰、黃子澄、方孝孺等建文帝大臣，並滅其族，以懲其惡 。

第三，謁明孝陵：朱棣進城之時，翰林院編修楊榮迎於馬首，說：「殿下先謁陵乎？先即位乎？」提點朱棣應先要拜謁太祖陵寢（明孝陵），而不是急著先登帝位 。次日（建文四年六月十四日）起，諸王及文武群臣多次上表勸進，朱棣不允 。建文四年七月十七日，朱棣謁明孝陵，諸王及文武群臣暨軍民耆老，再三勸進，朱棣再三推辭，最後為江山社稷計，不得已於當日登基即位 。

登基即位

建文四年七月十七日，朱棣登基即位，改元永樂，時年四十二歲，是為明成祖 。明成祖重建奉天殿（舊殿被朱允炆所焚），刻玉璽。同年十一月十三日，封王妃徐氏為皇后。

朱棣登基稱帝後，對靖難功臣進行了封賞。追贈封王兩人，為：朱能（東平武烈王）；張玉（河間忠武王）。

封公二十三人，為：朱能（成國公）；丘福（淇國公）；徐增壽（定國公）；陳亨（涇國公）；郭亮（興國公）；李彬（茂國公）；李遠（莒國公）；柳升（融國公）；徐忠（蔡國公）；袁容（沂國公）；鄭亨（漳國公）；姚廣孝（榮國公）；張信（鄖國公）；王聰（漳國公）；顧成（夏國公）；張武（潞國公）；陳珪（靖國公）；薛祿（鄞國公）；王真（寧國公）；吳允誠（涼國公）；李讓（景國公）；孟善（滕國公）；張輔（英國公）。

封侯十五人，為：陳瑄（平江侯）；何福（寧遠侯）李濬（襄城侯）；孫岩（應成侯）；房寬（思恩侯）；王友（清遠侯）；王忠（靖安侯）；劉榮（廣寧侯）；火真（同安侯）；王寧（駙馬都尉，永春侯）；宋晟（西寧侯）；郭義（安陽侯）；譚淵（崇安侯）；柳升（安遠侯）；薛綬。

封伯十八人，為：陳賢（榮昌伯）；陳旭（雲陽伯）；劉才（廣恩伯）；張興（安鄉伯）；房勝（富昌伯）；徐理（武康伯）；徐祥（興安伯）；金玉（會安伯）；高士文（建平伯）；陳志（遂安伯）；唐雲（新昌伯）；茹瑺（忠誠伯）；王佐（順昌伯）；許誠（永新伯）；薛斌（永順伯）；薛貴（安順伯）；趙彞（忻城伯）；朱榮（武進伯）。

明成祖登基後不承認建文年號，七月初一（一說六月十八日），將建文元、二、三、四年改為洪武三十二至三十五年，次年改元永樂元年。凡建文年間貶斥的官員，一律恢復職務（如靖難初期因離間被貶的江陰侯吳高被再次起用，守大同）；建文年間的各項改革一律取消；建文年間制定的各項法律規定，凡與太祖相悖的，一律廢除。但一些有利於民生的規定也被廢除，如建文二年下令減輕洪武年間浙西一帶的極重的田賦，至此又變重。

殘害建文舊臣

明成祖在靖難之役結束後，為了佐証他「清君側」的起兵宣言，向金陵軍民發布公告：「諭知在京師的軍民人等，我先前一向守望我藩的封地，卻因奸臣弄權作威作福，導致我家骨肉被其殘害，所以不得不起兵誅殺他們，乃是要扶持社稷和保安宗親、藩王。今次研擬安定京城，有罪的奸臣我不敢赦免，無罪者我也不敢濫殺，如有小人藉機報復，擅作綁縛、放縱、掠奪等事情因而禍及無辜，並非我的本意。」

建文四年六月廿五，明成祖誅殺齊泰、黃子澄、方孝孺等建文帝大臣（幾乎都是文官），滅其族，史稱壬午殉難。其中據清修《明史》、明遺民談遷所著《國榷》、明朝官方史書《明實錄熹宗實錄》記載，方孝孺被誅十族（九族加朋友門生），受牽連而死者共873人，充軍等罪者千餘人，當中被救的倖存者有假借余姓逃過一劫的方孝孺的幼子方德宗。而因黃子澄受牽連的有345人。景清降後密謀行刺，事敗，八月十二被殺，滅九族；後屠其家鄉，謂「瓜蔓抄」。

此外，眾多建文舊臣如卓敬、暴昭、練子寧、毛泰、郭任、盧植、戴德彞、王艮、王叔英、謝升、丁志方、甘霖、董鏞、陳繼之、韓永、葉福、劉端、黃觀、侯泰、茅大芳、陳迪、鐵鉉等等也都被酷刑處死或自盡，史稱：「忠憤激發，視刀鋸鼎鑊甘之若飴，百世而下，凜凜猶有生氣。」他們的家屬和親人也被牽連，死者甚眾。被流放、逼作妓女及被其它方式懲罰的人也不少。明仁宗即位後，大部份人始獲赦免，而餘下的人的後代卻遲至明神宗時始獲赦免。建文帝被朱棣篡位後，朝野為之盡忠死節者甚眾，不及備載。

在大肆誅殺之外，當月，明成祖將忠於建文帝的魏國公徐輝祖下獄，但顧及其父是中山王徐達，其姊即成祖仁孝文皇后，還是釋放了他，僅削其爵位。輝祖死後，其子嗣魏國公爵。黃觀被明成祖所嫉恨，其狀元的身份被革去，故明代保持三元及第記錄的只有商輅一人。耿炳文、盛庸、平安（靈壁之戰降）、何福、梅殷等將領投降後都受到迫害自殺身亡。

鞏固統治

再次削藩與加強集權

永樂初，明成祖為了安撫諸位藩王，穩定國內局勢，同時表示自己和建文帝的不同，曾先後複周、齊、代、岷諸親王舊封；建文帝的弟弟吳王朱允熥、衡王朱允熞、徐王朱允𤐤尚未就藩，明成祖皆降為郡王，同年又將已就藩的朱允熥、朱允熞召到燕京，以不能匡正建文帝為由廢為庶人，軟禁于鳳陽，僅留朱允𤐤奉祀懿文太子，而朱允𤐤不久也于永樂四年死于火災。當其皇位較鞏固時，繼續實行削藩。周、齊、代、岷諸王再次遭到削奪；遷寧王于南昌；徙谷王于長沙，旋廢為庶人；削遼王護衛。

軍事上，為了填充邊塞藩王內遷後的空白，以何福充總兵官鎮守陝西等處，韓觀充總兵官鎮守江西等處為開端，明成祖陸續在山東、雲南、浙直、遼東、廣西、貴州、甘肅、大同、江西、廣東、陝西等十三省、鎮設立鎮守總兵，同時對鎮守西北地區的宋晟與鎮守西南地區的沐晟通過聯姻等方式加以籠絡，得以很快在全國範圍內建立起了有效的統治。

在政治上，明成祖繼續實行太祖的徙富民政策，以加強對豪強地主的控制。明成祖時期，完善了文官制度，在朝廷中逐漸形成了後來內閣制度的雛形。永樂初開始設置內閣，選資歷較淺的官僚入閣參與機務，解決了廢罷中書省後行政機構的空缺。朱棣重視監察機構的作用，設立分遣御史巡按天下的制度，鼓勵官吏互相訐告。他善利用宦官出使、專征、監軍、分鎮、刺臣民隱事。

明成祖即位之初，對洪武、建文兩朝政策進行了某些調整，提出「為治之道在寬猛適中」的原則。他利用科舉制及編修書籍等籠絡地主、士人，宣揚儒家思想以改變明初過事佛、道教之風，選擇官吏力求因才而用，為當時政治、經濟、軍事、文化等方面的發展奠定了思想和組織基礎。

重設錦衣衛與設立東廠

在全國局勢穩定之後，明成祖為了加強對大臣的監控，恢復洪武時廢罷的錦衣衛。同時，明成祖又設置鎮守內臣的東廠衙門，廠衛合勢，強化專制統治。

永樂十八年（1420年），明成祖為了鎮壓政治上的反對力量，覺得錦衣衛不足以達成目的，決定設立一個稱為「東緝事廠」，簡稱「東廠」的新衙門，地點位於燕京（今北京）東安門之北，一說東華門旁。（今北京東城區東廠胡同，據說系原東廠所在地。）

東廠的行政長官為欽差掌印太監，全稱職銜為：欽差總督東廠官校辦事太監，簡稱提督東廠，尊稱為「廠公」或「督主」。初設時由司禮監掌印太監兼任，後因事務繁雜，改由司禮監秉筆太監中位居第二、第三者擔任。東廠的屬官有掌刑千戶、理刑百戶各一員，由錦衣衛千戶、百戶來擔任，稱貼刑官。隸役（稱掌班、領班、司房，共四十餘人）、緝事（稱役長和番役）等軍官由錦衣衛撥給。

修改《大明律》

明初《大明律》明令：「凡樂人搬做雜劇戲文，不許妝爾扮帝王后妃、忠臣節烈、先聖先賢神像，違者杖一百。官民之家容扮者與同罪」，以壓迫雜劇創作，明成祖即變本加厲，以極刑來禁止此類雜劇的印賣：「但有褻瀆帝王聖賢之詞曲、駕頭雜劇，非該律所載者，敢有收藏、傳誦、印賣，一時拿送法司究治」，「但這等詞曲，出榜後，限他五日，都要乾淨，將赴官燒毀了，敢有收藏的，全家殺了」。

永樂盛世

遷都北京

明成祖十分重視經營北方，加之自己興起于北平（今北京），因此明成祖在南京即位後，于永樂元年改北平為行在，設六部，增設北京周圍衛所，逐漸建立起北方新的政治、軍事中心。永樂七年（1409年），明成祖開始了營建北京天壽山長陵，以示立足北方的決心。與此同時，爭取與蒙古族建立友好關係。韃靼、瓦剌各部先後接受明政府封號。永樂八年（1410年）至二十二年（1424年），朱棣親自率兵五次北征，鞏固了北部邊防。永樂五年（1407年）開工修建北京宮殿也就是紫禁城（但後來部分宮殿被李自成放火燒毀，清初又重新修復），直至永樂十八年(1420)始完工。永樂十九年（1421年），明成祖正式遷都，定鼎北京。

發展經濟

明成祖注意社會經濟的恢復與發展，認為「家給人足」、「斯民小康」是天下治平的根本。他大力發展和完善軍事屯田制度和鹽商開中則例，保証軍糧和邊餉的供給。在中原各地鼓勵墾種荒閒田土，實行遷民寬鄉，督民耕作等方法以促進生產，並注意蠲免賑濟等措施，防止農民破產，保証了賦役征派。

明成祖對各地方官吏要求極為嚴格，要求凡地方官吏必須深入了解民情，隨時向朝廷反映民間疾苦。永樂十年(1412年)，朱棣命令入朝覲見的地方官吏五百餘人各自陳述當地的民情，還規定「不言者罪之，言有不當者勿問』。之後，永樂帝宣布「諭戶部，凡郡縣有司及朝使目擊民艱不言者，悉逮治。」即地方官或中央派出的民情觀察員，如果看到民間疾苦而不實報的，要逮捕法辦。對民間發生了災情，地方上要及時賑濟，做到「水旱朝告夕振，無有雍塞」。通過這些措施，永樂時「賦入盈羨」，達到有明一代最高峰，史稱永樂盛世。

經營邊疆

西南邊疆，永樂十一年（1413年），平定思南、思州土司叛亂後，設立貴州布政使司。為加強對烏思藏（今西藏）地區的控制，朱棣派遣官吏迎番僧入京，給予封賜，尊為帝師。不過，史學界對明朝是否實際統治了西藏存在較大的爭議。

永樂年間，明朝在藏區建立一套僧官制度，僧官分教王、西天佛子、大國師、國師、禪師、都綱、喇嘛等，每級依受封者的身份、地位進行分封。如明成祖即位的當年，即派侯顯前往烏思藏迎請噶瑪噶舉派的第五世噶瑪巴活佛，後封其為「大寶法王」。1406年，明成祖又遣使入藏封烏思藏帕竹第五任第悉扎巴堅贊為「闡化王」。明封八王中的兩大法王、五大教王都是永樂時期封授的。此外，明成祖依僧官制度還進行了大規模的分封，由此明朝對藏區的各政教勢力由上至下各級首領的分封基本完成。但明朝並未在烏思藏等地區駐軍。亦有學者通過對比元朝對于西藏的實際管轄，認為明朝上面這些對藏人名義上的封授並不能被認為擁有在西藏的實際政治權力。《劍橋中國明代史》亦指出：「無論是在經濟領域，還是在政治領域，西藏人都未覺得他們是明朝廷臣民。另外，他們無須中國（明朝）居中調解而維持著與其他國家和民族的關係。」

東北邊疆，永樂七年（1409年）在女真地區，設立奴兒幹都司。明成祖永樂元年（1403年）派邢樞等傳諭奴兒干，正式招撫諸部，擴大明朝東疆。永樂二年（1404年），置奴兒干等衛所，其後在當地相繼建衛所達一百三十餘。永樂七年（1409年）明政府設置奴兒干都指揮使司管轄奴兒干地區的所有軍事建制機構。永樂九年（1411年）正式開始行政管轄權。都司的主要官員初為派駐數年而輪調的流官，後為當地部落領袖所世襲。明成祖為了安撫東北女真各部，在歸附的海西女真（位於松花江上游）與建州女真（位於松花江、牡丹江之間）設置衛所，並派宦官亦失哈安撫位於黑龍江下游的野人女真。亦失哈並于1413年視察了庫頁島，宣示了明朝對此地的主權。在奴兒幹都司官衙所在地附近建有永寧寺，立有永寧寺碑，清代曹廷杰于1885年曾拓回碑文。同時，明成祖撤去大寧都司，將寧王朱權內遷南昌，授予兀良哈蒙古的朵顏、泰寧和福余三個衛所自治權，但不允許三衛蒙古人南遷到大寧地區駐牧。明成祖還于1406年和1422年對兀良哈蒙古進行鎮壓，以維持這一地區的穩定。

轄區內主要居民為蒙古、女真、吉里迷（尼夫赫人）、苦夷（阿伊努人）、達斡爾等族人民，分置衛所，以各族首領為各衛所都督、都指揮、指揮、千戶、百戶、鎮撫等職，給予印信。據《明史》記載，奴兒干都司有衛三百八十四，所二十四，站七，地面七，寨一。都司治所奴兒幹城（元朝征東元帥府舊地，今俄羅斯尼古拉耶夫斯克特林），在黑龍江下游東岸，下距黑龍江口約兩百公里，上距吉林船廠約兩千五百公里。明宣宗即位後，奴兒干都司于宣德九年（1434年）正式廢棄，共持續25年。

西北邊疆，永樂四年（1406年）設立哈密衛。此前，察合台的後裔肅王兀納失里於明洪武十三年（1380年），開始向明朝納貢，被明太祖封為哈密國王。其子脫脫向明成祖朝貢，永樂四年（1406年）三月，明成祖宣布設立哈密衛，以其頭目馬哈麻火者等為指揮、千百戶等官，又以周安為忠順王長史，劉行為紀善，輔導。之後，哈密國成為設有明朝羈縻衛所的王國，忠順王是哈密國王，哈密衛指揮使掌握哈密兵權，另有漢人長史。

興修水利

明成祖很重視河工，永樂九年（1411年）朱棣於疏浚會通河為保證北京糧食與各項物資的需要。朱棣命開漕運。漕運在元朝至元年間即有，然而卻因會通河一段水淺而無法大量載運物資，於是元朝均以海運為主。明朝初期，傳餉遼東、北平的途徑也均以海運為主。洪武二十四年，黃河在原武絕口，會通河於是被淤。

永樂年間，明成祖遷都北京，採用河路、海路並運。當時海運危險且多有損失；而河運卻經過淮河轉沙河，然後經過黃河進入衛河，於此轉入北京，陸運須經過八個衛所，勞民傷財。濟寧州同知潘叔正上疏建議浚通會通河，使得元朝運河恢復。於是，朱棣命宋禮、刑部侍郎金純、都督周長前往治理。會通河首要問題為水源不足，宋禮採用汶上老人白英的建議，修築埋城與戴村壩，橫截汶水向南，經河面最高端南旺分水，流入運河，且使黃河不會影響漕運。同年八月還京，論首功，受上賞。

次年，因御史許堪進言衛河水患，朱棣再命宋禮前往治理。宋禮在魏家灣分支黃河，洩水入土河，於是從德州西北開一支支流，到海豐、大沽流入大海。此時，宋禮以海運損失巨大、勞民傷財，上言請求停止海運，而恰逢平江伯陳瑄治理長江、淮河等告竣。於是河運從此昌盛，可運大型物資。永樂十三年，朱棣遂終止海運。

永樂十三年（1415年）鑿清江浦，使大運河重新暢通，對南北經濟文化交流與發展起了重要的作用。

永樂年間，明成祖還派夏原吉治水江南，疏浚吳淞。

對外關係

對外關係方面，除了安南在永樂年間被明成祖以武力納為郡縣外，明朝整體對外關係保持了和平。

東北方面，洪武二十五年（1392年），李成桂接受高麗恭讓王禪讓，建立朝鮮王朝，明太祖雖然根據其意願賜予「朝鮮」為其新國號，但始終不予正式冊封，兩國還發生兩次表箋風波，關繫緊張，朝鮮國內甚至出現征伐遼東的思潮。洪武三十一年（1398年），李芳果在其弟李芳遠發動第一次王子之亂後獲得明惠宗冊封。其後李芳遠發動第二次王子之亂即位後，仍舊在建文三年（1401年）獲得明惠宗冊封。明成祖取得靖難之役勝利後，于永樂元年（1403年）二月重新冊封李芳遠為朝鮮國王，兩國關係由此進入穩定的宗藩關係。

與日本的關係，明成祖即位後，遣使日本，成功與日本室町幕府第三位將軍足利義滿建立起外交關係，足利義滿在永樂元年（1403年）接受明成祖冊封為「日本國王」，兩國不僅建立起政府層面的勘合貿易，足利義滿還動用官方力量幫助明朝處理明初倭寇問題。明成祖還在永樂四年（1406年）封日本阿蘇山為「壽安鎮國之山」。永樂六年（1408年），足利義滿去世後，繼任的其子足利義持很快改變政策，與明朝斷絕外交關係，加之倭寇猖獗，明成祖甚至一度動了征伐日本的念頭，不過後來隨著對倭寇作戰勝利，並沒有實行，但兩國關係也因此再度轉冷。

與帖木兒帝國方面，帖木兒去世後，帖木兒帝國陷入內戰，最終奪取政權的沙哈魯釋放了此前拘留的明朝使者，兩國建立起穩定的關係，明成祖還多次派遣吏部驗封司員外郎陳誠、中官李達等官員出使西域。隨後西域的帖木兒帝國、吐魯番、失剌斯、俺都準、火州也與明朝多次互派使者往來，加強了政治、駐軍和貿易往來，全國統一形勢得到進一步發展和鞏固。

永樂大典

在政治穩定、經濟繁榮、邊疆穩定的局面下，為整理知識，明成祖令解縉等人修書。編撰宗旨：「凡書契以來經史子集百家之書，至於天文、地誌、陰陽、醫卜、僧道、技藝之言，備輯為一書，毋厭浩繁！」，召集一百四十七人，首次成書于永樂二年（1404年），初名《文獻集成》；明成祖過目後認為「所纂尚多未備」，不甚滿意。永樂三年（1405年）再命姚廣孝、鄭賜、劉季篪、解縉等人重修，這次動用編寫人員朝野上下共二千一百六十九人，啟用了南京文淵閣的全部藏書，永樂五年（1407年）定稿進呈，明成祖看了十分滿意，親自為序，並命名為《永樂大典》，清抄至永樂六年（1408年）冬天才正式成書。

《永樂大典》由解縉、太子少傅姚廣孝和禮部尚書鄭賜監修，組織上設監修、總裁、副總裁、都總裁等職，負責各方面工作。監修：解縉、姚廣孝、鄭賜；總裁：副總裁：蔣用文、趙同友；都總裁：陳濟。

《永樂大典》修書過程對所收錄的書籍沒有做任何修改，採用兼收並取的方式，保持了書籍原始的內容。明成祖修大型類書《永樂大典》，在三年時間內即告完成。《永樂大典》有22877卷，其中凡例、目錄60卷，全書分裝為11095冊，引書達七八千種，字數約有三億七千多萬，且未有任何刪節，這是清朝《四庫全書》無法相提並論的。但成祖並未將《永樂大典》複寫刊刻，而決定只製作一份抄本，並于1409年完成。永樂年間修訂的《永樂大典》原書只有一部，現今存世的都是嘉靖年間的抄本。

鄭和七下西洋

明成祖時期，為了開展對外交流，擴大明朝的影響，同時確立自己即位的正統性，從永樂三年起，朱棣派三寶太監鄭和（初名馬三寶）率領船隊六次出使西洋（第七次在明宣宗宣德年間），所歷三十餘國，成為明初盛事。永樂時派使臣來朝者亦達三十餘國。浡泥王和蘇祿東王親自率使臣來中國，不幸病故，分別葬于南京（浡泥國王墓）和德州（蘇祿國王墓）。

永樂三年六月十五（1405年7月11日）明成祖命鄭和為正使，王景弘為副使率士兵二萬八千餘人出使西洋，造長44丈廣18丈大船62艘，從蘇州劉家河泛海到福建，再由福建五虎門楊帆，先到占城（今越南中南部地區），後向爪哇方向南航，次年6月30日在爪哇三寶壟登陸，進行貿易。時西爪哇與東爪哇內戰，西爪哇滅東爪哇，西爪哇兵殺鄭和士兵170人，西王畏懼，獻黃金6萬兩，補償鄭和死難士兵。隨後到三佛齊舊港，時舊港廣東僑領施進卿來報，海盜陳祖義兇橫，鄭和興兵剿滅賊黨五千多人，燒賊船十艘，獲賊船五艘，生擒海盜陳祖義等三賊首。鄭和船隊後到過蘇門答臘、滿刺加、錫蘭、古里等國家。在古里賜其王國王誥命銀印，並起建碑亭，立石碑「去中國十萬餘里，民物咸若，熙嗥同風，刻石于茲，永示萬世」。

永樂五年九月初二（1407年10月2日），鄭和回國，押陳祖義等獻上，陳祖義等被問斬。施進卿被封為舊港宣慰使。舊港擒賊有功將士獲賞：指揮官鈔一百錠，彩幣四表里，千戶鈔八十錠，彩幣三表里，百戶鈔六十錠，彩幣二表里；醫士，番火長鈔五十錠，彩幣一表里，錦布三匹。

永樂六年正月，明成祖命工部造寶船四十八艘。永樂六年九月十三日（1407年10月13日），命太監鄭和、王景弘，王貴通等出使古里，滿剌加，蘇門答剌，阿魯，加異勒，爪哇，暹羅，占城，柯枝，阿拔把丹，小柯蘭，南巫里，甘巴里等國，賜其國王錦綺紗羅，永樂七年夏（1409年）回國。第二次下西洋人數據載有27000人。

永樂七年九月（1409年10月），明成祖命正使太監鄭和、副使王景弘、候顯率領官兵二萬七千餘人，駕駛海舶四十八艘，從太倉瀏家港啟航，敕使占城，賓童龍，真臘，暹羅，假裡馬丁，交闌山，爪哇，重迦羅，吉里悶地，古里，滿剌加，彭亨，東西竺，龍牙迦邈，淡洋，蘇門答剌，花面，龍涎嶼，翠蘭嶼，阿魯，錫蘭，小葛蘭，柯枝，榜葛剌，不剌哇，竹步，木骨都束，蘇祿等國。費信、馬歡等人會同前往。滿剌加當時是暹羅屬國，正使鄭和奉帝命招敕，賜雙台銀印，冠帶袍服，建碑封域為滿剌加國，暹羅不敢擾。滿剌加九洲山盛產沉香，黃熟香；太監鄭和等差官兵入山採香，得直徑八九尺，長八九丈的標本6株。永樂七年，皇上命正使太監鄭和等齎捧詔敕金銀供器等到錫蘭山寺布施，並建立《布施錫蘭山佛寺碑》此碑現存于科倫坡博物館。鄭和訪問錫蘭山國時，錫蘭山國王亞烈苦奈兒「負固不恭，謀害舟師」，被鄭和覺察，離開錫蘭山前往他國。回程時再次訪問錫蘭山國，亞烈苦奈兒誘騙鄭和到國中，發兵五萬圍攻鄭和船隊，又伐木阻斷鄭和歸路。鄭和趁賊兵傾巢而出，國中空虛，帶領隨從二千官兵，取小道出其不意突襲亞烈苦奈兒王城，破城而入，生擒亞烈苦奈兒並家屬。

永樂九年六月十六（1411年7月6日），鄭和回國獻亞烈苦奈兒與永樂帝，朝臣齊奏誅殺，永樂帝憐憫亞烈苦奈兒無知，釋放亞烈苦奈兒和妻子，給予衣食，命禮部商議，選其國人中賢者為王。選賢者邪把乃耶，遣使齎引，誥封為錫蘭山國王，並遣返亞烈苦奈兒。永樂九年（1411年）滿剌加國王拜里米蘇剌，率領妻子陪臣540多人來朝，朝廷賜海船回國守衛疆土。從此「海外諸番，益服天子威德」。八月，禮部、兵部議奏，對錫蘭戰役有功將士754人，按奇功，奇功次等，頭功，頭功次等，各有升職，並賞賜鈔銀，彩幣錦布等。

永樂十一年十一月（1413年11月），明成祖命正使太監鄭和，副使王景弘等奉命統軍二萬七千餘人，駕海舶四十，出使滿剌加，爪哇，占城，蘇門答剌，柯枝，古里，南渤里，彭亨，吉蘭丹，加異勒，勿魯謨斯，比剌，溜山，孫剌等國。鄭和使團中包括官員868人，兵26800人，指揮93人，都指揮2人，書手140人，百戶430人，戶部郎中1人，陰陽官1人，教諭1人，舍人2人，醫官醫士180人，正使太監7人，監丞5人，少監10人，內官內使53人其中包括翻譯官馬歡，陝西西安羊市大街清真寺掌教哈三，指揮唐敬，王衡，林子宣，胡俊，哈同等。鄭和先到占城，奉帝命賜占城王冠帶。1413年鄭和船隊到蘇門答剌，當時偽王蘇幹剌竊國，鄭和奉帝命統率官兵追剿，生擒蘇幹剌送京伏誅。1413年鄭和艦隊在三寶壟停留一個月整休，鄭和費信常在當地華人回教堂祈禱。鄭和命哈芝黃達京掌管占婆華人回教徒。首次繞過阿拉伯半島，航行東非麻林迪（肯尼亞），永樂十三年七月初八（1415年8月12日）回國。同年11月，麻林迪特使來中國進獻「麒麟」（即長頸鹿）。

永樂十五年五月十五日（1417年6月）總兵太監鄭和受明成祖命，在泉州回教先賢墓行香，往西洋忽魯謨斯等國公幹，永樂十五年五月（1417年6月）出發，護送古里、爪哇、滿剌加、占城、錫蘭山、木骨都束、溜山、喃渤里、卜剌哇、蘇門答剌、麻林、剌撒、忽魯謨斯、柯枝、南巫里、沙里灣泥、彭亨各國使者及舊港宣慰使歸國。隨行有僧人慧信，將領朱真、唐敬等。鄭和奉命在柯枝詔賜國王印誥，封國中大山為鎮國山，並立碑銘文。忽魯謨斯進貢獅子，金錢豹，西馬；阿丹國進貢麒麟，祖法爾進貢長角馬，木骨都束進貢花福鹿、獅子；卜剌哇進貢千里駱駝、鴕雞；爪哇、古里進貢麾里羔獸。永樂十七年七月十七（1419年8月8日）回國。

宋末泉州市舶司提舉蒲壽庚之侄蒲日和，也與太監鄭和，奉敕往西洋尋玉璽，有功，加封泉州衛鎮撫。

永樂十九年正月三十日（1421年3月3日），鄭和奉明成祖命出發，往榜葛剌（孟加拉），史載「於鎮東洋中，官舟遭大風，掀翻欲溺，舟中喧泣，急叩神求佑，言未畢，……風恬浪靜」，中道返回，永樂二十年八月十八（1422年9月2日）回國。永樂二十二年，明成祖去世，仁宗朱高熾即位，以經濟空虛，下令停止下西洋的行動。

永樂二十二年七月十七日（1424年8月12日），明成祖去世，太子朱高熾即位，改元洪熙，是為明仁宗，于洪熙元年五月辛巳（1425年5月29日）去世，太子朱瞻基即位，改元宣德，是為明宣宗。宣德五年閏十二月初六（1430年1月），鄭和奉明宣宗命率領二萬七千餘官兵，駕駛寶船61艘，從龍江關（今南京下關）啟航，進行了第七次下西洋。開始返航後，鄭和因勞累過度于宣德八年（1433年）四月初在印度西海岸古里去世，遺體埋葬於古里，船隊由太監王景弘率領返航，宣德八年七月初六（1433年7月22日）返回南京。第七次下西洋人數據載有27550人。

南征安南

安南政變

明太祖朱元璋為與鄰近國家保持長久的和睦關係，便在其所主編的《皇明祖訓》中開列十五個「不征諸夷國名」，以警戒後世子孫切勿「倚中國富強，貪一時戰功，無故興兵，致傷人命」，越南（安南國）便是其中之一。1400年，安南陳朝權臣胡季犛篡位，建立胡朝，改國號為「大虞」。不久後自稱太上皇，由兒子胡漢蒼（即胡𡗨）即皇帝位。由於前朝陳氏原是向明朝稱臣，世世受明冊封，憑著篡奪得國的胡氏為免惹起明朝猜疑，便於1403年農曆四月丁未（西曆4月21日）遣使赴明，向剛起兵奪位的明成祖聲稱陳氏「宗嗣繼絕，支庶淪滅，無可紹承。臣，陳氏之甥，為眾所推」，欲藉此聲稱自己具有統治資格，要求明朝冊封。明成祖派楊渤到越南觀察後，當地陪臣耆老跟隨他向成祖上奏稱「眾人誠心推胡漢蒼權理國事」，明廷一時再沒有懷疑的理由，便封胡漢蒼為「安南國王」。

1404年農曆八月乙亥（西曆9月10日），陳朝遺臣裴伯耆到明廷，控訴胡季犛父子「弒主篡位，屠害忠臣」，要求明朝出兵「擒滅此賊，蕩除奸凶，復立陳氏子孫」八月丁酉日（西曆10月2日），有一位自稱陳氏子孫，名叫陳天平的人（越南史籍寫作「陳添平」，《大越史記全書》稱他的身份本是「陳元輝家奴阮康」），從老撾入明，亦向明帝訴說胡氏篡位的經過，要求恢復陳氏統治。其後，明成祖當著胡朝的來使面前，安排陳天平與他們會見，使一眾來使都錯愕下拜，甚至涕泣，適值裴伯耆在場，向來使責以大義，場面緊張。明廷於是對越南政局多所幹涉，派員查核實情，胡朝明白勢不得已，唯有承認責任，要求「迎歸天平」。

另外，明越兩國又因領土問題出現外交風波。1405年，廣西省思明府土官及雲南省寧遠州土官向明廷控訴，轄境猛慢、祿州等地被越南所佔。為此，明廷於該年農曆二月，遣使責難胡朝，要求取得祿州，胡朝便被迫將古樓等五十九村交給明朝政府。

胡朝雖然願意息事寧人，但兩國關係仍然緊張。其後，胡朝所派到明廷的使節，都遭扣留，不許回國。明廷又派員入越，查探山川道路險要之地，以為日後南征的準備。另外，胡朝的南鄰占城，曾於1404年遣使入明，聲稱遭到胡氏「攻擾地方，殺掠人畜」，並進一步「請吏治之」，這亦引起了明廷的注意。

不過，明成祖仍未敢輕言出兵。1405年年底，雲南將領沐晟建議出兵，卻遭明成祖反駁說：「爾又言欲發兵向安南。朕方以布恩信，懷遠人為務。胡𡗨雖擾我邊境，令已遣人詰問，若能攄誠順命，則亦當弘包荒之量。」至於陳天平的處置，明廷則決定送歸越南，並要求越人「以君事之」，奉為國主。越南方面，胡朝有感於對明關係緊張，亦積極防備，重編軍制，在多邦城（陳仲金說位於山西省先豐縣古法社）加強防守，於各個河海要處裝插木樁陷阱，整頓軍庫，招募人民有巧藝者入伍。但胡朝君臣對明主戰或主和，意見分歧甚大，有官員認為只好「從他（明朝）所好，以緩師可也」，左相國胡元澄則認為只決定於「民心之從違耳」，對明作戰並無十足把握。

明軍南下

1406年，明朝派鎮守廣西都督僉事黃中領五千士兵（《大越史記全書》稱領兵十萬），護送陳朝王孫陳天平（陳添平）回越南（《明實錄》把事件列在該年農曆三月丙午，即西曆4月4日；《大越史記全書》則列入農曆四月八日，即西曆4月26日）。當進入越南境內的支棱隘時，遇上胡軍截擊，明軍不敵，陳天平及部份士兵被俘。陳天平經胡朝審訊後，被「處陵遲罪」。明成祖得悉後大怒，便「決意興師」。

同年年中，明成祖派總兵官朱能加封「征夷大將軍」，配印信。後來在行軍時病卒，由副將張輔代替）、左副將軍沐晟、右副將軍張輔、左參將李彬、右參將陳旭等領兵（《大越史記全書》稱共有八十萬人，中國學者郭振鐸、張笑梅認為可能有誇大），分兵兩路，開進越南的白鶴江會師，一邊向越南腹地步步推進，一邊發出檄文向越人呼籲胡季犛父子的行為是「肆逞凶暴，虐于一國」，並列出胡氏「兩弒前安南國王以據其國」、「賊殺陳氏子孫宗族殆盡」、「淫刑峻法，暴殺無辜，重斂煩徵，剝削不已」等二十款大罪，又稱明軍的到來是「吊爾民之困苦，復陳氏之宗祀」，以使民心動搖。果然，不少越人「厭胡氏苛政，罔有戰心」，有助明軍前進更為順利。農曆十二月丙申十一日（西曆1407年1月19日），胡軍的主力退守多邦城，明軍亦看準該城位於河邊，有較大面積的沙灘可供搶灘，於是分兵進攻，成功以火銃擊退胡軍象兵。其後，明軍攻入越南的重要城市東都昇龍，並大肆掠奪，「擄掠女子玉帛，會計糧儲，分官辦事，招集流民。為久居計，多閹割童男，及收各處銅錢，驛送金陵」。

明朝攻占安南

1407年年初，明軍攻破昇龍後，向胡朝的首都清化繼續前進，胡氏皇子胡元澄領軍退守黃江（在今越南河南省的一段紅河），與胡季犛、胡漢蒼會合。明將沐晟則進駐木凡江（在今越南河內市，與黃江相接）預備出擊。農曆二月，沐晟沿江兩岸擊敗胡元澄軍，追擊至悶海口（在今越南南定省），因軍中爆發疾疫，明軍移師到鹹子關立塞備戰。農曆三月，胡軍集合水步大軍七萬，號稱二十一萬，與明軍爆發鹹子關之戰。結果胡軍潰敗，大批兵士溺斃於該處河流，無數船隻及軍糧沉沒，胡氏父子敗逃，最終在農曆五月十一日（西曆6月16日）在奇羅海口（在今越南河靜省奇英縣）被明軍俘獲，胡朝滅亡，領土被明朝佔領。據當時的統計，越南土地人口物產資料為：府州四十八、縣一百六十八、戶三百一十二萬九千五百、象一百一十二、馬四百二十、牛三萬五千七百五十、船八千八百六十五。（※此一統計數字，按《明實錄》記載的1408年農曆六月的計算，則是「安撫人民三百一十二萬有奇；獲蠻人二百八萬七千五百有奇，糧儲一千三百六十萬石，象、馬、牛共二十三萬五千九百餘隻，船八千六百七十七艘，軍器二百五十三萬九千八百五十二件。」）

明朝設立交趾布政司

胡朝亡後，明成祖在農曆六月癸未朔（西曆7月5日）下詔，聲稱這次軍事行動是為了越南原本的陳氏王室著想，「期伐罪（指胡朝）以弔民，將興滅而繼絕」，並打算對「久染夷俗」的越人「設官兼治，教以中國禮法」，以達致「廣施一視之仁，永樂太平之治」。明廷又以陳朝子孫被胡氏殺戮殆盡，無可繼承，於是在越南設置交址都指揮使司、交址等處承宣布政使司及交址等處提刑按察使司等官署，將之直接管轄。

安南內屬後，安南人民不斷進行反抗，明軍多次進行鎮壓。永樂二十二年（1424年），明成祖去世，太子朱高熾明仁宗即位，次年明仁宗去世，太子朱瞻基即位，是為明宣宗。宣宗考慮到「數年以來，一方不靖，屢勤王師」，便允許撤兵。黎利得勝後，就發佈阮廌所起草的《平吳大誥》，稱他自己的抗明鬥爭是「仁義之舉，要在安民，吊伐之師，莫先去暴」；提出中越兩國是「山川之封域既殊，南北之風俗亦異」，因而有必要脫離明朝統治，自行建國，於是建立後黎朝。

其後，1431年農曆正月五日（西曆2月12日），明封黎利為安南國王，從此朝貢不絕。

五次親征漠北

為了穩定北方邊境，對付蒙古勢力。永樂七年（1409年），明成祖朱棣派淇國公丘福率十萬大軍征討韃靼（東蒙古），由于輕敵，孤軍深入，中埋伏，全軍覆沒。為消除邊患，明成祖決心親征。明永樂八年（1410年）二月，明成祖調集50萬大軍。五月八日，明軍行至臚朐河（今克魯倫河，明成祖將之更名為「飲馬河」）流域，詢得其可汗本雅失里率軍向西逃往瓦剌部，太師阿魯台則向東逃。朱棣親率將士向西追擊本雅失里，五月十三日，明軍在斡難河（位于今蒙俄邊境）大敗本雅失里。明成祖打敗本雅失里後，揮師向東攻擊阿魯台，雙方在今蒙俄邊境之斡難河東北方向交戰，明軍殺敵無數，阿魯台墜馬逃遁。此時天氣炎熱，缺水，且糧草不濟，明成祖下令班師。韃靼部經過明軍的這次打擊，其部臣阿魯台接受了成祖給他「和寧王」的封號。

明軍在永樂八年（1410年）第一次出征韃靼後，瓦剌部趁機迅速發展壯大，1413年，瓦剌軍進駐臚朐河（今克魯倫河），窺視中原。明成祖決心再次親征，調集兵力，籌集糧餉。永樂十二年（1414年）二月，明軍從北京出發，六月初三，明軍在三峽口（今蒙古烏蘭巴托東南）擊敗了瓦剌部的一股游兵，殺敵數十騎；初七日，明軍行至勿蘭忽失溫（今蒙古烏蘭巴托東南），瓦剌軍3萬之眾，依託山勢，分三路阻抗，成祖派騎兵衝擊，引誘敵兵離開山勢，遂命柳升發炮轟擊，自己亦親率鐵騎殺入敵陣，瓦剌軍敗退，朱棣乘勢追擊，兵分幾路夾擊瓦剌軍的所撲，殺敵數千，瓦剌軍紛紛敗逃。此役，瓦剌受到了重創，此後多年不敢犯邊，同時，明軍也傷亡慘重。

瓦剌被明成祖打敗，韃靼趁此機會經過幾年的發展，勢力日益強盛起來，從而改變對明朝的依附政策，並侮辱或拘留明朝派去的使節，還時常對明朝邊境進行騷擾劫掠。永樂十九年（1421年）冬初，韃靼圍攻明朝北方重鎮興和，殺死了明軍指揮官王祥，對此，明成祖決定第三次親征漠北。永樂二十年（1422年）三月，明成祖率軍從北京出發，出擊韃靼。其主力部隊至宣府（今河北宣化區）東南的雞鳴山時，韃靼首領阿魯台得知明軍來襲，乘夜逃離興和，避而不戰。七月，明軍到達煞胡原，俘獲韃靼的部屬，得知阿魯台已逃走，成祖下令停止追擊。明軍在回師途中，擊敗兀良哈部，九月，回師北京。明成祖第三次出擊漠北，雖對韃靼部有一定的打擊，但成效不大，並沒徹底解決盤據漠北的蒙古三個部落對明朝邊境的滋擾。

永樂二十一年（1423年），韃靼首領阿魯台再次率部滋擾明朝邊境，明成祖聞悉後決定再次親征。明軍八月初出征，九月上旬，明軍到達沙城（今河北張北以北）時，阿魯台的部下阿失貼木兒率部投降明軍，並得知阿魯台被瓦剌打敗，其部已潰散，明軍暫時駐紮不前；十月，明軍繼續北上，在黃河以北擊敗韃靼的軍隊，韃靼王子也先土幹率部眾降明，明成祖朱棣隨即封也先土幹為「忠勇王」，十一月，明軍班師回京。

永樂時全國形勢相對緩和，但由于國家支出過大，賦役征派繁重，使有些地區發生了農民流亡與起義，十八年山東發生的唐賽兒起義是其中規模較大的一支。永樂二十二年（1424年）正月至七月，明軍對韃靼部作戰。是年正月，韃靼部首領阿魯台率軍進犯明朝境內大同、開平（今內蒙古正藍旗東北）等地。明成祖遂調集山西、山東、河南、陝西、遼東5都司之兵于京師（今北京）和宣府（今河北宣化）待命。四月三日，以安遠侯柳升、遂安伯陳英為中軍；武安侯鄭亨、保定侯孟瑛為左哨，陽武侯薛祿、新寧伯譚忠為右哨；英國公張輔、成國公朱勇為左掖，成山侯王通、興安伯徐亨為右掖；寧陽侯陳懋、忠勇王金忠（又名也先土幹）為前鋒，出兵北征。出征前戶部尚書夏元吉以國庫虛耗，曾勸成祖勿起戰事，成祖不聽，反繫之大獄。二十五日，進至隰寧（今河北沽源南），獲悉阿魯台逃往答蘭納木兒河（今蒙古境內之哈拉哈河下游），明成祖令全軍急速追擊。六月十七日，進至答蘭納木兒河，周圍三百餘里不見阿魯台部蹤影，遂下令班師。七月初，成祖病情惡化，命英國公張輔總領軍務，並遣使者進京面見太子朱高熾，請派皇太孫朱瞻基前往迎駕。七月十八日，明成祖在大軍行至榆木川（今內蒙古多倫）時駕崩。

朝政

內閣大臣

明成祖為填補太祖廢除丞相後導致六部之首的空缺，但又希望強化皇權，他設立內閣，內閣大學士計有解縉、黃淮、胡廣、楊榮、金幼孜、楊士奇、胡儼。明成祖時期湧現許多著名大臣，包括蹇義、鬱新、劉觀、鄭賜、宋禮、金純、夏原吉、呂震、金忠、沐春、沐晟、沐昂、張輔。另一方面，永樂年間也存在一些特殊情況，如並非內閣成員的夏原吉、蹇義已經開始參與內閣事務了，但沒有帶翰林銜，而是以戶部、吏部尚書的身份參與的，所謂「外兼台省，內參館閣」，後來在宣德年間也因此獲得了票擬權，而本身是內閣成員金幼孜反而在後來沒有獲得票擬權。

明成祖任用酷吏強化自己的統治，著名的包括陳瑛和紀綱。

明成祖時期的著名太監包括：鄭和：三寶太監七下西洋；王景弘：鄭和的副手；侯顯：有才辨，強力敢任，五使絕域，勞績與鄭和亞；亦失哈：鞏固北方邊防，晚年研究改造武器，如改造步槍（裝槍頭-為安裝刺刀的先驅）；王彥：原名王狗兒，尚寶監太監；昌盛：神宮監太監，貴州人。歷洪武-建文-永樂-洪熙-宣德五朝。

去世

永樂二十二年（1424年）七月，明成祖率領北征大軍班師返京。七月十五日，明成祖病重。十六日，行至榆木川（今中國內蒙古自治區錫林郭勒盟多倫縣），昏迷不醒。十八日，明成祖朱棣崩逝於榆木川，享壽六十四歲，在位二十二年。遺詔傳位皇太子。大學士楊榮、太監馬去等秘不發喪，暗中派御馬監少監海壽秘密回京，「奉遺命，馳訃皇太子」。太子朱高熾立即派皇太孫朱瞻基立前往虎帳。八月十一日，皇太孫朱瞻基到達軍營後，始發佈帝崩消息。太子朱高熾即位，宣布次年改元洪熙，是為明仁宗。明成祖駕崩後，殉葬的有30餘位宮女，其中包括成祖的16位嬪妃。

關于朱棣的身體，從關于他身體早年的記載中能夠看出並不好。洪武十九年（1386年），朱棣「患瘕，韓公茂治，久不愈」，只好請來當時很著名的醫生戴思恭（字元禮，以字行）。戴思恭先問了朱棣此前所用之藥，然後又問朱棣「嗜何物」，朱棣回答「生芹」。戴思恭有了把握，說：「得之矣。」于是「投一劑，夜暴下，視之，皆細蝗也」。從戴思恭治療的情況來看，朱棣所患之病似乎是寄生蟲病。但所謂「瘕」則不單純指此。根據隋朝巢元方《諸病源候論》中的論述，「癥瘕者，皆由寒溫不調，飲食不化，與髒氣相搏結所生也。其病不動者，直名為癥。若病雖有結瘕而可推移者，名為瘕。瘕者，假也，謂虛假可動也」從朱棣此次患病的症狀，結合了「癥瘕」下的「蛟龍病候」和「瘕病候」。「蛟龍病候」，指的是「蛟龍病者，雲三月、八月蛟龍子生在芹菜上，人食芹菜，不幸隨食入人腹，變成蛟龍，其病之狀，發則如癲」。唐朝王燾《外台秘要方》引《廣濟方》對症狀的敘述更為詳細，「療蛟龍病，三月、八月近海及水邊，因食生芹菜，為蛟龍子生在芹菜上，食入人腹，變成龍子，須慎之。其病發似癲，面色青黃，少腹脹，狀如懷妊，宜食寒食餳方」。可以看出，與朱棣的症狀如出一轍。「瘕病候」，指的則是「瘕病者，由寒溫不適，飲食不消，與髒氣相搏，積在腹內，結塊瘕痛，隨氣移動是也。言其虛假不牢，故謂之為瘕也」。將之和朱棣的情況結合，戴思恭解決的當為當時困擾朱棣最為嚴重的寄生蟲問題，而朱棣的病根其實還在，並沒有完全消除。這一病根甚至很可能影響到了朱棣的生育能力，導致他在洪武十九年後就沒有新的子女出生。

明成祖駕崩後，謚體天弘道高明廣運聖武神功純仁至孝文皇帝，廟號太宗，十二月十九日，明成祖與仁孝文皇后徐氏合葬于長陵。嘉靖十七年（1538年）九月，明世宗朱厚熜改謚明成祖為啟天弘道高明肇運聖武神功純仁至孝文皇帝，改上廟號為成祖。

遺詔

與明朝其他皇帝都留下了一份相當完整的遺詔不同，朱棣留下的遺詔非常簡短，在《明太宗實錄》中僅在永樂二十二年（1424年）七月十七日駕崩前一天對英國公張輔留有一句

造成這一情況的原因，當即和明成祖是在北征班師途中駕崩有關。

評價

• 黃子澄評價還是燕王的明成祖：「燕王性豁達果斷，嘗觀其舉動，沉靜深遠，莫測其端倪」。齊泰則評價還是燕王的明成祖：「燕王素稱英武，威聞海內，志廣氣剛，氣剛者，易于挫抑，執其有異圖，孰信其誣？」

• 袁珙在面見朱棣後評價還是燕王的明成祖朱棣：「聖上太平天子也，龍形而鳳姿，天廣地闊，日麗中天，重瞳龍髯，二肘若肉印之狀，龍行虎步，聲如鐘實，乃蒼生真主，太平天子也。但年交四十，髯須長過于臍。即登寶位」。

• 建文帝在開除燕王宗室身份的詔書中指控燕王「包藏禍心，為日已久，印造偽鈔，陰結人心，朝命窮極，藏匿罪人」，造成「先帝震怒，遂以成疾，至於升遐」。

• 《明太宗實錄》中評價明成祖：至軍國重務，必自決。左右或勸上少自逸者，祖宗付畀之重，一息不絕，其敢怠？！為政一循太祖舊規，申明法制，修述禮樂。躬謁孔子，幸太學。廣召天下方聞博雅之士，蒐羅古今，著為大典。表章正學，集四書、五經、惟（性）理大全，垂訓萬世。德威廣被，四裔君長，無間大小遠邇，朝覲貢獻請授官爵于闕下者無虛日。海外若榜葛剌、滿剌加、忽魯謨斯等處新受朝命為主者殆三十國。東踰遼水，韃靼、女直（女真）、野人、兀良哈之地，立行都司、衛所，設官統治，幾三百處。直西部落數百種皆重譯來附，其請置官府者蓋三之二。西南羌夷建宣慰、宣撫、安撫司及軍衛郡縣，視舊增益數倍。安南為逆，一舉削平之，而郡縣其地。獨北虜反覆，數為邊患，親率六師征之，驅諸絕漠之外，虜遂不敢南向。蓋唐虞三代以來，若漢之高帝、世祖，唐之文皇，宋之太祖，其寬仁大度、聰明文武、閎遠之規、乾剛之用，帝皆兼而有之，是以功烈之盛，前古鮮儷焉。

• 《明史·成祖本紀》中評價明成祖：文皇少長習兵，據幽燕形勝之地，乘建文孱弱，長驅內向，奄有四海。即位以後，躬行節儉，水旱朝告夕振，無有壅蔽。知人善任，表里洞達，雄武之略，同符高祖。六師屢出，漠北塵清。至其季年，威德遐被，四方賓服，明命而入貢者殆三十國。幅隕之廣，遠邁漢、唐。成功駿烈，卓乎盛矣。然而革除之際，倒行逆施，慚德亦曷可掩哉。

• 明史學家顧誠在文章《明前期耕地數新探》中評價明成祖：在歷史上，明成祖是一個大有作為的君主，他的業績應當給予足夠的評價。但是，也應該看到朱棣的好大喜功，濫用人力、物力，把弓弦繃得太緊，給社會經濟的發展帶來了一些消極影響。

• 蔡石山在其著作《永樂大帝：一個中國帝王的精神肖像》的開篇評價明成祖「明朝的永樂皇帝，駕崩于1424年8月12日，自從1402年7月17日登極以來——近乎八千零六十二天的在位期間——而且所有的証據也顯示，他從未浪費過一天」。在書末，他再次評價明成祖「毋庸置疑，永樂有過多的自我，而且擁有很多的美德：他是自信、直率的，能夠甄別和牢記有很強能力之人的貢獻，而且保護依靠他的那些人，尤其是他的家人。不過，他也有黑暗面，特徵就是不必要又未經思考的侵犯性，而這類侵犯性經常產生了暴虐和消耗」。

• 《朝鮮王朝實錄·世宗莊憲大王實錄》中評價明成祖「使臣言：『前後選獻韓氏等女，皆殉大行皇帝。』先是，賈人子呂氏入皇帝宮中，與本國呂氏以同姓，欲結好，呂氏不從，賈呂蓄憾。 及權妃卒，誣告呂氏點毒藥於茶進之，帝怒，誅呂氏及宮人宦官數百餘人。後賈呂與宮人魚氏私宦者，帝頗覺，然寵二人不發，二人自懼縊死。帝怒，事起賈呂，鞫賈呂侍婢，皆誣服雲；『欲行弒逆。』凡連坐者二千八百人，皆親臨剮之，或有面詬帝曰：「自家陽衰，故私年少寺人，何咎之有？」後帝命畫工圖，賈呂與小宦相抱之狀，欲令後世見之，然思魚氏不置，令藏於壽陵之側。及仁宗卽位，掘棄之。亂之初起，本國任氏、鄭氏自經而死，黃氏、李氏被鞫處斬。黃氏援引他人甚多，李氏曰：『等死耳，何引他人為？？我當獨死。』終不誣一人而死。於是，本國諸女皆被誅，獨崔氏曾在南京，帝召宮女之在南京者，崔氏以病未至，及亂作，殺宮人殆盡，以後至獲免。韓氏當亂，幽閉空室，不給飲食者累日，守門宦者哀之，或時置食於門內，故得不死。然其從婢皆逮死，乳媼金黑亦繫獄，事定乃特赦之。初，黃氏之未赴京也，兄夫金德章坐於所在房窓外，黃儼見之大怒，責之，及其入朝，在道得腹痛之疾，醫用諸藥，皆無效，思食汁菹。儼問元閔生曰：『此何物耶?』閔生備言沈造之方，儼變色曰：『欲食人肉，吾可割股而進，如此草地，何得此物？』黃氏腹痛不已，每夜使從婢以手磨動其腹，到一夜小便時，陰出一物，大如茄子許，皮裹肉塊也。婢棄諸廁中，一行衆婢，皆知而喧說。又黃氏婢潛說：『初出行也，德章贈一木梳。』欽差皆不知之。 帝以黃氏非處女詰之，乃云：『曾與姊夫金德章、隣人皂隸通焉。』帝怒，將責本國，勑已成，有宮人楊氏者方寵，知之，語韓氏其故，韓氏泣乞哀于帝曰：『黃氏在家私人，豈我王之所知也？』帝感悟，遂命韓氏罰之，韓氏乃批黃氏之頰。 明年戊戌，欽差善才謂我太宗曰：『黃氏性險無溫色，正類負債之女。』歲癸卯，欽差海壽謂上曰：『黃氏行路之時，腹痛至甚，吾等見則以鄉言言腹痛，必慙而入內。』及帝之崩，宮人殉葬者，三十餘人，當死之日，皆餉之於庭。 餉輟，俱引升堂，哭聲震殿閣。 堂上置木小床，使立其上，掛繩圍於其上，以頭納其中，遂去其床，皆雉經而死。韓氏臨死，顧謂金黑曰：『娘吾去！娘吾去！』語未竟，旁有宦者去床，乃與崔氏俱死。諸死者之初升堂也，仁宗親入辭訣，韓氏泣謂仁宗曰：『吾母年老，願歸本國。』仁宗許之丁寧，及韓氏旣死，仁宗欲送還金黑，宮中諸女秀才曰：『近日魚、呂之亂，曠古所無。 朝鮮國大君賢，中國亞匹也。且古書有之，初佛之排布諸國也，朝鮮幾為中華，以一小故，不得為中華。又遼東以東，前世屬朝鮮，今若得之，中國不得抗衡必矣。 如此之亂，不可使知之。』仁宗召尹鳳問曰：『欲還金黑，恐洩近日事也，如何?』鳳曰：『人各有心，奴何敢知之？』遂不送金黑，特封為恭人。初，帝寵王氏，欲立以為後，及王氏薨，帝甚痛悼，遂病風喪心，自後處事錯謬，用刑慘酷。魚、呂之亂方殷，雷震奉天、華蓋、謹身三殿俱燼。 宮中皆喜以為：『帝必懼天變，止誅戮。』帝不以為戒，恣行誅戮，無異平日。 後尹鳳奉使而來，粗傳梗槪，金黑之還，乃得其詳。」

• 毛澤東：「《明史》我看了最生氣。明朝除了明太祖（朱元璋）、明成祖（朱棣）不識字的兩個皇帝搞得比較好，明武宗、明英宗還稍好些以外，其餘的都不好，盡做壞事。」

• 商傳在其著作《永樂皇帝朱棣》中評價：「朱棣終于沒有能夠全部實現他的理想和追求，但他為之奮鬥了一生，他是在奮發的追求中死去的。在他臨死之前確實也曾想到『悠遊暮年』，『享安和之福』。因為他只是一個人。但他是一個超逾了許多前人的人，而永遠給予後人們以深深的啟迪」。

• 晁中辰在其著作《明成祖傳》中評價：「明成祖雖然有那些局限，但與他的巨大貢獻相比畢竟是次要的。因此，明成祖是個值得肯定的人物。在明成祖在位的22年間，中國的社會經濟是向前發展的，以此為基礎，明朝的國力達到鼎盛時期，國家的統一得到鞏固和發展，社會也大體安定。正是在永樂年間，政治、經濟、文化都發展到一個前所未有的高度」。

• 李林楠在其著作《永樂之治：朱棣傳》中評價：「朱棣正是這樣一位締造了永樂之治的粗安之君。他憑藉自己的積極努力從侄子朱允炆手中奪取了皇位並完成了對明朝的再整合，終于將明朝帶上了走向鼎盛的道路，為他的兒子朱高熾與他寄予厚望的孫子朱瞻基將明朝最終帶上巔峰並締造『仁宣之治』奠定了十分堅實的基礎。但他也籠罩著各種謎團，具有各種局限，這些局限不僅影響了永樂朝的整體狀態，導致了永樂之治在中後期的衰退。其中一些政策還繼續影響後世，成為了後來明朝的固有問題，影響不可謂不深遠」。

家族

關於其生母的爭議

《明史》記載朱元璋前五個兒子、第二女和第四女都是馬皇后所生。根據《明實錄》第四子明太宗（即明成祖）生于至正二十年4月17日，第五子周定王生于至正二十一年7月9日。馬皇后這種過于頻繁的生育情況歷來都被懷疑，認為五位皇子並非是馬皇后所生。而且明人早就指出「或曰高皇后無子」。根據朝鮮使臣權近《奉使錄》記載，朱棣的生母不是馬皇后。

《南京太常志》：「孝陵神位，左一位淑妃李氏，生懿文太子、秦愍王、晉恭王。右一位碽妃，生成祖文皇帝，孫貴妃生周王。」但李淑妃的父親李傑投奔朱元璋時，才二十六歲，同時，朱標已在前一年出生。

朱彞尊《靜志居詩話》卷十三沈元華條：「奉先廟制（南京太廟奉先殿）高后南面，諸妃盡東列，西序惟碽妃一人，具載南京太常寺志。善高后從未懷妊，豈惟長陵，即懿文太子亦非后生也。」李清《三垣筆記》：「南太常志載成祖為碽妃所生，訝之。錢宗伯謙益有博學名，問之，亦不能決，以志言東側列妃嬪二十餘，西側止一碽妃。因啟寢殿驗之，入視果然，乃信。」

靖難後朱棣自稱是孝慈高皇后所生的嫡子。但談遷、朱彞尊、傅斯年、吳晗考証其生母為高麗人碽妃。另一個證據是明成祖建南京大報恩寺中對碽妃的供奉，中國古建築專家潘谷西持有這種觀點。

但是碽妃到中國的時候為1365年春，當時的朱棣已經5歲了（1360年四月十七日出生于應天府吳王宮），所以她不可能是成祖的生母。所謂的明《太常寺志》是被偽造和篡改過的，篡改者是張廷玉，這在民國時期就有人考証過了，吳晗認為張廷玉的取材是明朝政府的內部記錄，但也拿不出具體証據，「行歷不詳，只好闕疑。」。然而明成祖登位後兩次下令重修《明太祖實錄》從而可以正面角度描寫自己，因此實錄中朱棣的出生日期有可能被篡改以符合朱棣是馬皇后所生（也就是說朱棣是嫡子）這一說法。

劉繼莊說明成祖生母是蒙古人，甚至色目人。劉繼莊《廣陽雜記》參照《蒙古黃金史》認為：明成祖母為甕氏，蒙古弘吉剌人，以其為元順帝妃，故隱其事。「宮中別有廟藏神主，世世祀之，不關宗伯。有司禮監為彭躬菴言之，少時聞燕之故老為此說，今乃信也。」以上都是明人的記載。但考証，徐達、常遇春1368年攻入元大都前，元順帝早帶著后妃北逃元上都，而1360年出生的明成祖此時已經九歲了，1369年常遇春攻破元上都，明成祖已經十歲，所以其生母也不可能是甕氏。

綜合來說，「目前唯一能夠確定的，就是朱棣的母親並非馬皇后而是碽妃，至于碽妃的身份和事跡，因為史載的缺乏，目前只能存疑」。

父母、兄弟、姐妹、皇后與嬪妃

子女

朱元璋為燕王宗室命名的二十字是：高瞻祁見祐，厚載翊常由；慈和怡伯仲，簡靖迪先猷。但從朱棣開始至明朝末年位居宗長者只傳到第十字「由」，即明熹宗朱由校及明思宗朱由檢。而至明末已使用的昭穆則至第十一字「慈」，代表人物有明憲宗益王系朱慈𤆃、明熹宗懷沖太子朱慈燃及明思宗獻愍太子朱慈烺。若論至明鄭時期，昭穆則至第十三字「怡」，如明憲宗益王系朱怡鎬。

影視作品

電影

以下列出曾飾演「明成祖」的演員，以及劇中演出「明成祖」的電影：

電視劇

以下列出曾飾演「明成祖」的演員，以及劇中演出「明成祖」的電視劇：

紀錄片

以下列出曾飾演「明成祖」的演員，以及劇中演出「明成祖」的電視劇：