History

Northern Song, 960–1127

After usurping the throne of the Later Zhou dynasty, Emperor Taizu of Song spent sixteen years conquering the rest of China proper, reuniting much of the territory that had once belonged to the Han and Tang empires and ending the upheaval of the Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms period. In Kaifeng, he established a strong central government over the empire. The establishment of this capital marked the start of the Northern Song period. He ensured administrative stability by promoting the civil service examination system of drafting state bureaucrats by skill and merit (instead of aristocratic or military position) and promoted projects that ensured efficiency in communication throughout the empire. In one such project, cartographers created detailed maps of each province and city that were then collected in a large atlas. Emperor Taizu also promoted groundbreaking scientific and technological innovations by supporting works like the astronomical clock tower designed and built by the engineer Zhang Sixun.

The Song court maintained diplomatic relations with Chola India, the Fatimid Caliphate of Egypt, Srivijaya, the Kara-Khanid Khanate in Central Asia, the Goryeo Kingdom in Korea, and other countries that were also trade partners with Japan. Chinese records even mention an embassy from the ruler of "Fu lin" (拂菻, i.e. the Byzantine Empire), Michael VII Doukas, and its arrival in 1081. However, China's closest neighbouring states had the greatest impact on its domestic and foreign policy. From its inception under Taizu, the Song dynasty alternated between warfare and diplomacy with the ethnic Khitans of the Liao dynasty in the northeast and with the Tanguts of the Western Xia in the northwest. The Song dynasty used military force in an attempt to quell the Liao dynasty and to recapture the Sixteen Prefectures, a territory under Khitan control since 938 that was traditionally considered to be part of China proper (most parts of today's Beijing and Tianjin). Song forces were repulsed by the Liao forces, who engaged in aggressive yearly campaigns into Northern Song territory until 1005, when the signing of the Shanyuan Treaty ended these northern border clashes. The Song were forced to provide tribute to the Khitans, although this did little damage to the Song economy since the Khitans were economically dependent upon importing massive amounts of goods from the Song. More significantly, the Song state recognized the Liao state as its diplomatic equal. The Song created an extensive defensive forest along the Song–Liao border to thwart potential Khitan cavalry attacks.

The Song dynasty managed to win several military victories over the Tanguts in the early 11th century, culminating in a campaign led by the polymath scientist, general, and statesman Shen Kuo (1031–1095). However, this campaign was ultimately a failure due to a rival military officer of Shen disobeying direct orders, and the territory gained from the Western Xia was eventually lost. The Song fought against the Vietnamese kingdom of Đại Việt twice, the first conflict in 981 and later a significant war from 1075 to 1077 over a border dispute and the Song's severing of commercial relations with Đại Việt. After the Vietnamese forces inflicted heavy damages in a raid on Guangxi, the Song commander Guo Kui (1022–1088) penetrated as far as Thăng Long (modern Hanoi). Heavy losses on both sides prompted the Vietnamese commander Thường Kiệt (1019–1105) to make peace overtures, allowing both sides to withdraw from the war effort; captured territories held by both Song and Vietnamese were mutually exchanged in 1082, along with prisoners of war.

During the 11th century, political rivalries divided members of the court due to the ministers' differing approaches, opinions, and policies regarding the handling of the Song's complex society and thriving economy. The idealist Chancellor, Fan Zhongyan (989–1052), was the first to receive a heated political backlash when he attempted to institute the Qingli Reforms, which included measures such as improving the recruitment system of officials, increasing the salaries for minor officials, and establishing sponsorship programs to allow a wider range of people to be well educated and eligible for state service.

After Fan was forced to step down from his office, Wang Anshi (1021–1086) became Chancellor of the imperial court. With the backing of Emperor Shenzong (1067–1085), Wang Anshi severely criticized the educational system and state bureaucracy. Seeking to resolve what he saw as state corruption and negligence, Wang implemented a series of reforms called the New Policies. These involved land value tax reform, the establishment of several government monopolies, the support of local militias, and the creation of higher standards for the Imperial examination to make it more practical for men skilled in statecraft to pass.

The reforms created political factions in the court. Wang Anshi's "New Policies Group" (Xin Fa), also known as the "Reformers", were opposed by the ministers in the "Conservative" faction led by the historian and Chancellor Sima Guang (1019–1086). As one faction supplanted another in the majority position of the court ministers, it would demote rival officials and exile them to govern remote frontier regions of the empire. One of the prominent victims of the political rivalry, the famous poet and statesman Su Shi (1037–1101), was jailed and eventually exiled for criticizing Wang's reforms.

The continual alternation between reform and conservatism had effectively weakened the dynasty. This decline can also be attributed to Cai Jing (1047–1126), who was appointed by Emperor Zhezong (1085–1100) and who remained in power until 1125. He revived the New Policies and pursued political opponents, tolerated corruption and encouraged Emperor Huizong (1100–1126) to neglect his duties to focus on artistic pursuits. Later, a peasant rebellion broke out in Zhejiang and Fujian, headed by Fang La in 1120. The rebellion may have been caused by an increasing tax burden, the concentration of landownership and oppressive government measures.

While the central Song court remained politically divided and focused upon its internal affairs, alarming new events to the north in the Liao state finally came to its attention. The Jurchen, a subject tribe of the Liao, rebelled against them and formed their own state, the Jin dynasty. The Song official Tong Guan (1054–1126) advised Emperor Huizong to form an alliance with the Jurchens, and the joint military campaign under this Alliance Conducted at Sea toppled and completely conquered the Liao dynasty by 1125. During the joint attack, the Song's northern expedition army removed the defensive forest along the Song–Liao border.

However, the poor performance and military weakness of the Song army was observed by the Jurchens, who immediately broke the alliance, beginning the Jin–Song Wars of 1125 and 1127. Because of the removal of the previous defensive forest, the Jin army marched quickly across the North China Plain to Kaifeng. In the Jingkang Incident during the latter invasion, the Jurchens captured not only the capital, but the retired Emperor Huizong, his successor Emperor Qinzong, and most of the Imperial court.

The remaining Song forces regrouped under the self-proclaimed Emperor Gaozong (1127–1162) and withdrew south of the Yangtze to establish a new capital at Lin'an (modern Hangzhou). The Jurchen conquest of North China and shift of capitals from Kaifeng to Lin'an was the dividing line between the Northern and Southern Song dynasties.

After their fall to the Jin, the Song lost control of North China. Now occupying what has been traditionally known as "China proper", the Jin regarded themselves the rightful rulers of China. The Jin later chose earth as their dynastic element and yellow as their royal color. According to the theory of the Five Elements (wuxing), the earth element follows the fire, the dynastic element of the Song, in the sequence of elemental creation. Therefore, their ideological move showed that the Jin considered Song reign in China complete, with the Jin replacing the Song as the rightful rulers of China proper.

Southern Song, 1127–1279

Although weakened and pushed south beyond the Huai River, the Southern Song found new ways to bolster its strong economy and defend itself against the Jin dynasty. It had able military officers such as Yue Fei and Han Shizhong. The government sponsored massive shipbuilding and harbor improvement projects, and the construction of beacons and seaport warehouses to support maritime trade abroad, including at the major international seaports, such as Quanzhou, Guangzhou, and Xiamen, that were sustaining China's commerce.

To protect and support the multitude of ships sailing for maritime interests into the waters of the East China Sea and Yellow Sea (to Korea and Japan), Southeast Asia, the Indian Ocean, and the Red Sea, it was necessary to establish an official standing navy. The Song dynasty therefore established China's first permanent navy in 1132, with a headquarters at Dinghai. With a permanent navy, the Song were prepared to face the naval forces of the Jin on the Yangtze River in 1161, in the Battle of Tangdao and the Battle of Caishi. During these battles the Song navy employed swift paddle wheel driven naval vessels armed with traction trebuchet catapults aboard the decks that launched gunpowder bombs. Although the Jin forces commanded by Wanyan Liang (the Prince of Hailing) boasted 70,000 men on 600 warships, and the Song forces only 3,000 men on 120 warships, the Song dynasty forces were victorious in both battles due to the destructive power of the bombs and the rapid assaults by paddlewheel ships. The strength of the navy was heavily emphasized following these victories. A century after the navy was founded it had grown in size to 52,000 fighting marines.

The Song government confiscated portions of land owned by the landed gentry in order to raise revenue for these projects, an act which caused dissension and loss of loyalty amongst leading members of Song society but did not stop the Song's defensive preparations. Financial matters were made worse by the fact that many wealthy, land-owning families—some of which had officials working for the government—used their social connections with those in office in order to obtain tax-exempt status.

Although the Song dynasty was able to hold back the Jin, a new foe came to power over the steppe, deserts, and plains north of the Jin dynasty. The Mongols, led by Genghis Khan (r. 1206–1227), initially invaded the Jin dynasty in 1205 and 1209, engaging in large raids across its borders, and in 1211 an enormous Mongol army was assembled to invade the Jin. The Jin dynasty was forced to submit and pay tribute to the Mongols as vassals; when the Jin suddenly moved their capital city from Beijing to Kaifeng, the Mongols saw this as a revolt. Under the leadership of Ögedei Khan (r.1229–1241), both the Jin dynasty and Western Xia dynasty were conquered by Mongol forces in 1233/34.

The Mongols were allied with the Song, but this alliance was broken when the Song recaptured the former imperial capitals of Kaifeng, Luoyang, and Chang'an at the collapse of the Jin dynasty. After the first Mongol invasion of Vietnam in 1258, Mongol general Uriyangkhadai attacked Guangxi from Hanoi as part of a coordinated Mongol attack in 1259 with armies attacking in Sichuan under Mongol leader Möngke Khan and other Mongol armies attacking in modern-day Shandong and Henan. On August 11, 1259, Möngke Khan died during the siege of Diaoyu Castle in Chongqing.

His successor Kublai Khan continued the assault against the Song, gaining a temporary foothold on the southern banks of the Yangtze. By the winter of 1259, Uriyangkhadai's army fought its way north to meet Kublai's army, which was besieging Ezhou in Hubei. Kublai made preparations to take Ezhou, but a pending civil war with his brother Ariq Böke—a rival claimant to the Mongol Khaganate—forced Kublai to move back north with the bulk of his forces. In Kublai's absence, the Song forces were ordered by Chancellor Jia Sidao to make an immediate assault and succeeded in pushing the Mongol forces back to the northern banks of the Yangtze. There were minor border skirmishes until 1265, when Kublai won a significant battle in Sichuan.

From 1268 to 1273, Kublai blockaded the Yangtze River with his navy and besieged Xiangyang, the last obstacle in his way to invading the rich Yangtze River basin. Kublai officially declared the creation of the Yuan dynasty in 1271. In 1275, a Song force of 130,000 troops under Chancellor Jia Sidao was defeated by Kublai's newly appointed commander-in-chief, general Bayan. By 1276, most of the Song territory had been captured by Yuan forces, including the capital Lin'an.

In the Battle of Yamen on the Pearl River Delta in 1279, the Yuan army, led by the general Zhang Hongfan, finally crushed the Song resistance. The last remaining ruler, the 13-year-old emperor Zhao Bing, committed suicide, along with Prime Minister Lu Xiufu and approximately 1300 members of the royal clan. On Kublai's orders, carried out by his commander Bayan, the rest of the former imperial family of Song were unharmed; the deposed Emperor Gong was demoted, being given the title 'Duke of Ying', but was eventually exiled to Tibet where he took up a monastic life. The former emperor would eventually be forced to commit suicide under the orders of Kublai's great-great-grandson, Gegeen Khan, out of fear that Emperor Gong would stage a coup to restore his reign. Other members of the Song imperial family continued to live in the Yuan dynasty, including Zhao Mengfu and Zhao Yong.

Culture and society

The Song dynasty was an era of administrative sophistication and complex social organization. Some of the largest cities in the world were found in China during this period (Kaifeng and Hangzhou had populations of over a million). People enjoyed various social clubs and entertainment in the cities, and there were many schools and temples to provide the people with education and religious services. The Song government supported social welfare programs including the establishment of retirement homes, public clinics, and paupers' graveyards. The Song dynasty supported a widespread postal service that was modeled on the earlier Han dynasty (202 BCE – CE 220) postal system to provide swift communication throughout the empire. The central government employed thousands of postal workers of various ranks to provide service for post offices and larger postal stations. In rural areas, farming peasants either owned their own plots of land, paid rents as tenant farmers, or were serfs on large estates.

Although women were on a lower social tier than men according to Confucian ethics, they enjoyed many social and legal privileges and wielded considerable power at home and in their own small businesses. As Song society became more and more prosperous and parents on the bride's side of the family provided larger dowries for her marriage, women naturally gained many new legal rights in ownership of property. Under certain circumstances, an unmarried daughter without brothers, or a surviving mother without sons, could inherit one-half of her father's share of undivided family property. There were many notable and well-educated women, and it was a common practice for women to educate their sons during their earliest youth. The mother of the scientist, general, diplomat, and statesman Shen Kuo taught him essentials of military strategy. There were also exceptional women writers and poets, such as Li Qingzhao (1084–1151), who became famous even in her lifetime.

Religion in China during this period had a great effect on people's lives, beliefs, and daily activities, and Chinese literature on spirituality was popular. The major deities of Daoism and Buddhism, ancestral spirits, and the many deities of Chinese folk religion were worshipped with sacrificial offerings. Tansen Sen asserts that more Buddhist monks from India traveled to China during the Song than in the previous Tang dynasty (618–907). With many ethnic foreigners travelling to China to conduct trade or live permanently, there came many foreign religions; religious minorities in China included Middle Eastern Muslims, the Kaifeng Jews, and Persian Manichaeans.

The populace engaged in a vibrant social and domestic life, enjoying such public festivals as the Lantern Festival and the Qingming Festival. There were entertainment quarters in the cities providing a constant array of amusements. There were puppeteers, acrobats, theatre actors, sword swallowers, snake charmers, storytellers, singers and musicians, prostitutes, and places to relax, including tea houses, restaurants, and organized banquets. People attended social clubs in large numbers; there were tea clubs, exotic food clubs, antiquarian and art collectors' clubs, horse-loving clubs, poetry clubs, and music clubs. Like regional cooking and cuisines in the Song, the era was known for its regional varieties of performing arts styles as well. Theatrical drama was very popular amongst the elite and general populace, although Classical Chinese—not the vernacular language—was spoken by actors on stage. The four largest drama theatres in Kaifeng could hold audiences of several thousand each. There were also notable domestic pastimes, as people at home enjoyed activities such as the go and xiangqi board games.

Civil service examinations and the gentry

During this period greater emphasis was laid upon the civil service system of recruiting officials; this was based upon degrees acquired through competitive examinations, in an effort to select the most capable individuals for governance. Selecting men for office through proven merit was an ancient idea in China. The civil service system became institutionalized on a small scale during the Sui and Tang dynasties, but by the Song period, it became virtually the only means for drafting officials into the government. The advent of widespread printing helped to widely circulate Confucian teachings and to educate more and more eligible candidates for the exams. This can be seen in the number of exam takers for the low-level prefectural exams rising from 30,000 annual candidates in the early 11th century to 400,000 candidates by the late 13th century. The civil service and examination system allowed for greater meritocracy, social mobility, and equality in competition for those wishing to attain an official seat in government. Using statistics gathered by the Song state, Edward A. Kracke, Sudō Yoshiyuki, and Ho Ping-ti supported the hypothesis that simply having a father, grandfather, or great-grandfather who had served as an official of state did not guarantee one would obtain the same level of authority. Robert Hartwell and Robert P. Hymes criticized this model, stating that it places too much emphasis on the role of the nuclear family and considers only three paternal ascendants of exam candidates while ignoring the demographic reality of Song China, the significant proportion of males in each generation that had no surviving sons, and the role of the extended family. Many felt disenfranchised by what they saw as a bureaucratic system that favored the land-holding class able to afford the best education. One of the greatest literary critics of this was the official and famous poet Su Shi. Yet Su was a product of his times, as the identity, habits, and attitudes of the scholar-official had become less aristocratic and more bureaucratic with the transition of the periods from Tang to Song. At the beginning of the dynasty, government posts were disproportionately held by two elite social groups: a founding elite who had ties with the founding emperor and a semi-hereditary professional elite who used long-held clan status, family connections, and marriage alliances to secure appointments. By the late 11th century, the founding elite became obsolete, while political partisanship and factionalism at court undermined the marriage strategies of the professional elite, which dissolved as a distinguishable social group and was replaced by a multitude of gentry families.

Due to Song's enormous population growth and the body of its appointed scholar-officials being accepted in limited numbers (about 20,000 active officials during the Song period), the larger scholarly gentry class would now take over grassroots affairs on the vast local level. Excluding the scholar-officials in office, this elite social class consisted of exam candidates, examination degree-holders not yet assigned to an official post, local tutors, and retired officials. These learned men, degree-holders, and local elites supervised local affairs and sponsored necessary facilities of local communities; any local magistrate appointed to his office by the government relied upon the cooperation of the few or many local gentry in the area. For example, the Song government—excluding the educational-reformist government under Emperor Huizong—spared little amount of state revenue to maintain prefectural and county schools; instead, the bulk of the funds for schools was drawn from private financing. This limited role of government officials was a departure from the earlier Tang dynasty (618–907), when the government strictly regulated commercial markets and local affairs; now the government withdrew heavily from regulating commerce and relied upon a mass of local gentry to perform necessary duties in their communities.

The gentry distinguished themselves in society through their intellectual and antiquarian pursuits, while the homes of prominent landholders attracted a variety of courtiers, including artisans, artists, educational tutors, and entertainers. Despite the disdain for trade, commerce, and the merchant class exhibited by the highly cultured and elite exam-drafted scholar-officials, commercialism played a prominent role in Song culture and society. A scholar-official would be frowned upon by his peers if he pursued means of profiteering outside of his official salary; however, this did not stop many scholar-officials from managing business relations through the use of intermediary agents.

Law, justice, and forensic science

The Song judicial system retained most of the legal code of the earlier Tang dynasty, the basis of traditional Chinese law up until the modern era. Roving sheriffs maintained law and order in the municipal jurisdictions and occasionally ventured into the countryside. Official magistrates overseeing court cases were not only expected to be well-versed in written law but also to promote morality in society. Magistrates such as the famed Bao Zheng (999–1062) embodied the upright, moral judge who upheld justice and never failed to live up to his principles. Song judges specified the guilty person or party in a criminal act and meted out punishments accordingly, often in the form of caning. A guilty individual or parties brought to court for a criminal or civil offense were not viewed as wholly innocent until proven otherwise, while even accusers were viewed with a high level of suspicion by the judge. Due to costly court expenses and immediate jailing of those accused of criminal offenses, people in the Song preferred to settle disputes and quarrels privately, without the court's interference.

Shen Kuo's Dream Pool Essays argued against traditional Chinese beliefs in anatomy (such as his argument for two throat valves instead of three); this perhaps spurred the interest in the performance of post-mortem autopsies in China during the 12th century. The physician and judge known as Song Ci (1186–1249) wrote a pioneering work of forensic science on the examination of corpses in order to determine cause of death (strangulation, poisoning, drowning, blows, etc.) and to prove whether death resulted from murder, suicide, or accidental death. Song Ci stressed the importance of proper coroner's conduct during autopsies and the accurate recording of the inquest of each autopsy by official clerks.

Military and methods of warfare

The Song military was chiefly organized to ensure that the army could not threaten Imperial control, often at the expense of effectiveness in war. Northern Song's Military Council operated under a Chancellor, who had no control over the imperial army. The imperial army was divided among three marshals, each independently responsible to the Emperor. Since the Emperor rarely led campaigns personally, Song forces lacked unity of command. The imperial court often believed that successful generals endangered royal authority, and relieved or even executed them (notably Li Gang, Yue Fei, and Han Shizhong).

Although the scholar-officials viewed military soldiers as lower members in the hierarchic social order, a person could gain status and prestige in society by becoming a high-ranking military officer with a record of victorious battles. At its height, the Song military had one million soldiers divided into platoons of 50 troops, companies made of two platoons, battalions composed of 500 soldiers. Crossbowmen were separated from the regular infantry and placed in their own units as they were prized combatants, providing effective missile fire against cavalry charges. The government was eager to sponsor new crossbow designs that could shoot at longer ranges, while crossbowmen were also valuable when employed as long-range snipers. Song cavalry employed a slew of different weapons, including halberds, swords, bows, spears, and 'fire lances' that discharged a gunpowder blast of flame and shrapnel.

Military strategy and military training were treated as sciences that could be studied and perfected; soldiers were tested in their skills of using weaponry and in their athletic ability. The troops were trained to follow signal standards to advance at the waving of banners and to halt at the sound of bells and drums.

The Song navy was of great importance during the consolidation of the empire in the 10th century; during the war against the Southern Tang state, the Song navy employed tactics such as defending large floating pontoon bridges across the Yangtze River in order to secure movements of troops and supplies. There were large ships in the Song navy that could carry 1,000 soldiers aboard their decks, while the swift-moving paddle-wheel craft were viewed as essential fighting ships in any successful naval battle.

In a battle on January 23, 971, massive arrow fire from Song dynasty crossbowmen decimated the war elephant corps of the Southern Han army. This defeat not only marked the eventual submission of the Southern Han to the Song dynasty, but also the last instance where a war elephant corps was employed as a regular division within a Chinese army.

There was a total of 347 military treatises written during the Song period, as listed by the history text of the Song Shi (compiled in 1345). However, only a handful of these military treatises have survived, which includes the Wujing Zongyao written in 1044. It was the first known book to have listed formulas for gunpowder; it gave appropriate formulas for use in several different kinds of gunpowder bombs. It also provided detailed descriptions and illustrations of double-piston pump flamethrowers, as well as instructions for the maintenance and repair of the components and equipment used in the device.

Arts, literature, philosophy, and religion

The visual arts during the Song dynasty were heightened by new developments such as advances in landscape and portrait painting. The gentry elite engaged in the arts as accepted pastimes of the cultured scholar-official, including painting, composing poetry, and writing calligraphy. The poet and statesman Su Shi and his associate Mi Fu (1051–1107) enjoyed antiquarian affairs, often borrowing or buying art pieces to study and copy. Poetry and literature profited from the rising popularity and development of the ci poetry form. Enormous encyclopedic volumes were compiled, such as works of historiography and dozens of treatises on technical subjects. This included the universal history text of the Zizhi Tongjian, compiled into 1000 volumes of 9.4 million written Chinese characters. The genre of Chinese travel literature also became popular with the writings of the geographer Fan Chengda (1126–1193) and Su Shi, the latter of whom wrote the 'daytrip essay' known as Record of Stone Bell Mountain that used persuasive writing to argue for a philosophical point. Although an early form of the local geographic gazetteer existed in China since the 1st century, the matured form known as "treatise on a place", or fangzhi, replaced the old "map guide", or , during the Song dynasty.

The imperial courts of the emperor's palace were filled with his entourage of court painters, calligraphers, poets, and storytellers. Emperor Huizong was the eighth emperor of the Song dynasty and he was a renowned artist as well as a patron of the art and the catalogue of his collection listed over 6,000 known paintings. A prime example of a highly venerated court painter was Zhang Zeduan (1085–1145) who painted an enormous panoramic painting, Along the River During the Qingming Festival. Emperor Gaozong of Song initiated a massive art project during his reign, known as the Eighteen Songs of a Nomad Flute from the life story of Cai Wenji (b. 177). This art project was a diplomatic gesture to the Jin dynasty while he negotiated for the release of his mother from Jurchen captivity in the north.

In philosophy, Chinese Buddhism had waned in influence but it retained its hold on the arts and on the charities of monasteries. Buddhism had a profound influence upon the budding movement of Neo-Confucianism, led by Cheng Yi (1033–1107) and Zhu Xi (1130–1200). Mahayana Buddhism influenced Fan Zhongyan and Wang Anshi through its concept of ethical universalism, while Buddhist metaphysics deeply affected the pre–Neo-Confucian doctrine of Cheng Yi. The philosophical work of Cheng Yi in turn influenced Zhu Xi. Although his writings were not accepted by his contemporary peers, Zhu's commentary and emphasis upon the Confucian classics of the Four Books as an introductory corpus to Confucian learning formed the basis of the Neo-Confucian doctrine. By the year 1241, under the sponsorship of Emperor Lizong, Zhu Xi's Four Books and his commentary on them became standard requirements of study for students attempting to pass the civil service examinations. The neighbouring countries of Japan and Korea also adopted Zhu Xi's teaching, known as the Shushigaku (朱子學, School of Zhu Xi) of Japan, and in Korea the Jujahak (주자학). Buddhism's continuing influence can be seen in painted artwork such as Lin Tinggui's Luohan Laundering. However, the ideology was highly criticized and even scorned by some. The statesman and historian Ouyang Xiu (1007–1072) called the religion a "curse" that could only be remedied by uprooting it from Chinese culture and replacing it with Confucian discourse. The Chan sect experienced a literary flourishing in the Song period, which saw the publication of several major classical koan collections which remain influential in Zen philosophy and practice to the present day. A true revival of Buddhism in Chinese society would not occur until the Mongol rule of the Yuan dynasty, with Kublai Khan's sponsorship of Tibetan Buddhism and Drogön Chögyal Phagpa as the leading lama. The Christian sect of Nestorianism, which had entered China in the Tang era, would also be revived in China under Mongol rule.

Cuisine and clothing

Sumptuary laws regulated the food that one consumed and the clothes that one wore according to status and social class. Clothing was made of hemp or cotton cloths, restricted to a color standard of black and white. Trousers were the acceptable attire for peasants, soldiers, artisans, and merchants, although wealthy merchants might choose to wear more ornate clothing and male blouses that came down below the waist. Acceptable apparel for scholar-officials was rigidly defined by the social ranking system. However, as time went on this rule of rank-graded apparel for officials was not as strictly enforced. Each official was able to display his awarded status by wearing different-colored traditional silken robes that hung to the ground around his feet, specific types of headgear, and even specific styles of girdles that displayed his graded-rank of officialdom.

Women wore long dresses, blouses that came down to the knee, skirts, and jackets with long or short sleeves, while women from wealthy families could wear purple scarves around their shoulders. The main difference in women's apparel from that of men was that it was fastened on the left, not on the right.

The main food staples in the diet of the lower classes remained rice, pork, and salted fish. In 1011, Emperor Zhenzong of Song introduced Champa rice to China from Vietnam's Kingdom of Champa, which sent 30,000 bushels as a tribute to Song. Champa rice was drought-resistant and able to grow fast enough to offer two harvests a year instead of one.

Song restaurant and tavern menus are recorded. They list entrees for feasts, banquets, festivals, and carnivals. They reveal a diverse and lavish diet for those of the upper class. They could choose from a wide variety of meats and seafood, including shrimp, geese, duck, mussel, shellfish, fallow deer, hare, partridge, pheasant, francolin, quail, fox, badger, clam, crab, and many others. Dairy products were rare in Chinese cuisine at this time. Beef was rarely consumed since the bull was a valuable draft animal, and dog meat was absent from the diet of the wealthy, although the poor could choose to eat dog meat if necessary (yet it was not part of their regular diet). People also consumed dates, raisins, jujubes, pears, plums, apricots, pear juice, lychee-fruit juice, honey and ginger drinks, spices and seasonings of Sichuan pepper, ginger, soy sauce, vegetable oil, sesame oil, salt, and vinegar.

Economy

The Song dynasty had one of the most prosperous and advanced economies in the medieval world. Song Chinese invested their funds in joint stock companies and in multiple sailing vessels at a time when monetary gain was assured from the vigorous overseas trade and domestic trade along the Grand Canal and Yangtze River. Both private and government-controlled industries met the needs of a growing Chinese population in the Song; prominent merchant families and private businesses were allowed to occupy industries that were not already government-operated monopolies. Economic historians emphasize this toleration of market mechanisms over population growth or new farming technologies as the major cause of Song economic prosperity. Artisans and merchants formed guilds that the state had to deal with when assessing taxes, requisitioning goods, and setting standard workers' wages and prices on goods.

The iron industry was pursued by both private entrepreneurs who owned their own smelters as well as government-supervised smelting facilities. The Song economy was stable enough to produce over of iron products per year. Large-scale Deforestation in China would have continued if not for the 11th-century innovation of the use of coal instead of charcoal in blast furnaces for smelting cast iron. Much of this iron was reserved for military use in crafting weapons and armouring troops, but some was used to fashion the many iron products needed to fill the demands of the growing domestic market. The iron trade within China was advanced by the construction of new canals, facilitating the flow of iron products from production centres to the large market in the capital city.

The annual output of minted copper currency in 1085 reached roughly six billion coins. The most notable advancement in the Song economy was the establishment of the world's first government issued paper-printed money, known as Jiaozi (see also Huizi). For the printing of paper money, the Song court established several government-run factories in the cities of Huizhou, Chengdu, Hangzhou, and Anqi. The size of the workforce employed in paper money factories was large; it was recorded in 1175 that the factory at Hangzhou employed more than a thousand workers a day.

The economic power of Song China can be attested by the growth of the urban population of its capital city Hangzhou. The population was 200,000 at the start of the 12th century and increased to 500,000 around 1170 and doubled to over a million a century later. This economic power also heavily influenced foreign economies abroad. In 1120 alone, the Song government collected 18,000,000 ounces (510,000 kg) of silver in taxes. The Moroccan geographer al-Idrisi wrote in 1154 of the prowess of Chinese merchant ships in the Indian Ocean and of their annual voyages that brought iron, swords, silk, velvet, porcelain, and various textiles to places such as Aden (Yemen), the Indus River, and the Euphrates. Foreigners, in turn, affected the Chinese economy. For example, many West and Central Asian Muslims went to China to trade, becoming a preeminent force in the import and export industry, while some were even appointed as officers supervising economic affairs. Sea trade with the South-west Pacific, the Hindu world, the Islamic world, and East Africa brought merchants great fortune and spurred an enormous growth in the shipbuilding industry of Song-era Fujian. However, there was risk involved in such long overseas ventures. In order to reduce the risk of losing money on maritime trade missions abroad, wrote historians Ebrey, Walthall, and Palais:

Science and technology

Gunpowder warfare

Advancements in weapons technology enhanced by gunpowder, including the evolution of the early flamethrower, explosive grenades, firearms, cannons, and land mines, enabled the Song Chinese to ward off their militant enemies until the Song's ultimate collapse in the late 13th century. The Wujing Zongyao manuscript of 1044 was the first book in history to provide formulas for gunpowder and their specified use in different types of bombs. While engaged in a war with the Mongols, in 1259 the official Li Zengbo wrote in his Kezhai Zagao, Xugaohou that the city of Qingzhou was manufacturing one to two thousand strong iron-cased bombshells a month, dispatching to Xiangyang and Yingzhou about ten to twenty thousand such bombs at a time. In turn, the invading Mongols employed northern Chinese soldiers and used these same types of gunpowder weapons against the Song. By the 14th century the firearm and cannon could also be found in Europe, India, and the Middle East, during the early age of gunpowder warfare.

Measuring distance and mechanical navigation

As early as the Han dynasty, when the state needed to accurately measure distances traveled throughout the empire, the Chinese relied on a mechanical odometer. The Chinese odometer was a wheeled carriage, its gearwork being driven by the rotation of the carriage's wheels; specific units of distance—the Chinese li—were marked by the mechanical striking of a drum or bell as an auditory signal. The specifications for the 11th-century odometer were written by Chief Chamberlain Lu Daolong, who is quoted extensively in the historical text of the Song Shi (compiled by 1345). In the Song period, the odometer vehicle was also combined with another old complex mechanical device known as the south-pointing chariot. This device, originally crafted by Ma Jun in the 3rd century, incorporated a differential gear that allowed a figure mounted on the vehicle to always point in the southern direction, no matter how the vehicle's wheels turned about. The concept of the differential gear that was used in this navigational vehicle is now found in modern automobiles in order to apply an equal amount of torque to a car's wheels even when they are rotating at different speeds.

Polymaths, inventions, and astronomy

Polymaths such as the scientists and statesmen Shen Kuo (1031–1095) and Su Song (1020–1101) embodied advancements in all fields of study, including botany, zoology, geology, mineralogy, metallurgy, mechanics, magnetics, meteorology, horology, astronomy, pharmaceutical medicine, archeology, mathematics, cartography, optics, art criticism, hydraulics, and many other fields.

Shen Kuo was the first to discern magnetic declination of true north while experimenting with a compass. Shen theorized that geographical climates gradually shifted over time. He created a theory of land formation involving concepts accepted in modern geomorphology. He performed optical experiments with camera obscura just decades after Ibn al-Haytham was the first to do so. He also improved the designs of astronomical instruments such as the widened astronomical sighting tube, which allowed Shen Kuo to fix the position of the pole star (which had shifted over centuries of time). Shen Kuo was also known for hydraulic clockworks, as he invented a new overflow-tank clepsydra which had more efficient higher-order interpolation instead of linear interpolation in calibrating the measure of time.

Su Song was best known for his horology treatise written in 1092, which described and illustrated in great detail his hydraulic-powered, tall astronomical clock tower built in Kaifeng. The clock tower featured large astronomical instruments of the armillary sphere and celestial globe, both driven by an early intermittently working escapement mechanism (similarly to the western verge escapement of true mechanical clocks appeared in medieval clockworks, derived from ancient clockworks of classical times). Su's tower featured a rotating gear wheel with 133 clock jack mannequins who were timed to rotate past shuttered windows while ringing gongs and bells, banging drums, and presenting announcement plaques. In his printed book, Su published a celestial atlas of five star charts. These star charts feature a cylindrical projection similar to Mercator projection, the latter being a cartographic innovation of Gerardus Mercator in 1569.

The Song Chinese observed supernovae, including SN 1054, the remnants of which would form the Crab Nebula. Moreover, the Soochow Astronomical Chart on Chinese planispheres was prepared in 1193 for instructing the crown prince on astronomical findings. The planispheres were engraved in stone several decades later.

Mathematics and cartography

There were many notable improvements to Chinese mathematics during the Song era. Mathematician Yang Hui's 1261 book provided the earliest Chinese illustration of Pascal's triangle, although it had earlier been described by Jia Xian in around 1100. Yang Hui also provided rules for constructing combinatorial arrangements in magic squares, provided theoretical proof for Euclid's forty-third proposition about parallelograms, and was the first to use negative coefficients of 'x' in quadratic equations. Yang's contemporary Qin Jiushao (–1261) was the first to introduce the zero symbol into Chinese mathematics; before this blank spaces were used instead of zeroes in the system of counting rods. He is also known for working with the Chinese remainder theorem, Heron's formula, and astronomical data used in determining the winter solstice. Qin's major work was the Mathematical Treatise in Nine Sections published in 1247.

Geometry was essential to surveying and cartography. The earliest extant Chinese maps date to the 4th century BCE, yet it was not until the time of Pei Xiu (224–271) that topographical elevation, a formal rectangular grid system, and use of a standard graduated scale of distances was applied to terrain maps. Following a long tradition, Shen Kuo created a raised-relief map, while his other maps featured a uniform graduated scale of 1:900,000. A squared map of 1137—carved into a stone block—followed a uniform grid scale of 100 li for each gridded square, and accurately mapped the outline of the coasts and river systems of China, extending all the way to India. Furthermore, the world's oldest known terrain map in printed form comes from the edited encyclopedia of Yang Jia in 1155, which displayed western China without the formal grid system that was characteristic of more professionally made Chinese maps. Although gazetteers had existed since 52 CE during the Han dynasty and gazetteers accompanied by illustrative maps (Chinese: ) since the Sui dynasty, the illustrated gazetteer became much more common during the Song dynasty, when the foremost concern was for illustrative gazetteers to serve political, administrative, and military purposes.

Movable type printing

The innovation of movable type printing was made by the artisan Bi Sheng (990–1051), first described by the scientist and statesman Shen Kuo in his Dream Pool Essays of 1088. The collection of Bi Sheng's original clay-fired typeface was passed on to one of Shen Kuo's nephews, and was carefully preserved. Movable type enhanced the already widespread use of woodblock methods of printing thousands of documents and volumes of written literature, consumed eagerly by an increasingly literate public. The advancement of printing deeply affected education and the scholar-official class, since more books could be made faster while mass-produced, printed books were cheaper in comparison to laborious handwritten copies. The enhancement of widespread printing and print culture in the Song period was thus a direct catalyst in the rise of social mobility and expansion of the educated class of scholar elites, the latter which expanded dramatically in size from the 11th to 13th centuries.

The movable type invented by Bi Sheng was ultimately trumped by the use of woodblock printing due to the limitations of Chinese characters, yet movable type printing continued to be used and was improved in later periods. The Yuan scholar-official Wang Zhen implemented a faster typesetting process, improved Bi's baked-clay movable type character set with a wooden one, and experimented with tin-metal movable type. The wealthy printing patron Hua Sui (1439–1513) of the Ming dynasty established China's first metal movable type (using bronze) in 1490. In 1638, the Peking Gazette switched their printing process from woodblock to movable type printing. Yet it was during the Qing dynasty that massive printing projects began to employ movable type printing. This includes the printing of sixty-six copies of a 5,020 volume long encyclopedia in 1725, the Complete Classics Collection of Ancient China, which necessitated the crafting of 250,000 movable type characters cast in bronze. By the 19th century the European style printing press replaced the old Chinese methods of movable type, while traditional woodblock printing in modern East Asia is used sparsely and for aesthetic reasons.

Hydraulic and nautical engineering

The most important nautical innovation of the Song period seems to have been the introduction of the magnetic mariner's compass, which permitted accurate navigation on the open sea regardless of the weather. The magnetized compass needle known in Chinese as the "south-pointing needle" was first described by Shen Kuo in his 1088 Dream Pool Essays and first mentioned in active use by sailors in Zhu Yu's 1119 Pingzhou Table Talks.

There were other considerable advancements in hydraulic engineering and nautical technology during the Song dynasty. The 10th-century invention of the pound lock for canal systems allowed different water levels to be raised and lowered for separated segments of a canal, which significantly aided the safety of canal traffic and allowed for larger barges. There was the Song-era innovation of watertight bulkhead compartments that allowed damage to hulls without sinking the ships. If ships were damaged, the Chinese of the 11th century employed drydocks to repair them while suspended out of the water. The Song used crossbeams to brace the ribs of ships in order to strengthen them in a skeletal-like structure. Stern-mounted rudders had been mounted on Chinese ships since the 1st century, as evidenced by a preserved Han tomb model of a ship. In the Song period, the Chinese devised a way to mechanically raise and lower rudders in order for ships to travel in a wider range of water depths. The Song arranged the protruding teeth of anchors in a circular pattern instead of in one direction. David Graff and Robin Higham state that this arrangement "made them more reliable" for anchoring ships.

Structural engineering and architecture

Architecture during the Song period reached new heights of sophistication. Authors such as Yu Hao and Shen Kuo wrote books outlining the field of architectural layouts, craftsmanship, and structural engineering in the 10th and 11th centuries, respectively. Shen Kuo preserved the written dialogues of Yu Hao when describing technical issues such as slanting struts built into pagoda towers for diagonal wind bracing. Shen Kuo also preserved Yu's specified dimensions and units of measurement for various building types. The architect Li Jie (1065–1110), who published the Yingzao Fashi ('Treatise on Architectural Methods') in 1103, greatly expanded upon the works of Yu Hao and compiled the standard building codes used by the central government agencies and by craftsmen throughout the empire. He addressed the standard methods of construction, design, and applications of moats and fortifications, stonework, greater woodwork, lesser woodwork, wood-carving, turning and drilling, sawing, bamboo work, tiling, wall building, painting and decoration, brickwork, glazed tile making, and provided proportions for mortar formulas in masonry. In his book, Li provided detailed and vivid illustrations of architectural components and cross-sections of buildings. These illustrations displayed various applications of corbel brackets, cantilever arms, mortise and tenon work of tie beams and cross beams, and diagrams showing the various building types of halls in graded sizes. He also outlined the standard units of measurement and standard dimensional measurements of all building components described and illustrated in his book.

Grandiose building projects were supported by the government, including the erection of towering Buddhist Chinese pagodas and the construction of enormous bridges (wood or stone, trestle or segmental arch bridge). Many of the pagoda towers built during the Song period were erected at heights that exceeded ten stories. Some of the most famous are the Iron Pagoda built in 1049 during the Northern Song and the Liuhe Pagoda built in 1165 during the Southern Song, though there were others. The tallest is the Liaodi Pagoda built in 1055 in Hebei, towering in total height. Some of the bridges reached lengths of , with many being wide enough to allow two lanes of cart traffic simultaneously over a waterway or ravine. The government also oversaw construction of their own administrative offices, palace apartments, city fortifications, ancestral temples, and Buddhist temples.

The professions of the architect, craftsman, carpenter, and structural engineer were not seen as professionally equal to that of a Confucian scholar-official. Architectural knowledge had been passed down orally for thousands of years in China, in many cases from a father craftsman to his son. Structural engineering and architecture schools were known to have existed during the Song period; one prestigious engineering school was headed by the renowned bridge-builder Cai Xiang (1012–1067) in medieval Fujian province.

Besides existing buildings and technical literature of building manuals, Song dynasty artwork portraying cityscapes and other buildings aid modern-day scholars in their attempts to reconstruct and realize the nuances of Song architecture. Song dynasty artists such as Li Cheng, Fan Kuan, Guo Xi, Zhang Zeduan, Emperor Huizong of Song, and Ma Lin painted close-up depictions of buildings as well as large expanses of cityscapes featuring arched bridges, halls and pavilions, pagoda towers, and distinct Chinese city walls. The scientist and statesman Shen Kuo was known for his criticism relating to architecture, saying that it was more important for an artist to capture a holistic view of a landscape than it was to focus on the angles and corners of buildings. For example, Shen criticized the work of the painter Li Cheng for failing to observe the principle of "seeing the small from the viewpoint of the large" in portraying buildings.

There were also pyramidal tomb structures in the Song era, such as the Song imperial tombs located in Gongxian, Henan. About from Gongxian is another Song dynasty tomb at Baisha, which features "elaborate facsimiles in brick of Chinese timber frame construction, from door lintels to pillars and pedestals to bracket sets, that adorn interior walls." The two large chambers of the Baisha tomb also feature conical-shaped roofs. Flanking the avenues leading to these tombs are lines of Song dynasty stone statues of officials, tomb guardians, animals, and legendary creatures.

Archaeology

In addition to the Song gentry's antiquarian pursuits of art collecting, scholar-officials during the Song became highly interested in retrieving ancient relics from archaeological sites, in order to revive the use of ancient vessels in ceremonies of state ritual. Scholar-officials of the Song period claimed to have discovered ancient bronze vessels that were created as far back as the Shang dynasty (1600–1046 BCE), which bore the oracle bone script of the Shang era. Some attempted to recreate these bronze vessels by using imagination alone, not by observing tangible evidence of relics; this practice was criticized by Shen Kuo in his work of 1088. Yet Shen Kuo had much more to criticize than this practice alone. Shen objected to the idea of his peers that ancient relics were products created by famous "sages" in lore or the ancient aristocratic class; Shen rightfully attributed the discovered handicrafts and vessels from ancient times as the work of artisans and commoners from previous eras. He also disapproved of his peers' pursuit of archaeology simply to enhance state ritual, since Shen not only took an interdisciplinary approach with the study of archaeology, but he also emphasized the study of functionality and investigating what was the ancient relics' original processes of manufacture. Shen used ancient texts and existing models of armillary spheres to create one based on ancient standards; Shen described ancient weaponry such as the use of a scaled sighting device on crossbows; while experimenting with ancient musical measures, Shen suggested hanging an ancient bell by using a hollow handle.

Despite the gentry's overriding interest in archaeology simply for reviving ancient state rituals, some of Shen's peers took a similar approach to the study of archaeology. His contemporary Ouyang Xiu (1007–1072) compiled an analytical catalogue of ancient rubbings on stone and bronze which pioneered ideas in early epigraphy and archaeology. During the 11th century, Song scholars discovered the ancient shrine of Wu Liang (78–151 CE), a scholar of the Han dynasty; they produced rubbings of the carvings and bas-reliefs decorating the walls of his tomb so that they could be analyzed elsewhere. On the unreliability of historical works written after the fact, the epigrapher and poet Zhao Mingcheng (1081–1129) stated "... the inscriptions on stone and bronze are made at the time the events took place and can be trusted without reservation, and thus discrepancies may be discovered." Historian R.C. Rudolph states that Zhao's emphasis on consulting contemporary sources for accurate dating is parallel with the concern of the German historian Leopold von Ranke (1795–1886), and was in fact emphasized by many Song scholars. The Song scholar Hong Mai (1123–1202) heavily criticized what he called the court's "ridiculous" archaeological catalogue Bogutu compiled during the Huizong reign periods of Zheng He and Xuan He (1111–1125). Hong Mai obtained old vessels from the Han dynasty and compared them with the descriptions offered in the catalogue, which he found so inaccurate he stated he had to "hold my sides with laughter." Hong Mai pointed out that the erroneous material was the fault of Chancellor Cai Jing, who prohibited scholars from reading and consulting written histories.

北宋歷史

陳橋兵變

與宋以前的朝代不同，宋朝與隋朝一樣，是通過軍事政變而非武力攻奪建立的。宋朝的開國君主趙匡胤，原任後周一朝殿前都點檢（即禁軍統領），由於戰功卓著，受後周世宗信任，成為其左右手。顯德六年（959年）世宗崩，年僅7歲的恭帝繼位，趙匡胤有了代立之心，打算效仿後周太祖的「黃旗加身」。顯德七年（960年）春節之際，趙匡胤的黨羽製造遼國南下的假情報，時後周宰相范質急令趙匡胤率軍出城禦敵。正月初三，趙匡胤抵達陳橋驛駐紮，當天夜裏他酣睡之時，被手下將卒加黃袍于身（黃袍加身），高呼「萬歲」，被擁為天子，時年33歲，是為宋太祖。後周廷臣得知時城內空虛，只得承認現實。後周恭帝被迫遜位，「禪讓」帝位予趙匡胤。趙匡胤曾為歸德軍節度使，駐于宋州，春秋時期宋州為宋國故地（今河南商丘一帶），故定國號為「宋」，定都開封，改元建隆。依據五行相生的順序，後周的「木」德之後為「火」德，因此宋朝以「火」為五行德運，並取紅色為王朝正色。

建隆元年，趙匡胤平定南北李筠、李重進二人的叛軍。建隆二年（961年）七月、開寶二年（969年）十月，他聽從趙普的意見前後兩次「杯酒釋兵權」，將手握重兵的將軍石守信、王審琦、高懷德、張令鐸、趙彥徽、羅彥瓌等和地方武將的軍事指揮權予以剝奪，委以虛職，改以文官治軍，並將軍權與財政大權全部集中到中央。兩宋因此得以避免唐時藩鎮割據的局面。然而，這項國策也導致地方軍事資源減少，使宋朝在對外戰爭中始終處於下風。

一統中原

政權穩固後，趙匡胤著手掃除五代殘餘割據，一統天下。趙匡胤在與趙普雪夜商討後，決定以先南後北為戰略順序，先取經濟富庶的南方六國以鞏固國力，再掉頭北伐契丹附庸北漢。他先行假虞滅虢之計，攻滅荊南和湖南割據政權，之後又滅亡後蜀、南漢、南唐三國。趙匡胤一心希望恢復唐時北方領土，設立封樁庫儲蓄錢財布匹，以期日後從遼人手中贖回被石敬瑭出賣的燕雲十六州。

太祖駕崩

開寶九年（976年）八月，宋太祖再度派兵北伐，卻于當年十月十九日深夜突然去世，留下千古謎團，統一大業被迫暫停。其弟趙光義自稱奉母親昭憲太后遺命《金匱之盟》而登皇帝位，是為宋太宗。此後，大宋天子皆為太宗後代，至南宋孝宗皇帝時才由太祖子孫回歸皇位。

太宗穩固帝位後，繼續統一事業。其後，割據福建漳泉兩州的陳洪進、割據吳越錢氏相繼歸降。太宗遣大將潘美揮師北上圍攻北漢都城太原，擊退遼援兵，滅亡北漢，終於結束安史之亂後近二百年藩鎮割據的局面。太平興國四年（979年）五月，太宗不顧眾臣反對，趁伐取北漢之勢，從太原出發展開北伐。北伐初期一度收復河北易州和涿州。太宗志得意滿，下令圍攻燕京，宋軍與遼人在高粱河畔展開激戰。太宗親臨戰場，結果受傷中箭，乘驢車倉惶撤離，北伐未果。七年後的雍熙三年（986年），太宗遣曹彬、田重進、潘美兵分三路進行北伐。中、西兩路進軍順利，而主力東路軍貪功冒進，在岐溝關大敗而潰。中、西二路被迫撤軍。西路軍在撤軍後接到將已攻占的雲、應、朔、寰州四州百姓內遷的命令，副將楊業中伏被俘，絕食三日而死。淳化四年（993年）二月，四川爆發王小波和李順發動叛亂。亂軍所到之處調發富家大姓除生活品外一切財產于眾，得到蜀地農民呼應。次年正月，亂軍占據成都，建立大蜀政權，太宗得知後派遣兩路大軍討之，亂軍終于至道二年（996年）徹底失敗。幾次邊陲防線的失利、後方叛亂的爆發遏制了北宋進一步收複疆土，太宗的施政也不得不轉為重內虛外。太宗本人附庸風雅，喜好詩賦，政府也因此特別重視文化事業，宋朝重教之風因而展開。太宗喜好書法，善草、隸、行、篆、八分、飛白六種字體，尤其善書飛白體，宋朝的銅錢淳化元寶也是太宗親自題寫的。

宋太宗即位之事甚為蹊蹺，是為「燭影斧聲」之事，朝野相傳趙光義謀殺宋太祖而得位，為確保政權合法性，趙光義拋出其母杜太后遺命之說，即「金匱之盟」。金匱之盟起源於杜太后臨終時召趙普入宮記錄遺命，稱要宋太祖死後先傳其弟趙光義（即宋太宗），再傳趙光美（後改名為廷美），再傳趙德昭（太祖趙匡胤長子），而宋太祖同意。這份遺書藏於金匱中，因此名為金匱之盟。然而，宋太宗卻先後逼死宋太祖之子德昭和趙德芳，又貶黜趙廷美到房州，兩年後趙廷美死於謫所。太宗長子趙元佐因為同情趙廷美被廢，另一子趙元僖暴死，最後襄王趙元侃被立為太子，改名恆。至道三年（997年），宋太宗崩，李皇后和宦官王繼恩等企圖立趙元佐為帝。時宰相呂端處置得當，趙恆順利即位，廟號宋真宗。宋朝始步入安穩守成時期。

北禦遼夏

宋真宗奉行太宗末年的黃老政治，無所作為，避免介入軍事。自雍熙北伐後，遼國就經常在宋遼交界搶劫殺掠，到景德元年（1004年）終於演變成大規模侵宋戰爭。宰相寇準力主抗戰，結果真宗親征，宋軍士氣大振，與遼軍相持在澶州城下，遼軍求和。經過幾番交涉，兩國議和成功。和約主要內容是：宋每年給遼絹廿萬匹，銀十萬兩，雙方為兄弟之國。史稱該和約為「澶淵之盟」。歷代觀點以批評者為主，認為真宗並無收回燕雲十六州，且軍事勝利者卻要年年向戰敗者贖巨款買和平，甚為屈辱。惟另一種分析認為，擊退南侵本身已是勝利，宋時經濟發達合約負擔並非巨大，難以說成城下之盟，遼朝此後數十年不敢再南侵，宋朝亦沒有割地，不像南宋時割地求和的局面。

之後，寇準漸漸失寵，終被罷相。真宗開始信用佞臣王欽若。王欽若長于逢迎，深知真宗希望天下呈現一派祥和的氣象，於是與另外一位宰相王旦聯手，于各地製造「祥瑞」之象，極力鼓吹真宗封禪，深得真宗之意。真宗在大中祥符元年（1008年）一年內先後三次封禪，並開始興建玉清昭應宮，嚴重損耗民力。真宗與皇后劉氏無子，真宗偶爾一次臨幸劉氏侍女李氏，結果李氏於大中祥符三年（1010年）產下一子趙受益，就是後來的仁宗。而後，劉氏與另一名嬪妃楊氏共同撫養這名孩子。天禧二年（1018年）中秋，真宗正式封趙受益為太子，改名趙禎。乾興元年（1022年）二月廿日，真宗駕崩。太子趙禎即位，劉皇后被尊為皇太后，在仁宗成年前代理軍國大事。從此開始劉太后十一年的垂簾聽政時代。仁宗執政早期一直處在劉氏的陰影之下，直到劉氏死後他才得以施展抱負 （ 後人京戲以此取材編為「貍貓換太子」、「打龍袍」）。

夏景宗於大慶三年（1038年）稱帝後，宋夏之間爆發持續數年的戰爭，宋軍在三川口、好水川、定川寨等戰役中屢次失敗。宋夏戰爭主要經歷五個時期，即宋仁宗－夏景宗時期，宋英宗－夏毅宗時期，宋神宗－夏惠宗時期，宋哲宗－夏崇宗時期，宋徽宗－夏崇宗時期。宋軍的失利使遼國趁機施壓，導致重熙增幣的發生。宋夏戰爭不利後，仁宗罷免宰相呂夷簡，任用范仲淹、富弼、韓琦等名臣推行慶曆新政，任用包拯管理京城和御史台 （ 此時期即為包青天戲劇題材的主要背景 ），取得良好效果。在邊疆上，任用大將狄青，先後弭平南蠻壯族儂智高叛亂和西夏的挑釁。然而一些守舊派人物指稱這些改革派官吏拉幫結夥，互相吹捧，是為朋黨。仁宗一向厭惡廷臣結黨營私，這些新政官員後來多被貶為地方官，短暫的慶曆新政就此結束。

仁宗死後，英宗趙曙即位。他是真宗之弟商王趙元份之孫。嘉祐七年（1062年）被立為皇太子。英宗多病，最初朝政由曹太后掌管。治平元年（1064年）五月以後英宗始才親政。英宗親政僅半個月就爆發濮議，這場爭論長達十八個月。起因是宰相韓琦提請討論英宗生父名分的問題，朝中因此分成兩派，一派認為應稱英宗生父濮王為皇伯，另一派認為該稱皇考。最終曹太后下旨稱皇考，才平息這場爭論。總體來說，英宗是一位有為的君主。他繼續任用前朝能臣，也大膽挖掘新人。英宗非常重視書籍的編修，《資治通鑒》便是英宗發起的。

變法黨爭

英宗死後，其長子神宗趙頊即位。神宗在位期間，宋初制訂的制度已產生諸多流弊，民生出現倒退，北方遼與西夏又虎視眈眈。因此，神宗銳意改革。神宗啟用著名改革派大臣王安石推行新法，任其為參知政事。王安石推行的新法包括均輸、青苗、免役、市易、保甲、保馬、方田均稅等。但是，新法的實行遭到以司馬光為首的保守派的強烈反彈。加之天災不斷，神宗實行新法的決心有所動搖。熙寧七年（1074年），北方大旱，官員鄭俠向神宗呈上流民圖一幅，圖中景象慘不忍睹，神宗受到極大震撼。次日，神宗就下令暫罷青苗、方田、免役等十八項新法。儘管這些法令不久後被恢復，但神宗與王安石之間開始不信任。熙寧七年四月，王安石首次被罷相，出知江寧府。後來變法派中的官員呂惠卿肆意妄為，王安石因此複職回京，但依然受到保守派的堅決阻撓。熙寧九年（1076年）六月，王安石長子，也是王安石主持新法的主要助手王雱去世，王安石借機堅決求退，神宗於十月再罷相位，此後王安石便不問世事。

後人對熙寧新法的看法非常兩極，但無庸質疑的是，新法的推行效果遠不如預期。新法的實行雖然大大增加國家的財政收入和耕地面積，但是卻嚴重增加平民負擔。熙寧新法在軍事上的改革停留在頭痛醫頭，腳痛醫腳，軍隊戰鬥力無明顯改善。加上王安石立意求新，把需要很長時間才能「消化」的十餘項改革措施于數年內全盤推行，使變法陷入欲速不達的困境。且新法實施後期，條文與執行效果偏差越來越大，一些措施從利民變成擾民。新法執行過程中用人不當也是最後失去民心的原因，變法派如呂惠卿、曾布、李定和蔡京等都是品性飽受爭議之人，以致被視作小人。對於歷史上這次改革，黃仁宇曾評論道：「早我們之前九百年，中國即企圖以金融管制的辦法操縱國事，其範圍與深度不曾在世界裏其他地方提出。但現代金融是一種無所不至的全能性組織力量，它之統治所及概要全部包含，又要不容與它類似的其他因素分庭抗禮。」。

王安石被罷後，神宗繼續改革事業，號為「元豐改制」。元豐改制雖與熙寧變法並稱為「熙豐新法」，但力度無法同熙寧變法相提並論。新法施行數年，宋朝國力漸強，神宗逐步將重點轉移到外患上，熙寧年間西征吐蕃、西夏取得了數次軍事勝利，元豐改制之後神宗決心一舉消滅西夏，以絕外患。熙寧五年（1072年）五月，神宗開始西征，取得大捷，大大鼓舞神宗的信心。9年後的元豐四年（1081年）四月，西夏發生政變，神宗藉此再征西夏，不想遭遇慘敗，神宗因此一病不起。元豐八年（1085年）正月初，神宗立六子趙傭為太子。神宗頒佈的新法雖然短暫地被其母高太后廢，但不久又陸續恢復，其中不少沿用到南宋時期。

神宗崩後，太后高氏垂簾聽政，對剛即位的哲宗趙煦嚴加鉗制。高太后信用以司馬光為首的保守派，冷落哲宗，結果引發嚴重的新舊黨爭，此階段以舊黨勝利，新法幾乎盡廢告終，是為元祐更化。更化期間，以司馬光為首的舊黨核心不僅對新党進行遠超前代報複性打擊（首開貶官嶺南之例，而非往日閒置西京），甚至連諸如蘇軾這類舊黨中的新法同情者也都排擠出朝廷。然而元祐年間，朝廷在政治上並沒有太大建樹，反而重新陷入新法前邊事敗壞財政緊張的狀況。哲宗親政後，貶斥舊黨，信用新黨，恢復熙豐新法，史稱「紹聖紹述」，「紹述」意為繼承，「紹聖」的年號更表明了宋哲宗「紹述先聖」，亦即繼承宋神宗變法事業的意圖。儘管與王安石主持的熙寧新法相比，紹述之法更著重于朝廷聚斂而非厚養民生，但因為舊黨被得勢的新黨報複性地徹底打擊，一些舊黨所反對的養民之法得以確實執行，民生也稍有恢復。更重要的是，紹述扭轉了元祐以來財政邊事敗壞的狀況，宋廷財政收入重新豐裕，並因此取得了對西夏多次軍事勝利，更在元符年間盡取橫山，對西夏形成了徹底的戰略優勢。

靖康之禍

元符三年（1100年），年僅23歲的哲宗駕崩，並沒有留下子嗣，故死後由弟弟趙佶即位，是為宋徽宗。徽宗即位第一年由向太后垂簾聽政，建中靖國元年（1101年），向太后去世，徽宗親政。徽宗自幼愛好筆墨、丹青、騎馬等，好享樂，對朝政毫無興趣，曾被章惇批評「端王輕佻，不可以君天下」。即位後徽宗愈加生活奢侈迷醉，喜逛青樓，徽宗還崇信道教，自封為教主道君皇帝，聽信道士之言大興土木，在開封東北角修萬歲山，後名為艮岳，方圓十餘裏，其中芙蓉池、慈谿等勝地，亭臺樓閣、飛禽走獸應有盡有。徽宗在兩浙路蘇杭地區設立應奉局與造作局，專在南方搜集奇花異石，是為花石綱，引得民怨沸騰。

徽宗既疏于理政，而又愛好佞言逢迎，儘管屬意易于聚財的新法，但即位之初便將當初直言反對其即位的紹述主持者章惇逐出朝廷，而政務都交給以蔡京為首的奸佞廷臣，時稱六賊。蔡京以恢復新法為名大興黨禁，排斥異己。蔡京當政次日，就下達禁止元祐法的詔書，即謂元祐奸黨案，正直的大臣，即便並非舊黨擁躉，也全被排出政治中心，甚至于當年新黨的幹將，諸如曾布、呂惠卿等也皆逐于外州。由于徽宗的窮奢極欲和蔡京的曲意逢迎，厚養民生的熙寧新法演變為盤剝黎民的崇寧新法，各類苛捐雜稅，以及蔡京肆意發行「當十大錢」所造成的貨幣貶值與幣制混亂，均造成民眾極為沉重的負擔。儘管徽宗朝也有諸如《皇宋政典》、《政和五禮新儀》的編撰以及崇寧教育改革等文化教育以及法律制度上的善政，但仍然無法彌補經濟民生層面上已經形成的嚴重破壞，最終引發北宋末年的諸多民變。重和元年（1118年），黃河泛濫，河北、京東四路遭受水災，流民失所、無可謀生，淮南宋江發動民變，起義軍一度占居京東、淮南、河北數縣。兩年後的宣和二年（1120年），宋江等三十六名起義首領接受朝廷招安，起義結束。同年十月初九（11月1日），方臘在睦州青溪（今浙江淳安西北）舉義，各地農民聞風響應，不久發展至萬人。三個月內，義軍占領兩浙六州五十餘縣城。次年正月，徽宗派童貫南下征討，屢敗義軍，終于七月生擒方臘。

由于徽宗本人好大喜功，加之對西夏的戰事一路凱歌高奏，平靖西寇似乎已近在咫尺，所以當他看到遼朝被金朝進攻後，便於重和元年（1118年）春，派遣使節馬政自登州渡海至金。雙方商議共同攻遼，北宋負責攻遼南京西京二道之域（即燕雲十六州之域）；滅遼後，燕雲之地歸宋，過去宋給遼的歲幣改繳金國。此即海上之盟。然而與勢如破竹的攻遼金軍相比，宋軍在攻遼過程中，屢遭敗績，甚至于攻略幽州時雖一度攻入燕京（遼國稱南京，今北京市）內，卻因志得意滿而再遭遼國殘兵痛擊而潰退出城，最終還得藉助金兵才得破城。雖然金太祖在占領幽州十六州中的幽州等七州後如約交割給宋，但目睹宋軍大都腐敗殘弱的不再視宋為不可戰勝的天朝上國，便乘勝掠去燕京人口北返，更生南下攻宋之意。

宣和七年（1125年），金軍以平州知州張覺背金投宋為由，分東、西兩路南下攻宋。宋朝殺張覺求和，卻導致留守幽州的原遼將郭藥師離心。儘管西路軍因面對善戰的河東禁軍而受滯于太原不得南下，但面對荒廢兵事的河北禁軍，東路金軍以摧枯拉朽之勢迅速逼近東京城，期間郭藥師更獻幽州投降，由幽雲降卒新組建成的義勝軍也降金。徽宗大驚失色，後依李綱建議傳位其子欽宗趙桓，自稱太上皇，逃到江南。欽宗在啼哭中登上皇位，在戰和之間舉棋不定，在萬般無奈的情況下啟用李綱保衛東京。李綱暫時抵擋金軍。金軍退兵後，欽宗軟硬兼施將太上皇迎回東京軟禁，誅殺以蔡京、童貫為首的奸臣「六賊」。金人以為宋朝要中興，一度想就此作罷，但郭藥師說宋朝外強中乾。

金軍于靖康元年（1126年）二次南下。休戰之間仍不曾解圍的太原終因內外交困，堅守近一年後于該年九月陷落，而京畿禁軍主力卻又在朝廷政爭的掣肘下以添油戰術援晉，結果白白消耗並造成名將种師中陣亡、姚古、种師道兵敗，至此開封已徹底暴露在金軍兵鋒之下，而諸路勤王兵馬也難以急援京師。開封城被金軍圍困期間，城內疫病流行，餓死病死者不在少數。閏十一月丙辰日（1127年1月9日），儘管開封城實際仍能稍守，但慌張失措的欽宗及宰相何慄、樞密使孫傅竟迷信郭京「六甲神兵」的愚蠢把戲，致使完顏宗望、完顏宗翰與諸將破外城，要挾欽宗親赴金營求和及勒索金銀乃至劫持欽宗，宋將范瓊也變節，將太上皇及皇族男女都押赴金營。靖康二年二月六日（1127年3月20日），金人以抵債為名，擄妃嬪公主貴戚及宗婦、族婦、歌女等數千人到金國五國城（今黑龍江哈爾濱依蘭縣），廢徽、欽二帝，貶為庶人，史稱靖康之變。被擄走的女眷或被金兵輪流蹂躪致死，或被打入洗衣院（金國官妓院）終身為妓，或被金人霸占為妾。金人在五國城侮辱徽欽二帝，封徽宗為「昏德公」，欽宗為「重昏侯」。最後二人皆客死異鄉。金朝攻滅北宋後，先後扶持張邦昌、劉豫，建立「大楚」和「大齊」兩個傀儡政權。

南宋歷史

建炎南渡

金朝在靖康之難中俘虜眾多的宋朝宗室，康王趙構得以倖免。靖康二年（1127年），趙構從今天的河北南下到陪都南京應天府（今河南商丘）即位為南宋高宗，改元建炎。因宋朝的五行德運為「火」，改元「建炎」意味著重建王朝的火德。之後高宗一路南行，過淮河渡長江，建炎三年改江寧府為建康府（今南京市）作為行都，稱「東都」。紹興元年（1131年）升杭州為臨安府（今杭州市）作為「行在」，紹興八年正式定臨安為行都，建康改為留都。金朝也一路南撲，直逼臨安，高宗無路可逃，只得入海逃避，在溫州沿海漂泊四個月之久。由於南方天候潮濕河道縱橫，加上南宋軍民的英勇抗戰，金主帥完顏兀朮撤兵北返，在北撤鎮江時，被宋將韓世忠截斷退路，被逼入黃天蕩。宋軍以八千兵力圍困金兵十萬之眾，竟相持四十八日，最後金軍用火攻才打開缺口，得以北撤，途中金軍又在建康被岳飛打敗，從此不敢渡江。在南宋「中興四將」中，最著名者當推岳飛。通過北伐，南宋奪回金扶植的偽齊政權之部分土地。

南北對峙

宋高宗在苗劉之變後，為了防範及避免將領因北伐成功提升威望威脅其地位，決定一心議和，只希望偏安江南的統治。宋金在1138年首次議和，南宋一度收回河南與陝西。紹興十年（1140年）五月，金人撕毀和議，快速攻下河南與陝西，並往南深入。由於宋朝軍民抗戰英勇，金軍在川陝、兩淮的進攻皆告失敗。七月，金將兀朮南攻不利，轉攻郾城，被岳飛打敗，轉攻穎昌，又為岳飛敗。岳家軍乘勝追擊，一直打到距開封僅四十五里的朱仙鎮，兀朮出逃開封，北方各地義軍紛紛響應，以至於金人南望歎「撼山易，撼岳家軍難」。就在此時，高宗連下十二道金牌催促岳飛班師。

紹興十一年（1141年）十一月，宋與金於書面達成《紹興和議》，兩國以淮水—大散關為界。宋割讓被岳飛收復的唐州、鄧州以及商州、秦州的大半，每年向金進貢銀廿五萬兩，絹廿五萬匹。十二月末除夕夜（1142年1月27日），宋高宗以「莫須有」的罪名殺岳飛與其子岳雲、部將張憲於臨安（今杭州）。《紹興和議》達成後，宋高宗生父徽宗的靈柩和生母韋氏本人被送回南宋，宋欽宗則因為金人反悔而未能如約南歸。

高宗任用秦檜為相。秦檜在靖康年間曾主張抗金，後被金人掠去。建炎四年（1130年）十月，秦檜南返，由於他奉行投降主和政策，與高宗之意甚合。秦檜歸朝僅三月就成為副宰相，八月後又成為右丞相。由於秦檜大力提倡的「南自南，北自北」，當時尚與高宗相左，一年後被高宗罷免。紹興八年（1138年）五月，高宗複任秦檜為右丞相。秦檜迫害與自己意見不同的官員，聯姻外戚，結交內臣。高宗對於秦檜的行為採取默許，但同時牽制其權力。秦檜後來權勢巨大，引起高宗警覺。高宗親下命令，使秦檜的孫兒失去狀元。秦檜的權勢日漸下降。紹興廿五年（1155年），秦檜病重，策劃讓其子接替相位，被高宗否決，不久後一命嗚呼。秦檜死後，高宗一方面打擊其餘黨，一方面重用主和派官員，繼續主導政事。

高宗在南渡後失去生育能力，因此他從太祖的兩名後裔趙瑗和趙璩中選擇繼承人。最後趙瑗勝出。紹興卅二年（1162年），趙瑗被立為太子，並改名趙昚。紹興卅一年（1161年），金帝海陵王完顏亮南侵，被虞允文在採石之戰中擊退。此時金國發生內亂，金帝海陵王被殺，金軍北返。議和失敗讓高宗萌生退意。六月，五十六歲的高宗下詔退位，太子趙昚即位，是為孝宗。自稱太上皇，居德壽宮。淳熙十四年（1187年）十月八日，高宗逝世。

孝宗即位後，改革朝政，力圖恢復，宋朝進入相對復興時期，孝宗平反岳飛，打擊秦檜餘黨，起用主戰派人士，銳意收復中原。隆興元年（1163年）四月，孝宗令李顯忠、邵宏淵等出兵北伐。北伐一度勝利，但由於各路將領不和加之輕敵，歷時僅廿日就告失敗。之後，孝宗不得已與金和談，隆興二年（1164年）十二月，宋、金正式簽定隆興和議。內政上，孝宗積極整頓吏治，裁汰冗官，懲治貪污，加強集權，重視農業生產。總體說來，宋朝的內政形勢有所改觀。高宗死後，孝宗對政治日益冷淡，最後在守孝三年後，決定讓位於其子趙惇，也就是光宗。光宗即位不久就患精神疾病，對孝宗十分不敬。紹熙五年（1194年）七月，孝宗去世。

光宗性好猜忌，非常不信任孝宗朝的大臣，因此即位兩年後日漸瘋癲。紹熙五年七月孝宗病逝後，光宗不服喪。臨安城內混亂不堪，局勢不穩。宗室趙汝愚和趙彥逾秘密策劃另立新君。最後，太皇太后下詔，光宗被奉為太上皇。其子趙擴即位，是為寧宗，改元慶元。六年後，光宗去世。寧宗一朝被韓侂冑和史彌遠兩名權臣操控。

內憂外患

寧宗初期，趙汝愚任宰相。趙汝愚本人政治操守良好。但由於宋朝皇室任職宰相無先例不合禮，加上韓侂冑煽風點火，最後被罷去相位。南宋民間依然十分懷念他，臨安城門上每天都有悼念的詩文。韓侂冑為了徹底清除趙汝愚的影響，假借學術之名，製造慶元黨禁，將理學稱為「偽學」。當時朝中信仰理學的大臣大多反對韓侂冑，韓侂冑藉此將這批士大夫全部趕出朝廷。慶元六年（1200年）間，韓侂冑見理學已不成威脅，解除了黨禁。黨禁不得人心，為了籠絡士人，韓侂冑又借北伐的名義蠱惑人心。開禧二年（1206年），韓侂冑貿然進行開禧北伐，很快就遭到失敗。北伐的失敗讓韓侂冑成為眾矢之的，政敵史彌遠藉此與主和派和韓的反對派結成聯盟，金人又以殺韓侂冑作為和談條件之一。開禧三年（1207年）十一月三日，史彌遠等偽造密旨，將韓侂冑殺死。從此之後開始史彌遠專政時期。史彌遠與楊皇后勾結，大權獨攬。

寧宗本有八子，但都夭折了，於是立沂王的兒子趙竑為太子。趙竑對史彌遠專政非常不滿，因此史彌遠廢趙竑太子，改立趙昀為皇位繼承人。嘉定十七年（1224年）閏八月三日，寧宗去世，趙昀即位，是為理宗。理宗即位，史彌遠繼續專政，趙昀也就奉行韜晦之策。紹定六年（1233年）十月，史彌遠去世，理宗終於擺脫史彌遠，次年改元端平，實施一系列改革，史稱「端平更化」。理宗將史彌遠舊黨盡數罷斥，朝政一度得到改觀。其時，金朝在蒙古帝國步步緊逼下面臨亡國，朝中的對外政策也分成兩派，一派認為應該聯蒙抗金；另一派以唇亡齒寒的道理和海上之盟的教訓，援金抗蒙，使金成為宋的藩屏。

紹定五年（1232年）十二月，蒙古遣使商議宋蒙合作夾擊金朝，由於金國主力已在「三峰山之戰」被蒙古軍殲滅，呈亡國之態，宋廷當朝大臣大多贊同聯蒙滅金，只有趙範反對。理宗答應蒙古的要求，蒙古也允諾滅金之後將河南還給宋朝。但是蒙宋口頭協定沒有留下書面文件，埋下後患。金哀宗得知，也派使節來宋陳述利害，希望聯合抗蒙，被理宗拒絕。理宗任命史嵩之主管滅金事宜。紹定六年（1233年），宋軍攻克鄧州。端平元年（1234年）五月，蔡州被克，金哀宗自縊，金朝滅亡。宋將孟珙將金哀宗遺骨帶回臨安。理宗將金哀宗遺骨供奉於太廟，以告慰徽、欽二宗在天之靈。

抵禦蒙軍

金朝滅亡後，蒙軍北撤，河南空虛，理宗意圖據關（潼關）、守河（黃河），收復三京（東京開封、西京洛陽、南京歸德），光復中原。端平元年（1234年）五月，理宗任命趙葵為主帥，全子才為先鋒，下詔出兵河南。六月十二日，全子才收復南京。七月五日，宋軍進駐開封。但由於糧草不濟，貽誤戰機，進攻洛陽時被蒙軍伏擊，損失慘重。各路宋軍全線敗退。「端平入洛」宣告失敗，宋于此役損失慘重，大量精兵與物資付諸流水，也為之後蒙古侵宋提供藉口。「端平入洛」之後，理宗怠於政事，沉迷於聲色犬馬，朝政大壞。

端平二年（1235年），三路蒙軍分別大舉入侵川陝四路，荊湖北路和淮南西路，都被擊退。蒙軍並不甘心，於次年九月和第三年再次兵分三路大舉南侵，前鋒接近長江北岸。由於宋軍奮勇作戰，打敗蒙軍，再一次挫敗蒙軍占領川陝四路從而渡江南下的企圖。而後，南宋軍民又在抗蒙將領曹友聞、王堅、孟珙、孟瑛、余玠、張鈺等人的指揮下，多次擊敗蒙軍，使其不得不繞道而行。開慶元年（1259年），蒙古汗蒙哥在征戰合州時受宋軍流矢所傷死於軍中。其弟忽必烈正於鄂州與宋軍交戰，聽到蒙哥死訊，又得知幼弟阿里不哥準備在和林稱汗，準備撤軍以爭大汗之位，宋臣賈似道藉機與忽必烈議和，以保太平。忽必烈返回北方自立為汗。

理宗兩子早夭，因此擇其弟趙與芮之子趙禥為皇儲。由於其母曾在懷孕期間服過墮胎草藥，因此趙禥先天不足。景定元年（1260年）六月，理宗下詔立趙禥為太子。景定五年（1264年）十二月廿六日，理宗去世，趙禥即位，是為度宗。趙禥即位後不理朝政，右丞相賈似道因此擅權。賈似道結黨營私，排斥異己，終日在葛嶺別墅中與妻妾玩樂，由於他好鬥蟋蟀，時人稱他為「蟋蟀宰相」。他禁止讓度宗瞭解前線戰事。襄陽、樊城被圍三年後，度宗才得知此事。咸淳七年（1271年），忽必烈在大都（今北京市）建國，號為「大元」，建立元朝。咸淳十年七月九日（1274年8月12日），度宗去世，終年35歲。

崖山亡國

宋度宗去世後，其長子趙㬎即位。當時，宋朝已進入癱瘓狀態。德祐元年（1275年）春，元軍攻克軍事重鎮安慶和池州，威逼建康，長江防線崩潰。朝野大震，各界都冀望賈似道能出征，結果宋軍大敗，賈似道被貶，在赴任途中被監押官鄭虎臣所殺。德祐元年十一月廿日，常州淪陷，元軍遂屠城。不久平江也告淪陷，臨安人心惶惶。德祐二年（1276年）二月初五，臨安城舉行受降儀式，趙㬎退位。但趙㬎之兄趙昰和弟趙昺被大臣保護逃出臨安。

趙昰在福州即位，是為端宗，改元景炎（1276年）。但是，小朝廷內部鬥爭不斷，景炎元年十一月，元軍逼近福州，十一月十五日，朝臣陳宜中、張世傑護送趙昰和趙昺乘船南逃，從此小朝廷只能海上行朝。景炎三年（1278年）春，小朝廷抵達雷州。四月十五日，年僅十一歲的趙昰去世。陸秀夫與眾臣擁戴趙昺為帝，改元祥興（1278年）。在元軍猛攻下，雷州失守，小朝廷遷往崖山。元軍將領張弘範領軍緊追在後，對崖山發動總攻，宋軍無力戰鬥，全線潰敗，史稱崖山海戰，據估計，宋軍在此役中陣亡十萬，海上都是屍體。身在元營的文天祥親自目睹慘狀，作詩云：「羯來南海上，人死亂如麻。腥浪拍心碎，飆風吹鬢華。」趙昺隨陸秀夫及趙宋皇族八百餘人集體跳海自盡，宋朝到此徹底滅亡。張弘範在石壁上刻「鎮國大將軍張弘範滅宋於此」十二字而還。

疆域與行政區劃

960年，後周殿前都點檢趙匡胤發動兵變取代後周，建立宋朝，依舊建都於開封。太平興國四年，北宋攻滅北漢，結束自安史之亂和黃巢之亂以來的藩鎮割據局面。然而，宋朝與遼國的疆界已經退至今山西的河曲、岢嵐、原平、代縣、繁峙和河北的阜平、滿城、容城、霸州及天津市區一線。在宋遼間的戰爭中，遼軍曾多次南下，最遠到達澶州（治所在今河南濮陽市）；宋軍也曾推進到此線以北。由於沒有燕雲十六州以北的冀北山地作屏障，朝廷只能在邊界上廣植柳樹作為界線。在與西夏的作戰方面，党項人、定難軍節度使李繼捧雖一度向宋朝投降，並獻出銀州、夏州、綏州、宥州四州之地，但他的族弟李繼遷在三年後就佔據銀州，以後又不斷進攻夏、靈、麟等州，一直沒有真正臣服宋朝的統治。

景佑元年，李繼遷之孫李元昊正式建夏國，史稱西夏。此後，宋朝的西北界大致穩定在今甘肅蘭州、靖遠，寧夏同心及陝西北部的白乾山一線。宋神宗力圖開擴疆土，取得綏、熙、河、洮、岷、蘭等州。哲宗時又進一步取得湟水流域，洮河上游與貴德一帶的土地。宣和三年西安州、懷德軍又被西夏所取。在西北，是從吐蕃奪取唐朝後期以來的失地。

熙寧四年，宋廷任命王韶為新置的洮河安撫使，開始對河湟一帶用兵。最後收復今烏峭嶺以南的湟水流域、大夏河流域、洮河流域。宋朝的進展是恢復對大理以外西南地區的控制。經過多次的軍事征伐和「招撫」，今四川南部、湖北西南、湖南西部、貴州東北和廣西西部重新歸入版圖，設置正式州縣或羈縻州。其中最著名的一次是熙寧五年，宋神宗派章惇開「梅山蠻」。梅山即今湖南中部新化、安化一帶，是瑤族聚居地區，從此設縣建城，編戶籍，定賦稅，與漢族地區同樣設置正式行政區。宣和四年，為北宋疆域極盛時期，共擁有二十六路、二百五十四州、三十府、五十五軍、四監。

靖康元年（1126年），金軍攻佔開封，次年宋徽宗和宋欽宗二帝被擄北遷，北宋覆滅。1127年，趙構在南京（今河南商丘南）即位，是為宋高宗，史稱南宋。在金兵的進逼下，高宗不斷南遷，1129年升杭州為臨安府，建為行在所（臨時首都）。建炎南渡之後，南宋領土僅限於秦嶺淮河以南、岷山以東地區，北界卻因金人的入侵而大大南移。南宋初，金兵一度進到今湖南、江西和浙江三省的中部。

1138年後，宋金雙方確定以當時的黃河為界。但次年金人毀約，出兵取河南、陝西。紹興十一年（金皇統元年），宋金達成紹興和議，定以淮河為界。第二年又將西部界線調整至大散關（今陝西寶雞西南）及今秦嶺以南。以後雖有局部變動，基本穩定在這條界線。

南宋的南部和西南邊界並沒有什麼變化，宋朝與大理交界處設立黎、敘、瀘、黔、邕等州。至宋徽宗時期，版圖最為遼闊，其南至思陵州（今廣西寧明）、東至登州（今山東蓬萊）、北至代州（今山西代縣）、西及西寧州（今青海西寧）。據趙汝適於1226年所寫的《諸蕃志》一書記載，當時澎湖列島已為福建路的晉江縣所佔，但無涉及臺灣島。

宋朝的地方政府機構實行路、州（府、軍、監）、縣虛三實二級制。宋朝雖沿襲唐制，在州縣兩級保留穩定的區劃建制，但又汲取唐朝藩鎮割據的教訓，一級行政區劃從固定的方鎮（道），改為按需要功能隨時變更的「路」。宋立國之初，承唐之制，分天下為十道。開寶八年，改道為路，各置轉運使以司財賦轉運，又別置他使分掌刑法軍事，諸使路名雖同，但轄區不一定相同。至道三年始定為十五路轉運司路，包括京東、京西、河北、河東、陝西、淮南、江南、荊湖南、荊湖北、兩浙、福建、西川、峽、廣南東、廣南西十五路。

咸平四年（1001年）分西川為利州、益州二路，分峽路為夔州、梓州二路。天禧四年（1020年）分江南路為東、西二路。熙寧五年（1072年）分京西路為南北二路，分淮南路為東西二路，分陝西為永興軍、秦鳳二路。之後又將河北路分為東西二路，分京東為東、西二路。崇寧五年（1106年）又將開封府升為京畿路。

宣和四年（1122年）宋金盟約，約定滅遼後宋得燕山府路和雲中府路，但宣和七年正式置路後不足一年即逢靖康之變，旋即丟失。建炎南渡後，宋朝設立兩浙東、兩浙西、江南東、江南西、淮南東、淮南西、荊湖南、荊湖北、京西南、成都府、潼川府、夔州、利州、福建、廣南東、廣南西十六路。宋朝的行政區劃設置與地方政治制度可謂重內輕外，中央高度集權。雖然避免藩鎮割據的局面，但導致地方防務貧弱，也讓終宋一代外患不止。

北宋時期，各路設有安撫司、轉運司、提點刑獄司、提舉常平司，總稱監司，號稱「外台」，具有監察職能，權任頗重。路的劃分上，則慣常以轉運司路為基準進行戶口財賦統計，在其基礎上按行政軍事需要再劃分其餘諸司路，所謂「至道十五路」「天禧十八路」「宣和廿六路」皆指轉運司路。

安撫司俗稱「帥司」，設安撫使一人，俗稱「帥臣」，職權有「掌一路兵民之事。皆帥其屬而聽其獄訟，頒其禁令，定其賞罰，稽其錢谷、甲械出納之名籍而行以法」，以知州事兼充，太中大夫以上者稱安撫使，位卑者稱「主管某路安撫司公事」。真宗景德年間始設于河北、河東路。北宋時，邊事繁重之河北、河東、陝西等路，少數民族聚居的荊湖北、廣南東西等路，以及副翼京畿的京東京西等路安撫使較為常設。南宋時期，十六轉運司路皆設安撫使，但凡任者二品以上，稱安撫大使。

轉運司俗稱「漕司」，主管所領州縣的水陸轉運和財政稅收，兼管司法和民政等，每路設轉運使一人，俗稱「漕臣」，以朝官以上並知州以上官員者充任，如以兩省五品以上充任或掌管兩路以上者稱「都轉運使」，資歷淺者稱「權轉運使」、「權發遣轉運使」。提點刑獄司俗稱「憲司」，主管一路的司法，兼管財政等，設提點刑獄公事一人，簡稱「提點刑獄」或「提刑」，一般情況下一漕司路範圍內設一憲司，但刑事繁重之路常劃分為兩憲司路。宋神宗時，增設提舉常平司，俗稱「倉司」，主管本路常平、義倉、免役、市易、坊場、河渡、水利之事，一般情況下一漕司路範圍內設一倉司，但倉事繁重之路常劃分為兩倉司路，南宋時與提舉茶鹽司合併，增管茶鹽。四監司以外，又設提舉坑冶、茶馬、市舶等司處理專務。

路以下設州、府、軍、監，其中州府之設為唐朝舊制，軍監之設為唐末五代發展而來的新型政區。州是宋代最主要的中層政區，其按戶口多少分為雄、望、緊、上、中、中下、下共七等，又按地位高低劃為都督州、節度州、觀察州、防禦州、團練州和刺史州（軍事州）五等，都督州、節度州除州名外另有軍額。宋初革五代之弊，召諸鎮節帥與其支郡牧守上京，賜宅邸留之，至是自節度州以下五等州之牧守官成為高等武官的轉遷之階，而都督州之都督唯授親王遙領。而各州郡的實際管理，由朝廷命京朝臣出守，每州設知州事一人，號「知某州軍州事」，軍謂兵，州謂民，若所知州為都督州，則號「知某州軍府事」。凡二品以上帶中書、樞密院、宣徽院使職事者任州長官稱「判某州軍州（府）事」，資淺者任州長官稱「權知某州軍州（府）事」或「權發遣某州軍州（府）事」。除知州事外，另設「通判某州軍州（府）事」為副貳，簡稱「通判」，大州設兩三人，小州一人，而原本的州郡副貳，如節度副使、團練副使、州長史、州司馬等，淪為被貶文臣所帶惡銜。

府分兩類，北宋四京與南宋臨安府這類首都或陪都政區稱「京府」，其他為「次府」，次府實際上只是是等級較高的州，且大部分次府均為皇帝登基前所領親王封邑的州，皇帝登基後升格為次府。京府中，東京開封府的令制長官牧、尹不常置，以皇太子和親王兼，皆為虛銜，實際長官以侍制（從四品）或少卿（從六品）以上文臣充任，稱「權知開封府事」，因系京師民事繁重故謂「權知」，軍事總決于樞府三衙故不知軍事；南宋時期，以皇太子兼臨安府尹，俗稱「判臨安府」；實際長官號「知臨安軍府事」，以侍從官、卿監官以上文臣充。次府建制與一般州郡相似，名義長官為武官、宗室轉遷之階，實際長官設知府事一人，稱「知某府軍府事」，簡稱「知府」，以文臣朝官以上、武臣刺史以上者充任，北宋前期官至尚書左、右僕射及使相以上領府事者稱「判某府軍府事」，俗稱「判府」；府之副貳為「通判某府軍府事」，俗稱「通判」或「府判」。

軍、監均是唐末以來發展的新行政區。唐末五代時，在戰事繁重或軍事要衝之地常設置「軍」作為軍隊駐地，在礦冶、鑄錢、煮鹽之所設置「監」處理專務。當時這些專務區劃俱不領縣，也不管民政戶口，以州縣所改者，撤銷其縣級建制。進入宋代以後，「地要不成州，而當會津」的部分州郡，因其軍事重要性而不省併入他州，只是降改為軍，同時不撤銷其屬縣建制，因而除陝西路、河北路、河東路部分以邊壘為軍者因無涉民政仍舊不領縣外，宋代大部分軍俱「領縣同下州」，兼管戶口與民政，但領縣一般甚少；監與軍類似，在太宗朝以後的轄區調整中出現領縣監，亦同下州。領縣同下州的軍、監各設知軍事或知監事一人，稱「知某軍事」和「知某監事」，俗稱「知軍」和「知監」。同時，唐末五代以來的不領縣而只負責專務的軍監依然存在，這些軍監一般隸屬于州甚至隸屬于縣，長官分別稱「某軍使」和「監某監」。

州、府、同下州之軍及監下設縣，縣有赤、畿、望、緊、上、中、中下、下八等，三年升降縣一次。京都所治之地為赤縣，京城旁縣為畿縣，其餘縣等，按建隆元年十一月所定：四千戶以上為望、三千戶以下為緊、二千戶以上為上、千戶以上為中、不滿千戶為中下、五百戶以下為下。凡大縣或駐有兵馬的縣， 朝廷派文臣京朝官或武臣三班使臣充任「知某縣事」，簡稱「知縣」，小縣以選人赴任，稱「縣令」或「縣尉」（長官為「縣尉」者慣稱「尉司」而不稱縣），每兩三年一任。

政治制度

中央官制

北宋初期體制大體沿襲唐朝和五代的政治制度，宰相不再由三省長官專任，品位尊崇的尚書令和中書令為名譽職務，不實授，侍中則授予少數位高權重的大臣。一般以中書門下平章事為正宰相，以尚書左右丞、六部侍郎以上至三師（太師、太傅、太保）者充任，通常設兩員，有時設一員或三員，宰相還兼館、殿大學士之職。又增設參知政事為副宰相，以中書舍人以上至六部尚書官者充任，亦無常員，通常設兩員，有時設一員、三員或四員。宰相與副宰相、樞密使、知樞密院事、樞密副使、同知樞密院事、簽書樞密院事、同簽書樞密院事、合稱「宰執」。宋朝的相權大幅萎縮，僅負責行政職能。中書門下與樞密院稱為東、西「二府」，掌文武大權。又設鹽鐵、戶部、度支三司，主管財政大權，號稱計省。這樣三司、宰執、樞密使三權互相制衡，因此削弱相權，加強皇權。宋朝還在御史臺之外增設諫院和置諫官，這些都是監察機構，負責彈劾等事宜。北宋前期，宰相主管民政、樞密使主管軍政、三司使主管財政。宋神宗元豐改制後，宰相實際兼管財政。南宋時，宰相又兼任樞密使，兼管軍政。這使得宰相再次握有民政、財政和軍政的大權。。

中書門下設於禁中，又稱政事堂或都堂，是正副宰相集體處理政事的最高行政機關。其宰相稱做「同中書門下平章事」，副宰相稱為「參知政事」。設置副宰相是為了分散正宰相權力以及擴充處理政務，這是是宋代政治的特色之一。宋神宗時元豐改制將中書門下恢復為門下、中書與尚書三省，以尚書左、右僕射各兼門下、中書侍郎為正宰相，再設門下、中書侍郎各一人，尚書左、右丞各一人為副宰相。宋徽宗時，權臣蔡京為太師，統領三省事務，改尚書左、右僕射為太宰、少宰，作為宰相。南宋宋高宗時，為了集中政務以應付軍政急務，將三省合併為一，宋孝宗又改左、右僕射為左、右丞相，此後不再以三省長官或副長官為宰相。宋哲宗時設平章軍國重事或同平章軍國事，以處「老臣碩德」，位居宰相之上，每數日一朝，非朝日不到都堂。宋寧宗時，韓侂胄任「平章軍國事」，每三日一朝，宰相不再掌印。南宋末年，賈似道專權，任「平章軍國重事」，左、右丞相實際上屈居於類似副宰相的地位。

樞密院作為全國軍政的最高機關，長官為樞密使或知樞密院事，以諫議大夫以上至六部尚書等官充任，副長官為樞密副使或同知知樞密院事，以起居舍人以上至尚書左右丞等官充任。資歷淺者，稱簽書樞密院事、同簽書樞密院事，不常置。為了防止唐朝藩鎮割據與五代頻繁發生的禁軍譁變篡位等事重演，此職務大多由文官擔任。樞密院掌管全國軍馬調度權力與高級武官考選獎懲，而全國禁軍兵員的管理、訓練、防禦、升遷、賞罰等則由殿前司、侍衛親軍馬軍司與侍衛親軍步軍司等三衙聯合管理。樞密院長官與參知政事、門下侍郎、中書侍郎、尚書左右丞相等統稱執政，宰相與執政官合稱宰執。

三司是北宋初期主管財政的最高機構，即鹽鐵部、度支部、戶部三司，號曰計省，位亞執政，號稱「計相」。其長官稱三司使，以兩省五品以上及知制誥、雜學士、學士充。副手稱三司副使，以員外郎以上歷三路轉運及六路發運使充。元豐改制時裁撤三司，職權歸戶部和工部。南宋時兵役軍費繁重，故又增設總領所作為戶部的派出機構，專門負責數路或一路各軍之錢糧徵收供應，並參預軍政。總領所共四處，分別為：

• 淮東總領所：領淮南東、兩浙東西、福建、江南東西等路財賦，供應駐淮南東路之御前諸軍

• 淮西總領所：領淮南西、江南東西等路財賦，供應駐淮南西路之御前諸軍

• 湖廣總領所：領荊湖南北、廣南東西、京西南、江南西等路財賦，供應駐荊湖北、京西南兩路之御前諸軍

• 四川總領所：領川峽四路財賦，供應駐川峽四路之御前諸軍

總領所長官稱「總領某處等路財賦軍馬錢糧」，簡稱總領。

中央行政執行機構方面，宋朝早期，六部九寺五監被一些新設一些機構取代職權，如審官院與流內銓分別代行吏部考校京朝官和選人的職權，樞密院和三班院代行兵部考校武官的職權，太常禮院和禮儀院代行禮部與太常寺的禮儀之權，三司代行戶、工部及司農太府兩寺的大部分職權，審刑院代行刑部複審大理寺所定案牘之事等。直到元豐改制時，撤銷朝廷的諸多令外機關，以三省代替中書門下，六部各設尚書和侍郎，主管本部事務，省部寺監才行使相應的職權。但實際上，元豐新官制與《唐六典》所載三省六部九寺五監製仍有相當差別：三省合署辦公，兩尚書僕射分兼中書門下兩省台長，故名為三省實為一省，至建炎正式合併；六部多由原有的令外機構合併重組而成，故而改制後多兼理本應由寺監管理的庶事雜務，而規模變得空前龐大；寺監事權為六部所侵，導致除大理寺外皆不治京外之事，故建炎時一度全部裁併入六部，紹興後雖有所複置，但也不複九寺五監之設，如以太常寺兼管宗正寺事、光祿寺併入鴻臚寺、太僕衛尉兩寺與少府都水兩監自此罷置不複。

中央監察機構主要有御史台和諫院。御史台專管監察，其長官稱御史中丞，副長官稱侍御史知雜事，主管糾察百官，肅正綱紀。台官有彈劾權，可以上疏言事，評論朝政，彈劾官員，還准許「風聞」論事。御史台下設三院：臺院、殿院、察院，下設侍御史、殿中侍御史、監察御史。專管規諫諷諭的機構是諫院，宋仁宗時始單獨置院，其長官稱知諫院事或左、右諫議大夫，凡朝政缺失、百官任非其人、各級官府辦事違失都可諫正。台、諫官都以言事彈劾為責，其職權本無多大差別，這一狀況導致後世台、諫的合流。

最後，為皇帝起草制誥、國書和宮廷內所用文書的機構是翰林學士院，設翰林學士、翰林學士承旨、翰林侍讀學士、直學士院等。翰林學士與中書舍人或知制誥分掌「內制」和「外制」，總稱「兩制」，翰林學士等還侍奉皇帝，充當顧問。宋初的最高司法機構是大理寺和刑部。宋太宗設置有「審刑院」，其長官稱知審刑院事，官屬有詳議官。各地奏案先經大理寺裁決，報告審刑院複查，寫出奏稿，上呈中書。中書申奏皇帝論決，宋神宗元豐改制後，審刑院併入刑部。。

官員管理制度

宋代實行官、職和差遣分離的制度，此乃承晚唐五季遺緒之由。安史之亂後散官因濫授而不為人所榮，導致以職事官為實權，散官為號的制度遭到破壞，唐中後期出現了以使職為實權，職事官為號的新制度，職事官因位高權重、不輕易授人、不掌管實務、閒簡無事，或為外官所領而階官化，有些品秩低的職事官因屬清選，成為士人及第後供職于藩鎮的起家之選或初轉之資而階官化，也有些職事官因職司清要，被授予藩府立功將佐有功者而階官化。五代時期，使職之間也逐步系統化和嚴密化，最後形成等級化，發展成年考成資，依資遷轉的階官化制度。宋代早期沒有扭轉這個趨勢，反而為加強中央集權而進一步發展，從而形成宋代極為複雜的官員管理制度。

官為官員的待遇等級，分文武兩類，列班序遷之制不盡相同，其中，文官以朝官、京官、選人序階，武官以正任、遙郡、內使和軍職列班。北宋初期至中期用唐朝中央政府的三省六部、九寺五院等官司之正副官組合而成文官官階，稱為「本官」或「正官」，雖具官名，但無實職，只用以定品秩、俸祿、章服和序遷，因此又稱為「階官」或「寄祿官」，領有本官者位高稱「朝官」，位卑稱「京官」，是為宋朝的中高級文官。京朝官外，由地方州郡的幕職吏僚和縣之長貳官員構成低級文官官階，號為「選人」，少數選人得任本職，但大多數同樣徒具虛名。武官方面，以內使三班借職至內客省使或禁軍軍職構成武官官階。「內使」又稱「武選」，名義上為禁中供應侍從的使臣，但與文官本官相似，並非常直禁中處理宮中事務，實際職務另有差遣；「軍職」則是職事與官名相稱，專門負責禁軍各級單位的訓練管理。武選至諸司正使或橫行官以上，軍職至軍都指揮使或廂都指揮使，因軍功再晉升則加刺史、團練使、防禦使、觀察使、節度觀察留後（徽宗改為承宣使）五等州郡牧守官，品秩俸祿仍視內階軍職，號曰「遙郡」，尊為「美官」，至是方可得任一方統兵大將。遙郡武官因功再晉，則落去內階軍職，僅留牧守官號，品秩始視牧守官，號曰「正任」，尊為「貴官」，最高可晉任正任第六階從二品節度使。按宋制，武官欲入西府執政之列則必須先晉正任，三衙管軍亦唯任正任武官。宋神宗元豐改制時，朝廷有意通過恢復《唐六典》模式的律令官制，以扭轉中央政府冗官冗費的現狀，乃廢文武散官，制《元豐寄祿格》，以散官名號的新制寄祿官階取代前期京朝官遷轉官階，自開府儀同三司至承務郎共二十五階文階寄祿官。宋徽宗時增為三十七階（包括選人），還改定武官內班官為五十二階武階寄祿官。紹興把略顯混亂的武階官釐清以後，文武寄祿官制度基本定型，一直延續到宋亡。

職又稱閣職，指三館秘閣官（昭文館大學士、監修國史、集賢殿大學士、集賢院學士）、諸殿（觀文殿、資政殿、端明殿、保和殿）大學士、諸殿學士、樞密直學士、諸閣（龍圖閣、天章閣、寶文閣、顯謨閣、徽猷閣、敷文閣、煥章閣、華文閣、寶謨閣、寶章閣、顯文閣）學士、諸閣侍制、直閣等諸殿閣圖書館官員。這些官職名義上是禁中諸多圖書館的長貳官員，但實際上不釐館閣事務，僅為內外差遣所帶加銜，以標文學高選。

差遣是指官員臨時委任的職務名，故又稱「職事官」，帶有「判、知、勾當、管勾、權、直、提舉、提點、提轄、簽書、監」等動詞。北宋初年鑒於唐末和五代「君弱臣強、藩鎮割據、武臣擅權」等弊端，委派京朝官充任知州事和知縣事，以接管節度使等武臣所掌地方之政事、司法、財政等權，而割據一方的地方武將被剝奪事權，原先的刺史、團練使、防禦使、觀察使、節度觀察留後、節度使等常由地方武將擔任的六等州郡長官成為武臣遷轉之階，此後「知事」「同知」「通判」取代了以往「刺史」「長史」「司馬」「令」「丞」「尉」等地方官名，成為宋、元、明、清四朝地方官的正式官號。元豐改制之前，中央朝廷沿襲唐末五代差遣令外官治事的制度，事務官員也基本上以差遣為本職，但元豐改制以後，絕大部分差遣官按照《唐六典》的模式與本官進行統合，中央的文職差遣官基本消失。

北宋前期的官品沿襲唐、五代之制，文官共九品，有正、從，自正四品以下，又分為上、下，共三十階。但官品和官職多不相稱。元豐改制正名責實，減少官品的等級，改為九品正、從十八階，同時職事官和差遣統一。朝廷對各級官員制訂磨勘（考核勞績過失）、敘遷、蔭補、礙止（中級官員至某級別時停止通過定期磨勘晉升，而必須因大功或才能得皇帝特旨簡拔晉升的規定）等法。對於中、上級官員的待遇比較優厚，有俸祿、職田、祠祿、恩賞等。宋神宗後，一些下台的或勢將下台的官員有的還被授予或自請擔任宮觀官、監岳廟等祠祿官，坐領「祠祿」。此外，朝廷的各種臨時賞賜，也成為官員的又一重要經濟收入。官、職和差遣的分離，導致大批冗員的出現。

軍事

宋朝軍隊實施以募兵為主，徵兵為輔的軍隊構成，實行自願性的募兵制,並且將災年招募流民、饑民當兵，作為一項傳統的國策，有社會福利性質，起到穩定政權作用。北宋軍隊分為四種，即禁軍、廂軍、鄉兵、藩兵，其中禁軍廂軍為募兵，鄉兵藩兵為徵兵。禁軍是直屬朝廷的正規軍，也是宋朝軍隊的主力，雖名禁軍，實際上奉皇命出戍八方，分守天下要緊之處，而非僅僅戍守京師。廂軍是各州的鎮兵，由地方長官控制，但在重內輕外的國策下，精幹兵員均被抽調至禁軍，因此廂軍戰鬥力低下，實際上只負責地方治安與後勤雜役，軍事任務均交予同駐地的禁軍。此外，鄉兵則是按機關抽調的壯丁，藩兵則是防守在邊境的非漢民族軍隊。靖康之變以後，原有的禁軍戰力遭受毀滅性破壞，故開始依賴諸如岳家軍這樣的武將自建軍隊。紹興以後，朝廷重新收攏兵權，岳家軍等「行營護軍」逐步演化為直屬中央，戍守固定區域，由武將直接統領的地方正規軍，號稱「御前諸軍」，俗謂「屯駐大兵」，取代了原本禁軍的主力地位。

禁軍方面，北宋初年沿襲後周制度，設殿前司和侍衛親軍司以統率，合稱兩司，設有殿前司都點檢、殿前司副都點檢、殿前司都指揮使、殿前司副都指揮使、殿前司都虞侯、侍衛親軍司馬步軍都指揮使、侍衛親軍司馬步軍副都指揮使、侍衛親軍司馬步軍都虞侯、侍衛親軍司馬軍都指揮使、侍衛親軍司馬軍副都指揮使、侍衛親軍司馬軍都虞侯、侍衛親軍司步軍都指揮使、侍衛親軍司步軍副都指揮使、侍衛親軍司步軍都虞侯等高級軍職。宋太祖為加強皇權和軍事階層的穩定，決定加強中央集權，防止武將剝奪權利。建隆二年三月，宋太祖削去殿前司都點檢這個重要的禁軍軍職。同年七月，宋太祖通過杯酒釋兵權解除武將的軍權，同時廢除殿前司副都點檢一職，侍衛親軍司馬步軍都指揮使和副都指揮使長時間不置，真宗景德二年廢置侍衛親軍司都虞侯，侍衛親軍司分為侍衛親軍馬軍司和侍衛親軍步軍司，前兩者和殿前司並稱三衙，至此完成了從兩司到三衙門的演變，三衙分別由殿前司都指揮使、侍衛親軍司馬軍都指揮使和侍衛親軍司步軍都指揮使統領。但是，三衙雖有掌兵之實，卻無發兵之權，具體的軍事謀劃與武官獎懲任命由樞密院負責。

宋朝在三衙以外，另設樞密院以司符節邊備、武官銓選等戰略規劃事務，與三衙並為最高軍政機關。樞密院直接對皇帝負責，太祖、太宗之時，其他任何官員，即便是宰相，未得皇帝許可都不得過問樞密院事務。該項規定後來逐漸鬆弛，南宋時由宰相兼樞密使漸成慣例。而樞密院雖能發兵，且掌統兵官任免之權，卻不能直接統軍，這樣就導致統兵權與調兵權的分離。宋朝又實行更戍法，經常更換統兵將領，同時打散禁軍的番號軍、廂、廂下軍等高級編制，調配軍力時以滿編五百人的「指揮」（營）為單位進行調動，作戰時經常將來自不同軍廂的指揮交予未曾管理過這些兵士的武官指揮。如是，使將不得專其兵，以防止軍隊中出現個人勢力。此外戰爭時戰區最高司令皆由文官或太監擔任，而且改變戰略必須經過皇帝同意，對宋朝戰力有負面影響。宋朝實行「崇文抑武，以文制武」，真宗朝以後，樞密院使和樞密院副使多由文臣出身者擔任，少數武臣曾入樞密院，但都遭到文臣以祖宗成法反對，都遭到罷黜。真宗以後，以文官任統兵官，督率武將，漸成慣例；安撫使、經略安撫使由文官擔任，武將擔任都部署（都總管）、副都部署、部署（總管）、副部署、鈐轄、巡檢、都監，號為將官，領兵馬，受指揮。宋朝的建國兵力部署「守內虛外」，但在熙寧年後首都駐軍減少。

北宋中期以後對遼、西夏等國的戰爭，使得軍事費用增加，對統兵將帥限制太多「權任輕而法制密」，將不專兵，動相牽掣，「元戎不知其將校之能否，將校不知三軍之勇怯，各不相管轄，以謙讓自任。」 同時，軍紀不明使宋軍嚴重缺乏訓練，終日「遊戲於廛市間，以鬻巧誘畫為業，衣服舉措不類軍兵」「衛兵入宿不自持被而使人持之；禁兵給糧不自荷而僱人荷之。」。張演評說：「宋朝之待武臣也，厚其祿而薄其禮。」王夫之指出：「宋所忌者，宣力之武臣耳，非偷生邀寵之文士也」。針對以上弊端，熙豐變法後開始實行置將法，將禁軍分為「繫將禁軍」與「不繫將禁軍」，「不繫將禁軍」諸指揮（營）仍如舊法，「繫將禁軍」諸指揮（營）則被組織為固定的大編制單位「將」，不行更戍法，一般駐紮在固定的地域，由固定的將司長貳官員正將與副將負責管理與指揮。各地置將法實施狀況不同，其中邊事繁重的陝西、河東實施較為徹底，東南諸路禁軍則仍以不繫將禁軍為主。

南宋軍隊的主力為屯駐大兵以及三衙。屯駐大兵戰鬥力較強，原本是武將自行召募部隊，如岳家軍，有「撼山易，撼岳家軍難」之說。這時朝廷控制軍隊的能力已經弱化，樞密院的權責也逐漸縮小。紹興十一年，韓世忠、岳飛等將領的兵權相繼被削減，屯駐大兵逐漸演變為中央統管的正規地方軍，與禁軍三衙平行。

宋代軍事技術的巨大進步，宋朝以前仍處于冷兵器時代，從宋朝開始火器登上戰爭舞台，使用霹靂炮、震天雷、引火毬、鐵火砲、火箭、火毬、火槍、火炮等火器，逐步進入冷兵器和火器並用時代。水戰裝具的發展，舟師仍在江河、瀕海地區發展，南宋時還尚有車船。投石機方面有車行砲、單梢砲、七梢砲與旋風砲等。各代中央和地方多設立兵器製造與管理機構，嚴格控制兵器的製造和發放，還規定有兵器查驗、維修和授予制度。

在兵種結構上，步兵為主要兵種，並配有少量騎兵，車兵則逐步消失。然而有記載稱宋初掌握的馬匹曾超過20萬匹，天禧年間甚至馬多到估直出賣，並且歐陽修指出河東路適宜養馬。

城防設施發展出城制、弩臺、敵樓等設施。其中以山城防禦體制最具有名，南宋守將余玠於四川防禦蒙軍，為了鞏固川西地區，他採用「守點不守線，連點而成線」的方針，修築釣魚城（今重慶合川東）、大獲（今四川蒼溪南）、青居（今四川南充南）、雲頂（今四川金堂南）、神臂（今四川合江西北）、天生（今重慶萬縣西）等十餘城，形成一個防禦網，成功抵禦蒙軍攻擊。

外交

宋朝外敵頻繁，外交的重要性日益增加。針對不同的外交對象，給予不同的館待禮遇，並使之專門化。遼與金都對宋朝構成巨大威脅，外交對等，其外交事務主要由樞密院的禮院負責，包括文書往來、使節派遣和一切接待事宜等。元豐年間，樞密院改置北面房，掌北界國信，南宋沿襲之。此外，宋朝專門設置主管往來國信所，作為負責與遼、金交往的具體事務機構。而西夏、高麗、越南（宋朝先稱之為「交趾」，後改稱「安南」。宋時越南歷經丁、前黎、李、陳等王朝統治）等國，由於宋朝視他們為藩屬國，所以發出的外交文書和禮物等皆稱「制詔」或「賜」，對其國家的外交承認被稱為「冊封」。宋朝在京城設置許多外交接待館驛，作為國家接待各國使節的地方。遼國在都亭驛，西夏在都亭西驛，高麗在梁門外安州巷同文館，回鶻、于闐在禮賓院，三佛齊、真臘、大理、大食等國家在瞻雲館或懷遠驛。

宋朝奉行朝貢體制，然而將重心放在政治利益與經濟利益，也就是「來則不拒，去則不追」。宋代朝貢制度的完善和發展表現在有較固定的管理機構，明確規定貢期，嚴格貢使的證明，回賜的制度化等。南宋時，還將海外貿易作為朝廷的財政收入預算之一，對於朝貢物並非照單全收，而是只接受其中的一小部分，其餘的按市舶貿易的規則進行抽買。免稅貢物的減少，意味著稅收的增加，這樣既有利於外交往來，又給朝廷帶來實惠，使外交和經濟獲得雙贏。

宋朝有名的外交家有富弼、沈括與洪皓。富弼在外交上面對大軍壓境的遼國時屢立奇功。他以理挫敗自傲的遼使，迫使遼使行參拜之禮，後又兩次出使遼國，挫敗遼國割地要求。富弼分析宋、遼、西夏三國的關係，認為遼與西夏強盛的原因是獲得中國的資源與人力而至，並且協助宋朝撬開遼夏同盟，使宋、遼、西夏三足鼎立的格局逐漸穩定下來。沈括以翰林侍讀學士的身分，出使遼國交涉劃界事宜，獲成而還。他在出使途中繪記遼國山川險阻及風俗人情，完成《使虜圖抄》，上於朝廷。《宋史》稱：沈括「使契丹。凡六會，敵人環而聽者千輩，無以駁其議。」洪皓在南宋危難之時出使金國，被拘15年，但仍不願投降金國。洪皓曾屢次派人向被囚禁在五國城（今黑龍江依蘭縣）的宋徽宗、宋欽宗及在臨安（今浙江杭州）的宋高宗秘密傳遞消息。歸國後，宋高宗稱他「雖蘇武不能過」。

人口

據《太平寰宇記》所載，宋太宗太平興國五年（980年）全國有6,499,145戶，人口約3250萬。據《元豐九域志》記載，元豐（1078年—1085年）年間，全國有戶1,600萬。據《宋史·地理志》記載，宋徽宗崇寧元年（1102年）全國有戶1,730萬。宋徽宗大觀四年（1110年）戶數達20,882,258戶，人口約1億1275萬；估計宣和二年（1120年）有戶二千二百萬。人口1億1880萬。靖康之禍後，中國再次出現中原人口大量南徙的現象。這次南遷有兩波。第一個高潮是從「靖康之難」到《紹興和議》；第二個高峰則是在金主完顏亮南侵期間。南方人口因此大量增加，根據估計，南宋人口峰值是宋寧宗嘉定十一年（1218年），戶口達到1360萬。若以紹興卅二年（1162年）與崇寧元年比較，兩浙路戶口增加26萬戶、江南西路增加42萬戶、福建路增加33萬戶、潼川府路增加24萬戶，夔州府路增加14萬戶。宋代的城市人口大量增加，10萬戶以上的城市有50個，其中臨安人口過120萬（1274年），汴梁人口過180萬（1125年），是當時世界上人口最多的兩個城市。

在人口分佈上。宋徽宗崇寧年間，華北各路中以京畿路人口最集中，元豐六年有戶23萬，崇寧元年有戶26萬。而永興軍路則有戶100萬。以長安為中心的京兆府也有戶23萬。這兩路人口集中的原因主要是因為宋朝與西夏的戰爭中這些地方處於前線有關。南方人口主要集中在兩浙、江南東西、福建、川陝四路。這五路戶口達到571萬戶，佔南方戶口的一半。其中兩浙路最多，達到197萬戶。江南西路戶口則有166萬、江南東路則有戶101萬。福建路有戶106萬。淮南東西路共計達到130萬戶。川峽四路總計有200萬戶（1231年有500萬戶.）、荊湖南北路總計有140—150萬戶，廣南東西路僅80餘萬戶，京西南路有40萬戶。

經濟

宋太祖建國時就確立土地私有產權制度，買賣自由，並採取不抑兼併的政策，租佃經營成為重要的土地經營形式。租佃契約期滿後佃農可以自由決定終止或續約。人口流動性增強，城市商品經濟發展。有學者認為宋代已經出現資本主義萌芽。

宋代大量開金、銀、銅、鐵、煤等礦藏，在宋代煤炭作為一種新型的能源進入了生產和人民生活的領域，汴京家家戶戶都以煤作為家庭燃料，形成「汴都數百萬戶，盡仰石炭，無一家燃薪者」的社會風貌。在生產上，煤應用於冶煉工業也大大提高了銅、鉛、鍚的產量。冶鑄、切削和加工技術的長足進步又為陶瓷、紡織、造船、井鹽等行業的成長提供了燃料、工具等必要條件。

宋代的經濟繁榮程度可謂前所未有，農業、印刷業、造紙業、絲織業、制瓷業均有重大發展。各地也出現了各種製造工廠和加工工廠。如造船廠、火器廠、造紙廠、印刷工廠、織布廠、各地的官窯等。同時也進口原料，加工製造成商品出售到各地。航海業、造船業成績突出，海外貿易發達，和南洋、南亞、西亞、非洲、歐洲等地區總計58個國家通商。

大批的手工業者、商人、業主構成了宋朝的中產階級。他們經濟富足，又有自己獨立的價值追求。市民的富裕閑暇的生活及審美趣味和生活情趣促成了文化高度繁榮。而南宋初期對南方的大規模全面深度開發，促成南方地區成為全國經濟文化中心，從此完全取代北方地區的經濟文化中心地位。

農業

在宋朝，農業逐步走向專業化與商業化。北宋初期大面積開荒，土地不抑兼併，農田規模擴大，為提高耕種效率，注重興修水利，改進農具，改良品種，農業發展迅速。許多新形田地在宋朝出現，例如梯田（在山區出現）、淤田（利用河水沖刷形成的淤泥所利用的田地）、沙田（海邊的沙淤地）、架田（在湖上做木排，上面鋪泥成地）等。這大幅增加宋朝的耕地面積。至道二年（996年），宋廷掌握耕地為三百一十二萬五千兩百餘頃。到宋神宗元豐年間（1078年—1085年）達到耕地面積頂點四百六十餘萬頃，各種新的農具在宋代出現，例如新式水車龍骨翻車和筒車。代替牛耕的踏犁，用於插秧的鞅馬。新工具的出現也讓農作物產量大幅成長。一般華北的麥地田每年可畝收二石到三石半，江淮、兩浙、福建、川陝、荊湖等地區一年可達到三至七石。宋真宗大中祥符五年（1012年）從占城引進耐旱、早熟的稻種，分給江淮兩浙，就是後來南方的早稻尖米，又叫占城米、黃秈米。兩宋時太湖地區稻米產量居全國之首，尤其以平江府（今蘇州）為代表，有「蘇湖熟，天下足」（指蘇州和湖州）或「蘇常熟，天下足」（指蘇州和常州）之稱。長江流域和珠江流域農業發展迅速，一些北方農作物粟、麥、黍、豆來到南方。宋朝農業經濟作物種植面積擴大，南宋中期，棉花盛行種植於川陝、江淮、兩浙、荊湖、閩、廣（即粵）地區，種桑養蠶和麻的地區也在增加。茶葉在北宋時遍及淮南、荊湖、福建及四川諸路。這些地區每年上繳給政府專賣機構的茶葉達一千四、五百萬斤，不僅供應國內市場，而且遠銷國外。當時以福建所產最為著名，其它名茶尚有兩浙的日經茶，江西的雙井白茶，廣西容州的竹茶等。南宋時，南方的注茶地比北宋更多，吳興的紫筍、常州的陽羨、紹興的日注、隆興的黃龍等，都被稱為「絕品」。。甘蔗種植遍布蘇、浙、閩、廣（粵）、等省，糖已經成廣泛使用的食品，出現世界上第一部關於製糖術的專著：王灼著《糖霜譜》。

手工業

北宋的主要礦產包括金、銀、銅、鐵、鉛、錫、煤等。北宋仁宗在位時代金屬礦藏達到兩百七十餘處，較盛唐年間增加一百餘處。仁宗時期，每年得金一萬五千多兩、銀廿一萬九千多兩、銅五百多萬斤、鐵七百廿四萬斤，鉛九萬多斤、錫卅三萬斤。

宋朝的絲、麻、毛紡織業都非常發達，而西北地方流行毛織業，四川、山西、廣西、湖北、湖南、河南等地麻織業非常興盛。到南宋時，廣東的雷州半島地區和廣南西路成為棉紡織業的中心。兩浙和川蜀地區則為絲織業，朝廷在絲織業密集的地區設立織錦院，即是官辦的絲織作坊，也同時造福相關的印染業。1295年前後，黃道婆把海南島黎族的紡織技術帶到松江府的烏泥涇，並改進紡織工具與技術，在推廣棉紡織方面的歷史功績是很突出的。。

宋朝官窯、民窯遍佈全國。時有河北曲陽定窯、河南汝州汝窯、禹縣鈞窯、開封官窯、浙江龍泉哥窯弟窯、江西景德鎮景德窯、福建建陽建窯等七大名瓷窯，和分佈在各地的許多大小瓷窯，所產宋瓷通過海上絲綢之路遠銷海外，如日本、高麗、東南亞、南亞、中西亞等地。

北宋時，主要的造紙材料包括絲、竹、藤、麻、麥桿等。四川、安徽、浙江是主要的造紙產地，蜀地的布頭箋、冷金箋、麻紙、竹紙，安徽的凝霜、澄心紙、粟紙及浙江的藤紙等都聞名於世，甚至還有紙被、紙衣、紙甲等製品。紙張的大量生產與活字印刷術為印刷業的繁榮提供基礎，宋朝的印刷業分三大系統，官刻系統的國子監所刻之書被稱為監本，而民間書坊所刻的書被稱為坊本，士紳家庭自己刻印的書籍屬於私刻系統。東京、臨安、眉山、建陽、廣都等都是當時的印刷業中心。當時坊刻書中以浙江口碑最佳，稱浙本，四川次之，稱蜀本。福建的刻書以量取勝，稱建本的其中尤以建陽麻沙鎮最多，世稱麻沙本。社會上流行刻書的風氣，以臨安國子監所刻的書品質最頂尖。宋朝的刻書以紙墨精良、版式疏朗、字體圓潤、做工考究、傳世稀少、價值連城而聞名於後世。

運輸業

宋朝政治經濟中心向東向南轉移，東南地區河道發達，水網密布，是天然的交通網絡。宋朝又注重疏浚河道，建造橋梁，創造良好的交通條件。南宋時期，海上交通的發展也格外興旺。

宋代造船技術水準處于當時世界極度先進的狀態。宋神宗元豐元年（1078年），明州造出兩艘萬料（約600噸）神舟。1974年福建泉州出土一艘宋代古船，有13個隔水倉，在船出海航行過程之中一兩個隔水倉漏水，船也不會有多大危險。宋代的主要造船廠分佈在江西、浙江、湖南、陝西等地區。虔州、吉州、溫州、明州都是重要的造船基地。宋太宗至道年間（995年—997年），全國年船量均超過三千三百餘艘。到了南宋，由於南方多水加上海上貿易日益發達，造船業發展更快。臨安府（今杭州）、建康府（江寧府，今南京）、平江府（蘇州）、揚州、湖州、泉州、廣州、潭州、衡州等成為新的造船中心。廣州製造的大型海舶木蘭舟可「浮南海而南，舟如巨室，帆若垂天之雲，舵長數仗，一舟數百人，中積一年糧」。南宋初年還出現車船、飛虎戰船等新式艦船。

金融商業

貨幣

宋代是工業革命之前，站在世界發展巔峰的超大規模經濟體；有學者認為宋代在經濟上乃是中國歷代王朝中曠古空前的偉大年代。宋代商業繁盛，通行的貨幣有銅錢、鐵錢、白銀與黃金。黃金是用以保值、跨洲貿易的最佳首選，銅錢、白銀是作為中遠距離交易通貨，鐵錢則是作為零錢於在地市集、做小額交易使用。宋政府每年鑄造的貨幣量來衡量，其中個別年分所生產的貨幣數，就超過有唐一代發行貨幣的總額。宋太宗至道年間（995—997年），每年鑄幣83萬貫。到神宗熙寧六年，已達506萬貫；在工業革命以前的貨幣發行規模僅此一例，且遠遠超過世界各國。儘管如此，宋貨幣的供給仍無法應付增長的市場對貨幣的需求；每年的朝議都將「錢荒」列為討論議題。加上商品入口，宋代大量銅錢、白銀外流。另一方面宋代貨幣精良信用穩定，東南亞、日本、朝鮮、金、遼（東北亞）等區域經濟體一致通行宋貨幣，至于其他地區，如西亞、歐洲和非洲並非如此，如在20世紀50年代，丹麥考古隊在中東僅發現兩枚宋錢；宋錢在南洋、日本、金國、遼國、朝鮮等國取代本國貨幣，成為當地主要通行貨幣。作為一級東亞貨幣，宋代的銅錢大量外流東亞地區，帝國內部銅礦稀缺，造成硬通貨短缺。

為應付不斷增長的貨幣需求，真宗時期，成都民間十六家富戶主持印造一種信用本位的兌換紙鈔，代替銅錢僅僅在四川使用的一種地方貨幣，是為交子（按照紙幣的經濟學定義，只有國家發行的才算真正紙幣）。仁宗後改歸官辦，並定期限額發行。徽宗時期，改交子名為錢引，並擴大流通領域。宋高宗紹興三十年（1160年）改為官辦「會子」，會子主要有東南會子（也叫行在會子），湖北會子和兩淮會子。但是為防止銅錢北流，宋朝政府規定在與金交界處仍然只能使用鐵錢。與交子不同，會子是以銅錢為本位的，面值有一貫（一千文）、兩貫和三貫三種，後增印兩百文、三百文與五百文小面額鈔票。乾道五年（1169年）定為三年一界，每界發行一千萬貫，以舊換新。熙寧十年（1077年）歲入7070萬貫，農業的兩稅為2162萬貫，佔30% ；工商稅為4911萬貫，佔70%。工商稅收入構成朝廷財政收入的主體。

會子危機

第一界會子的發行額僅三百萬貫。到乾道四年（1168年）僅七年的時間，發行額增加到七百萬貫。之後固定在一千萬貫。儘管會子的加印與隆興北伐有關，但是由於作為本位的金屬貨幣沒有相應追加，幣值增長指數已經達到300%以上。到理宗淳祐六年，會子發行額增加六十五倍。會子雖與銅錢可自由兌換，但由於會子不斷貶值，兩者匯率也急遽走低。

南宋對維持會子的穩定與信用進行過一定的努力，除了制定數年一界的換新舊會子兌換制度控制流通量外，宋孝宗時期還制定了「中半納入（地方上繳的稅賦可以有一半用會子繳納，並且不計貶值、依其面值計價）」的制度來確保其信用；然而1205年北伐失敗造成的財政惡化導致了會子制度逐步走向破產，自寧宗宣佈十一、十二、十三界會子同時流通後，會子之多猶如決堤之水，物價飛漲猶如脫韁野馬，出現會子擠兌銅錢的現象。嘉定二年（1209年），會子換界。政府規定新舊會子以一比二的比例兌換，同時嚴禁不按比例兌換會子，否則抄家，並鼓勵打小報告互相揭發。這種以行政權力而非經濟政策強制確保會子價值的手段無異於宣告會子信用破產。反而導致拒收會子與貶值的浪潮越演越烈。超級通貨膨脹導致社會無論中下層都損失慘重。迫不得已，政府發還抄沒的家產，並籌措一千四百萬貫來回收舊會子。嘉定五年後危機才漸漸平息。從此之後，會子換界已無法正常進行。政府一旦發生財政危機，就會以濫印鈔票飲鴆止渴。理宗親政後，由於十六及十七界會子數量巨大，險些再度造成通貨膨脹。端平入洛之後，會子與銅錢的匯率從端平初年暴跌25%。十八界會子發行量更加大，白米漲到每斗米三貫四百文錢，是孝宗年間（1162年—1189年）的十一倍。淳祐七年，理宗頒詔，十七、十八界會子永遠使用，希望藉此來抑制物價上漲。但是兩百文的十八界會子卻連一雙草鞋都買不到，會子已與廢紙無異。景定五年（1264年），賈似道規定十七界會子須在一月之內全部換成十八界會子，並將會子改為「金銀見錢關子」，宣佈關子與會子的兌換比例為1:3，但通貨膨脹更惡性發作。不過，南宋的會子雖然一路貶值，但與元、明兩朝的徹底失敗相比仍維持了相當長時間的流通與信用，故可視為近代前較為成功的紙幣實驗。

海外貿易

由於西夏阻隔西北的絲綢之路，加上經濟中心的南移，從宋朝開始，東南沿海的港口成為新的貿易中心。唐代時全國僅于唐高宗龍朔元年（661年）在廣州一地設有市舶司，負責外貿事務。宋代先後在廣州、臨安府（杭州）、慶元府（明州，今寧波）、泉州、密州板橋鎮（今膠州營海鎮）、嘉興府（秀州）華亭縣（今松江）、鎮江府、平江府（蘇州）、溫州、江陰軍（今江陰）、嘉興府（秀州）澉浦鎮（今海鹽）和嘉興府（秀州）上海鎮（今上海市區）等地設立市舶司專門管理海外貿易。其中以廣州、泉州和明州最大。泉州在南宋後期更一躍成為世界第一大港和海上絲綢之路的起點。宋代海外貿易分官府經營和私商經營兩種方式，其中民營外貿又佔大宗。宋神宗元豐三年（1080年），北宋朝廷制定一部《廣州市舶條法》，是中國歷史上第一部貿易法。而各個外貿港口還在城市裡設立「蕃市」，專賣外國商品；「蕃坊」供外國人居住；「蕃學」供外商子女接受教育，朝廷還專門制定蕃商犯罪決罰條。現在廣州和泉州城內仍然有許多藩客墓，成為當時海外貿易繁榮的佐證。

與宋王朝通商的國家有：占城、真臘、三佛齊、吉蘭丹、渤泥、巴林馮、蘭無裏、底切、三嶼、大食、大秦、波斯、白達、麻嘉、伊祿、故臨、細蘭、登流眉、中裏、斯伽裏野、木蘭皮等歐亞地區五十八個國家。宋朝出口貨物包括絲綢、瓷器、糖、紡織品、茶葉、五金。進口貨物包括象牙、珊瑚、瑪瑙、珍珠、乳香、沒藥、安息香、胡椒、琉璃、玳瑁等幾百種商品。宋朝從大量進口貨物通過市舶司獲得的稅收，從宋仁宗皇祐年間（1049年—1054年）的53萬貫，治平年間（1064年—1067年）63萬貫，到了宋高宗紹興年間（1131年—1162年）已達200萬貫，約佔全國財政收入的百分之六，對宋代的繁榮起重要作用。南宋時代，宋朝在與金和大理的交界處設立榷場來互通有無。宋朝出口藥材、茶葉、棉花、犀角等，進口北珠、人蔘、毛皮、馬匹等貨物。民間也有大量的走私貿易。由於宋朝銅錢信用佳，被大量走私到東南亞和西亞，而當時的遼國、金國、西夏、越南、朝鮮和日本更停用自己的通貨，改用宋錢。

賦稅制度

宋朝稅收制度特點是賦重役輕。

首先，兵役基本消失。唐中葉以後，均田制破壞，府兵制解體，兵農分離的募兵制逐漸取代兵農合一的調兵制。南宋人王栐說：北宋「兵農既分，軍制大異于古。」募兵制已占居主導地位。兵源既不像唐代前期那樣調集世襲軍戶，也不像南唐那樣差調全國農民，而主要是來自招募和僱傭的普通老百姓，特別是饑民。府兵制雖有殘留，諸如存在于某些特定地區的弓箭手之類的鄉兵，但也不是全國各地的普遍現象。北宋的基本狀況是：職業士兵「以起軍旅」，普通農民「無預征役」。政府一般不再「籍農民之身以為兵」，轉而「賦斂農民之粟帛以贍正軍」。北宋人韓琦在比較漢唐調兵和北宋養兵的優劣時說：「杜甫詩中《石壕吏》一首，讀之殆可悲泣，調兵之害乃至此」，進而得出養兵「自有利民處不少」的結論。蘇轍也曾將北宋兵制同前代兵製作對照，稱：「古者兵出于民」，「民之于兵，可謂勞矣」；「近世兵民既分」，「民可謂逸，而兵可謂習矣。」從當時人這些前後對比和勞逸、利害之論，都是北宋農民大體擺脫兵役負擔的確証。其次，廂軍分擔夫役。北宋農民的主要徭役負擔是包括春夫和急夫在內的夫役。第三，夫役雇法推行。人們通常所稱王安石的免役法或雇役法，指的是差役即職役雇法。

宋代的雜稅名目眾多，「經制、折帛錢為諸州之害，板帳、月樁為諸縣之害」，此外還有二稅鹽錢、蠶鹽錢、丁絹、丁鹽錢、僧道免丁錢、秤提錢、市例錢、折估錢、折布錢、布估錢、畸零絹估錢等，「不可以遍舉，亦不能遍知」。其征斂賦稅的手段，誠如朱熹所說：「古者刻剝之法，本朝俱備。」宋人的類似說法頗多，諸如：「正稅之外，雜賦至繁，詭制異科，醜名暴斂」；「其色不一，其名不同。」以致世人「不能盡舉」；「當官者不能悉其詳」。蔡戡又言：「其賦斂繁重，可謂數倍于古矣。」各人的具體說法雖然不盡一致，但共同之處是肯定賦稅的名目繁多。賦稅倍增的結果是：「民間苦賦重。」。其賦稅之重導致宋朝的殺嬰風俗盛行。

政府又通過將稅收大量投入到軍隊裡，利用災年招募流民、饑民當兵的政策輔以一系列常設的社會救濟政策（特別是對老人和兒童）。

宋代的農才賦役制度，名稱和中唐之後的兩稅法一樣，但內容不同，宋兩稅是單純以土地為徵收對象的土地稅，標準是按各戶所占有田地的數量和質量收取。而唐兩稅卻是要綜合每戶的人丁和資產包括土地、桑、居宅、牲畜和錢財等定戶等再以戶等計算本戶之兩稅。可知唐兩稅的範圍遠較宋兩稅為廣，唐兩稅包括田畝稅、戶稅、力役，而宋兩稅只是純田畝稅而不包括戶稅、力役。在宋，戶稅、力役是另算的，按各戶人丁收的稅稱丁稅，也就是戶稅，按戶等財產分級別收的稅稱役錢，也就是力役的內容。也就是說，宋的兩稅加丁稅再加役錢才約等于唐的兩稅。宋朝的稅制是「以貧富為差」的「兩稅法」，根據居民有無不動產，劃分戶別，再以家庭財產之多寡，劃為不同戶等，按戶等財產分級，高資產戶納稅多，低資產戶納稅少，沒有田產，則不用繳稅。役錢則是宋制規定，凡應服勞役者可輸錢免役，也就是付朝廷募兵制的費用。

宋商稅主要有住稅和過稅。住稅即買賣交易稅，稅率３％，過稅即商品流通稅，稅率２％。宋公布商稅則例，把應納稅的商品名目頒布于稅務、官署、交通要道，使商人瞭然。稅務按照則例收稅，商旅按照則例納稅，非則例所載（即假如稅務私增收稅條目），商旅可以拒納並越級上訴。另一項稅收是海關稅。主要對商品進出口和流通收稅。外船來經商先經市舶檢查，抽取十分之一到十分之二的稅。宋朝鼓勵海上貿易，將製造的產品銷往外地，先後在廣州、明州、杭州、泉州、密州、秀州、溫州、江陰軍、澉浦等九處設置市舶機構，賺取大量收入。

文化

宋太祖曾要求其子孫永遠不得殺害文人，文人在宋朝地位得到空前的提升，重文輕武的風氣在宋朝達到極致，「好鐵不打釘，好男不當兵」、「滿朝朱紫貴，儘是讀書人。」等俗諺都是出在宋朝。宋真宗時，狀元出身的陳堯咨拒絕出任官級更高的武職。在理學的興起、宗教勢力退潮、言論控制降低、市民文化興起、商品經濟繁榮與印刷術的發明等一系列背景下，宋朝優秀文人輩出，知識份子自覺意識空前覺醒。史堯弼在《策問》中認為：「惟吾宋二百餘年，文物之盛跨絕百代。」陸游在《呂居仁集序》中也認為：「宋興，諸儒相望，有出漢唐之上者。」。

學術思想

儒學在宋朝得到的空前的復興，在佛、道思想的影響下，產生新的儒學思想—理學。理學以闡釋義理、兼談性命為主要內容，在建構儒家形而上學和本體論方面取得重大進展。其代表人物包括「北宋五子」（周敦頤、邵雍、張載、程顥、程頤）、朱熹和陸九淵。理學的集大成者朱熹認為：「理」和「氣」是並存的，密不可分，但有先後之分。理是萬物之源。「天理」與「人慾」是對立的兩方，人慾是一切罪惡之根源，應當去人慾、存天理。經過二程與朱熹的發展，理學發展成為一套完整的哲學體系，南宋末年理宗時成為官方哲學。之後，陸九淵又認為「宇宙便是吾心，吾心即是宇宙」「心即理也」。人們應當去人慾，存本心，到達清明寡慾的境界，陸九淵之思想經過之後明朝大儒王守仁的繼承發展，成為新的哲學體系—心學，在明朝中葉以後佔據主導地位。除了理學與心學之外，宋朝晚期還出現第三種學術勢力—浙東事功學派，其由以呂祖謙為代表的金華學派、陳亮為代表的永康學派和葉適為代表的永嘉學派所組成。

史學

與前代相比，宋朝的史學特別發達。歷史學家陳寅恪說：「中國史學，莫盛於宋」，「宋賢史學，古今罕匹」。宋朝有多個官方修史機構，如起居院、日曆所、實錄院、國史院、會要所等。最著名的史學著作當屬司馬光主編的《資治通鑒》。《資治通鑒》的編寫過程長達十九年（加上《通志》超過二十年），共二百九十四卷，敍事上起周烈王廿三年（前403年），下迄周世宗顯德六年（959年）。採用編年體方法書寫，為後人提供一本系統廣博的史書。隨後，另一史學家袁樞又對《資治通鑒》進行全面的整理，寫成《通鑒紀事本末》，這是中國歷史上第一部紀事本末體史書。朱熹也作了一部《通鑑綱目》，共五十九卷，可謂《資治通鑒》的簡略版。史學家鄭樵寫成《通志》，與唐杜佑《通典》、元馬端臨《文獻通考》合稱「三通」。

此外重要的史學著作還有廿四史中薛居正等奉旨編修的《舊五代史》和歐陽修私撰的《新五代史》。以及王溥私撰的《唐會要》和《五代會要》。著名的地方誌有《太平寰宇記》、范成大《吳郡志》、孟元老《東京夢華錄》、周密《武林舊事》等。由於金石學和考古學快速興起，也有一些相關史書誕生，如歐陽修的《集古錄》、呂大臨《考古圖》、趙明誠《金石錄》等」。

此外宋代編修不少與史學相關的類書，著名的「宋四大書」：《太平御覽》、《冊府元龜》、《文苑英華》、《太平廣記》。

文學

宋朝文學空前發達，秉詩、詞、散文都有偉大成就。讓宋朝散文走向興盛並承接古文運動的大師是歐陽脩。歐陽修的散文主旨明確、內容充實、平易自然，為宋朝散文的風格奠定基調。三蘇之中，蘇洵的文章以議論見長，文風雄奇勁簡。蘇軾的文章灑脫自然，清新豪放之中又帶些憂鬱，前後《赤壁賦》等文章確定他在文壇上不可撼動的地位。他的弟子也頗有出息，陳師道、黃庭堅、秦觀、張耒、晁補之和李廌號稱「蘇門六君子」。南宋時期，蘇軾的散文甚至成為科舉考試的範文，時人言：「蘇文熟，吃羊肉；蘇文生，吃菜羹」。而蘇轍的文章疏於敍事而長於議論。曾鞏忠實的追隨歐陽修的風格，以記敍文和議論文為主。文風自然純樸，少有華麗辭藻。王安石也以議論文為長，風格雄健自然。但是到了南渡之後，宋朝的散文就開始衰落，其後的文人都無法同北宋六家相比」。

宋詩雖不及唐詩，但遠在明、清之上，目前正在編撰的《全宋詩》收錄宋詩作品達十六萬多首之巨。與散文相同，歐陽修也開創宋朝的詩風，中國詩歌史上第一部詩話《六一詩話》就是其所著。王安石詩風工練，比歐陽修更講究修辭技巧與典故運用。蘇軾的詩變化多端，雄放灑脫。其吸收前朝所有詩人的手法，並長於各種詩體，尤其是古體與七言近體，可謂別開生面，奔放靈動，成為宋詩一代大宗。黃庭堅雖出於蘇門，但卻開創江西詩派，他的詩歌模仿杜甫，講究煉字煆句，顯得耐人尋味。之後又有「南宋四大家」，即楊萬里、范成大、陸游和尤袤，也堪與北宋三家相比。楊萬里的詩歌清新活潑，以天然風景為主；范成大的詩歌關心民生，詩風清麗秀婉；陸游的詩以愛國著稱，他的詩對偶工整，後人言「好對偶被放翁用盡」。

詞是曲子詞的簡稱，也稱長短句。根據《全宋詞》的記錄，宋朝詞人達到一千三百卅家，作品及殘篇總計達到兩萬零四百多首。詞是宋朝文學的標誌性體裁。晏殊被稱為宋朝詞家初祖，繼承先唐五代花間詞的風格，其詞和婉明麗。歐陽修的詞也具類似詞風。柳永在宋詞發展史上具有轉折性的作用，他的慢詞令人耳目一新，確定長調的地位，充實詞的形式，豐富詞的表現手法。作品廣為大眾喜愛以至於當時人言「凡有井水飲處，即能歌柳詞」。其後，蘇軾又對宋詞進行革新，創立豪放派，擴大詞的選材範圍，為後來的南宋愛國詞奠定基礎。周邦彥是格律派的始祖，其後的女詞人李清照也屬此列。在靖康之難後，憂患意識使得豪放派詞大放異採。其中以辛棄疾為大成，也有另一派詞人姜夔、吳文英等延續先周邦彥的風格，繼續發展婉約的詞風。。

此外，宋代「說話」（評書）非常流行，說話的內容就是話本。最著名的話本有《三國志平話》、《新編五代史平話》、《大唐三藏取經詩話》、《大宋宣和遺事》等；一些明清白話小說也是根據宋朝的話本改編。

宗教

與唐朝相比，宋朝宗教對社會生活的影響力略有下降，宗教也更加世俗化與漢化。後周時，周世宗下令限制佛教，廢除各地非敕額的寺院，又貶斥儒學，廢除孔子後代的免稅權。

宋太祖建立宋朝後，致力於統一全國，加強中央集權制的統治，在一些方面繼承和發展周世宗的政策。宋太宗任用文臣執政，儒學隨之逐漸興起，佛教也漸流行。宋真宗自稱「禮樂並舉，儒術化成」，大力提倡儒術，同時又提倡佛教，信奉道教，建立起儒佛道的思想統治。然而整體來說，宋朝宗教以道教較為興盛，北宋許多帝王如宋太宗、宋真宗、宋徽宗等都信道教，政府支持提倡，使北宋道教大盛，南宋較衰，但餘風仍在民間。佛教在後周周世宗時，曾受打擊，宋初漸復，但宋徽宗崇道抑佛，又略受打擊，南渡後又復，在佛學研究上比之唐代要黯然消沉。此外，民間尚有祆教、摩尼教、伊斯蘭教、猶太教等。

佛教在五代十國時期，於吳越、南唐、後蜀等南方各國流行。宋初，宋廷對佛教採取保護政策，李藹作《滅邪集》反佛，宋太祖說他是「非毀佛教，誑惑西姓」，把他發配沙門島。宋太宗進而認為佛教「有裨政治」，在五台山、峨眉山、天台山等處修建寺廟，在開封設譯經院翻譯佛經。宋太祖開寶年間，開始在益州雕印大藏經，宋太宗時雕版完成。這是第一部印行的佛經總集。宋真宗更加大力提倡佛教，撰寫《崇儒術論》的同時，又作《崇釋論》，說佛教與孔孟「跡異而道同」。宋真宗繼續建寺譯經，並親自作佛經注釋。宋真宗統治時期，成為宋朝僧徒最多，佛學最盛的時期。當時管理佛教事務的中央機構是左右街僧錄事，隸屬於鴻臚寺。各州府或大剎設僧政司，管理一境或一寺事務。宋朝沿用唐朝的度牒制度，度牒相當於出家許可証，沒有度牒就屬於不合法的「私度」。度牒制度原本是為控制僧尼人數，限制寺院的規模。但是自神宗朝起，為解決財政短缺，政府開始將度牒貨幣化，度牒淪為國家的斂財手段。其後度牒買賣始終參與國家財政運轉，徽宗時期和紹興年間尤為嚴重。佛教宗派以禪宗和淨土宗最為興盛。而禪宗之中又以臨濟、雲門二宗最為繁茂。淨土宗相對禪宗而言更為俗化。原先艱深的理論被闡釋的更加簡單化與口號化。

道教在宋朝變化繁多，十分興旺。宋朝管理道教的機構是禮部所屬的祠部。宋朝道教出現內丹派南宗、正一天師道（參見正一道、天師道）、忠孝淨明道（即淨明道）和全真道等新的道教教派。最後全國形成真大道教、正一天師道和全真教三足鼎立的局面。宋太祖時，道士們進見，勸他「無為無欲」「恬淡寡慾」，太祖不予理睬。宋太宗召見華山道士陳摶，賜給封號，命南唐降臣徐鉉校正道書，又在東京、蘇州等地修建道觀，道教逐漸得到朝廷的提倡。宋真宗是道教的狂熱的信奉者，對人說：「釋道二門，有補世教」，又說：「三教（儒、道、釋）之設，其旨一也」。宋真宗和道士們編造神話，說玉皇在他夢中傳告趙氏始祖是軒轅帝。宋真宗尊玉皇為玉皇大天帝，趙氏始祖為聖祖天尊大帝，布告天下。參知政事丁謂等制定禮儀，大事祭祀。並且在東京修建玉清昭應宮，表明他是道教的忠實信徒。宋真宗又命王欽若主持續修道藏，搜編道書四千三百多卷。全國各地大修道觀。道教得以廣泛流行。

祆教、摩尼教與景教被稱為「三夷教」，於晚唐時先後被禁。祆教在宋朝以後則基本消失。摩尼教轉而在民間秘密流傳，並漸與其他宗教結合，歷五代兩宋仍不衰。北宋的方臘和鍾相起義都與摩尼教有關。伊斯蘭教方面，唐朝時，穆斯林開始到中國進行貿易，宋朝伊斯蘭教的影響更大。穆斯林在西洋與南洋貿易中佔優勢，他們負責市舶司，最著名的是蒲壽庚。猶太教徒主要分佈在宋朝開封一帶，當時被稱為「藍帽回回」、「天竺教」等。他們自稱「一賜樂業」教徒，極有可能是以色列的音譯。他們是現今開封猶太人的祖先。

教育

宋朝政府對文人之待遇在中國史上屬於最高水準，由於宋代非常重視考生質素，教育事業也得到政府的支援。宋仁宗時，下詔州、縣辦學，進一步完善科舉制度。宋代官學，規模空前，政府在中央設立國子監、太學、武學、律學及四門學和廣文館。中央各部門也設立書學、算學、畫學、醫學。地方上，設立州縣兩級學校，並在路設立學官。教師先由地方選聘，後改聘進士或國子監、太學畢業學生，教材有國家統一頒佈，多以五經為主。

宋神宗時期，王安石制訂太學三舍法（內舍、外舍、上舍）。學校會於每年按成績升舍，在上舍成績優秀時，可免州試和禮部考試，並特賜及第。有宋一代，各地書院式私學盛行，主要由於自唐朝以來，印刷業發達，書籍增多，民間可掌握的教育資料也開始增加，又因五代時戰亂四起，教育中斷，想學習的人一般都集中在有學識的學者的周圍，既而形成書院。宋朝時，官方為了對私人辦學進行管理，對私學「賜匾」、「賜書」、「賜學田」，給予承認，於是書院形成以私學，半官辦，官辦私學等多種方式。另外由於當時有學識有威望的學者，比如朱熹、陸九淵都喜歡在書院講學，在一定程度上提高書院式私學的威望。著名書院有石鼓書院、白鹿洞書院、嵩陽書院、嶽麓書院、應天府書院和茅山書院。南宋時期，書院規模擴大，學生增多，逐步在社會上形成另一種辦學和上學的風氣。書院也從最初的教學場所變為兼顧研究的學術機構。宋朝政府還於宋仁宗慶曆四年（1044年）、神宗熙寧四年（1071年）至元豐元年（1078年）、徽宗崇寧元年（1102年）三次進行興學運動，以改革教育制度，提高人文品質，這三次運動也取得一定的成效。

宋代改良科舉制度也促成教育的發展，新的措施包括殿試的設立，防弊措施的增加，放寬應考條件，並增加取士數量等等。宋代的科考分為三級：解試（州試）、省試（由禮部舉行）和殿試。解試由各地方進行，通過的舉人可以進京參加省試。省試在貢院內進行，連考三天。通過者在宮內由皇帝主持殿試，在宋代凡於殿試中進士者皆即授官，不需要再經吏部選試。南、北宋三百二十年，總共開科一百一十八次。取進士二萬人以上，考試的公平使得平民的機會均等，因而促進社會階層的流動。

科技

科學技術史學者李約瑟認為，對科技史來講，唐朝不如宋朝有意義。宋朝也可謂是古代中國歷史上科技進步最快的時代，四大發明之中的膠泥活字印刷術誕生於宋朝，不過，一直到1440年德國谷登堡的鉛字活字印刷術出現和印刷術開始在歐洲傳播以後（1833年傳入中國），世界各地居民的識字率才開始攀升。

史學家黃仁宇在《中國大歷史》一書中指出，由於宋朝的經濟未能在改革社會上發揮作用，導致科學技術無法系統地演進。慶曆年間，布衣畢昇在雕版印刷術的基礎上發明活字印刷術。這種印刷術成本較低，省功省力，快速就得到推廣。不久就傳入日本、朝鮮、越南等國。指南針的系統應用也是在宋朝，特別是用於航海導航「舟師識地理，夜則觀星，晝則觀日，陰晦觀指南針」。指南針的使用方法據沈括《夢溪筆談》記載有四種：一是水浮法，即將指南針放到盛水的容器中指示方向；二是置指甲法，即將指南針置于手指指甲上指示方向；三是置碗唇法，即將指南針放在碗唇邊上指示方向；四是縷懸法，既將指南針用絲線懸空指示方向。後來第一種方法演化成水羅盤，第二種演化為旱羅盤，而第三、四種由於精密度低而被淘汰。火藥發明於唐末。北宋初年，曾用以製作火箭、火球等。後來又出現帶爆炸性的霹靂炮。南宋時期更出現鐵火炮、突火槍槍、火銃等新式武器。這些武器威力巨大，被廣泛使用在對蒙戰爭中。《武經總要》是仁宗時期官方編修的一部詳細的軍事理論與軍事技術的巨著，其中就有大量的火器介紹與火藥的配製方法。後來在蒙古人西征時，火藥又被傳到西方。

傳統數學在宋朝取得很大成就與進步，賈憲、秦九韶和楊輝都是出眾的數學家。著名的成果有「楊輝三角形」等，數學著作則有《數書九章》和《楊輝算法》。宋朝的曆法一共更改了十九次，是中國歷史上曆法改革非常頻繁的時代。在神宗之前，使用的是楚衍所編制的崇天曆。神宗到徽宗期間，改採以姚舜輔編制的紀元曆。南宋的曆法是以楊忠輔編制的統天曆為主。它定一回歸年的長度為365.2425日，比實際週期僅差廿六秒。與目前所用的西曆格裏曆完全一致。但比格裏曆要早四百年。在天文儀器上，燕肅在天聖八年（1030年）發明的蓮花漏首次使用漫流系統，記時的精準性因此獲得大幅度的提高。蘇頌在元祐七年（1092年）研製成功的水運儀象台實現渾儀、渾象和報時的三位一體，並且具有近世天文台的開啟式圓頂等工具。景德三年（1006年）對豺狼座超新星的觀察記錄和至和元年（1054年）的天關客星觀察記錄是寶貴的天文資料。宋朝政府對醫藥學非常重視，設有太醫局與翰林醫官院，官修醫方有《太平聖惠方》等，官修本草有《開寶本草》等。中醫的分科由唐朝的四科增加到九科，婦科與兒科在宋朝正式成形。針灸學、解剖學與法醫學進步尤大，最著名的法醫著作是宋慈所著的《洗冤集錄》。宋朝最重要的科技著作是沈括所著的《夢溪筆談》。夢溪筆談共計達卅卷，六百零九條，全面總結當時宋朝的科技成就。

建築

宋朝在經濟、手工業和科學技術方面都有發展，使得宋代的建築師、木匠、技工、工程師、斗栱體系、建築構造與造型技術達到很高的水平。建築方式也日漸趨向系統化與模組化，建築物慢慢出現自由多變的組合，並且綻放出成熟的風格並且擁有更專業的外型。為了增強室內的空間與採光度，採用減柱法和移柱法，樑柱上的斗拱鋪作層數增多，更出現不規整形的樑柱鋪排形式，跳出唐朝樑柱鋪排的工整模式。宋代的建築明顯瘦長單薄，有弧形的屋頂以及宋代特有的尖塔。

雖然宋朝有很多不同類型的建築物，但傑出的建築都是佛塔、石橋、木橋、園林、皇陵與宮殿。由於注重意境的園林設計特意追求把自然美與人工美融為一體的意境，所以這一時期的建築，一改唐代雄渾的特點，變得纖巧秀麗，柔弱纖秀，曲線柔和，注重裝飾，華麗而繁細。建築物的屋脊、屋角有起翹之勢，不像唐代渾厚的風格，給人一種輕柔的感覺。油漆的大量使用，顏色十分突出。在窗櫺，樑柱與石座的雕刻與彩繪的變化十分豐富，柱子造型更是變化多端。

雖然數千年來，建築智慧依靠口耳相傳，子承父業相傳下來，關於建築的文獻卻早已存在。歷史學家通過水墨畫中所描繪的建築物了解宋朝建築的配搭。此外李誡所著之《營造法式》是宋朝建築學的重要文獻，它對施工和度量的描述非常深入，比以前的文獻更有組織，也對後世中國建築設計，影響深遠。另一方面，朝廷設立專門負責建築營造及相關的官職與機構－將作監來掌管宮室建築，讓建築智慧有系統地流傳下來。

藝術

宋朝是中國書畫藝術的頂峰期，宋朝皇帝特別重視書畫事業，在宮廷設立翰林畫藝局，翰林圖畫院與畫學。宋畫主要可分為山水畫、人物畫、花鳥畫三大分類。中國山水畫到宋朝為一多方發展之時期，派別之分演既多，畫家亦彬彬輩出。宋朝初期中國山水畫承襲五代荊浩、關仝、董源與巨然等人，使中國山水畫推向高峰。北宋以米芾、米友仁父子最為卓越，他們成功的將文人畫與山水畫風格相融合，後人難以企及。其他山水畫名家還有北宋的范寬、郭熙。范寬的《谿山行旅圖》中峰鼎立的構圖方式，表現出山的氣勢雄偉，前景作一巨石與主峰取得平衡，並以山腰的一線飛瀑，連貫上下氣勢。到了宋代南渡以後，山水畫風大變，崇尚水墨。有名的有號稱為「南宋四家」的李唐、劉松年、馬遠和夏圭等。李唐、劉松年等畫家的筆法細潤，色彩富麗，精麗巧整，世稱院體。後來的馬遠與夏珪學習唐朝畫法並參以南宋水墨之法。。

文人畫與花鳥畫互相融合，讓宋朝花鳥畫顯得格外清麗脫俗。花鳥畫自從五代黃筌與徐熙分道揚輝之後，到了宋朝，純綷審美之風氣盛行起來，以致於花鳥畫與山水畫更加興盛，幾乎取代人物畫的中心地位。宋初名家有黃居寀和徐崇嗣二人並起，其情形頗興北宗山水發展於院內，南宗山水發展於院外者相似。除了黃徐二人之外，還有崔白和宋徽宗擅長花鳥畫。徽宗的書法和繪畫都在中國藝術史上有重要地位。徽宗獨創瘦金體，並重視書畫事業。翰林書畫院的地位大幅提高，著名畫家，清明上河圖的作者張擇端就是其提拔。其子趙構也受到薰陶，成為傑出書法家。徽宗時期，院體畫中的花鳥畫大盛，徽宗本人就是個花鳥畫大家。宋朝人物畫的宗師是李公麟，他繪畫體裁廣泛，無所不工無所不能。以建築物比例構圖的界畫在宋朝勃興，郭忠恕和張擇端是其代表。南渡以後，歷史人物題材畫開始興起。蘇漢臣的《秋庭嬰戲圖》，畫中的兩個小孩推棗磨時的精神和眼神，就令人嘆為觀止。道釋人物畫在宋代不甚盛行，不過確有一些重要畫家出現，包括武宗元、李公麟、梁楷等人。其中以《八十七神仙卷》最為出名，眾多仙人仙女，飄然列隊而行，行如流水，極為生動。

宋朝是中國歷代當中陶瓷藝術的鼎盛時期，其形制優美，高雅凝重，不但超越前人成就，即使後人仿製也少能匹敵。宋瓷經學者研究歸納，以定、汝、官、哥、鈞五大名窯最為出名。定窯以白瓷淺刻見長；汝窯、官窯與哥窯則以青瓷為主，青瓷係以氧化鐵為發色劑，先在壞體上施以淺浮雕，再施釉，燒成翠綠，影青等等；鈞窯位於鈞州，作品特色為用鐵、銅、鈦等金屬氧化物，經燒成後在土壞表面形成各種紅、綠、紫、白，多採多姿的效果。官窯，顧名思義，即專門為皇室燒製的陶瓷。南宋時由於許多北方名窯的工匠避難來到南方，為南宋的青瓷、白瓷工藝帶來新的技術，加上海上絲瓷之路的便利，使中國瓷器開始zh-hans:畅销; zh-hant:暢銷; zh-tw:行銷;到世界各地。

宋朝書法主張尚意，注重在哲理性、書卷氣、風格化與意境表現，同時也提倡個性化和獨創性。宋朝書法跳脫唐朝的風格而開創新局。隋唐五代的書法注重在「工」的體現，而宋朝書法主張尚意抒情的部分，需具有「學識」即「書卷氣」的部分。蘇軾提出「我書意造」的口號，他的筆法內緊外松，險竣多變。蘇（蘇軾）、黃（黃庭堅）、米（米芾）、蔡（蔡襄，「蔡」原指蔡京，為北宋誤國六賊之一，後世以其「人品奸惡」，遂改為蔡襄）為北宋書法四大家。宋四家一改唐楷面貌。直接晉帖行書遺風。無論是天資既高的蔡襄和自出新意的蘇東坡，還是高視古人的黃庭堅和蕭散奇險的米芾，都力圖在表現自己的書法風貌的同時，凸現出一種標新立異的姿態，使學問之氣鬱鬱芊芊發於筆墨之間，並給人以一種新的審美意境。而南宋的吳說、宋徽宗、陸游、范成大、朱熹、文天祥等書家中進一步延伸，其中宋徽宗特殊的書法風格被稱作瘦金體，然而南宋書家的學問和筆墨功底已不能和北宋四家相比。

宋朝時，油畫較有發展，作品有如易元吉《寒梅雀兔圖》、趙大年《雪犬》、陳公儲《畫龍》、龔吉《兔》冊、宋澥山水畫冊等。時油畫多為絹帛油畫。北宋《營造法式》記載了桐油煉製法。有說中國油畫在元代傳入歐洲，其說待訂。

社會

由於晚唐五代時期門閥士族已經沒落，科舉考試制度到宋代真正得到廣泛應用，對社會真正產生極其重大的影響。科舉制度使大量過去貧寒的讀書人一躍成為士大夫階級，使政府與社會有了緊密的聯繫，也打開平民入仕為官的管道。透過科舉入仕的知識階級在宋朝時已在政治、經濟、法律、文化各方面取得十分全面的優勢地位，在法律上也擁有許多特權，因而社會大眾以中舉任官做為讀書的首要目標，社會也就衍生出「萬般皆下品，唯有讀書高」的風尚。儒家的忠孝節義觀念，透過社會、鄉約、族規、家禮等各種方式深入民間，推廣於全社會。中國自宋代以後也得以構成一個比唐代遠為普及的文化社會族群。而基層知識分子，構成基層鄉紳，並成為村鎮百姓與官府的橋樑。他們指導公共工程、支援學校與書院、編纂地方地誌、參加地方祭典、糾集賑災工作、招募地方自衛武力、提供村鎮行為規範。兩宋時期，透過科舉孕育而成的士大夫階級，是一個同時擁有政治權力、經濟優勢、學術文化素養的新興族群。

瓦舍是重要的庶民遊樂場所，內有勾欄，專供大眾娛樂。東京的瓦舍見於《東京夢華錄》的就有十座。臨安的瓦舍見於《武林舊事》的有廿三座。瓦舍的演出內容呈現商業化、專業化、通俗化、大眾化的新趨勢。演出的內容主要包括說唱、戲劇、雜技和武術等。其形式多樣，深受大眾的好評。而在農村，宗族制度成為維繫社會的主因。廿世紀之前，中國的政權只向下延伸到縣衙，其下完全通過「鄉保」與「族長」進行管理。在理學的教化下與士人的影響下，官方辦理社會救助；透過理學薰陶，商人階級出資辦理社會救助。救助內容除了辦書院、訂鄉約以激勵品德外，還普遍辦理義莊，以救貧恤孤，資助教育；辦社倉，以備荒歉 ；辦保甲，以補地方之武裝而保民。這種由士人自發的救助工作，成為自南宋以降中國社會安定的重大因素。在宋代之前，官方的社會救助活動多屬臨時性質；宋代開始，各州縣普遍設立各種社會救助的永久性機構。族長通過訂立鄉約鄉規來保持社會的秩序。地方紳士通過辦學、救濟事業、修橋鋪路等手段造福鄉里。

學者柳詒徵認為宋朝的會社企業、集會集市以及行業協會組織十分發達。例如，吳自牧《夢粱錄》記錄了文化、藝術、宗教、娛樂、食品餐飲、商業、製作、服務等各行業各種社會團行，諸如踏弩社、蹴鞠社、打球社、賭錢社、靈寶會、茶湯會、花團、菜行、魚行、酒行、食飯行、布行、銷金行、香水行、腰帶作、油作、木作、竹作、香燭作、裱褙作、裝鑾作、裁縫作等各種企業，以及鬥寶會、米市、肉市、藥市、花市、珠子市等各種集會集市。各種行業協會、商會十分活躍。公共慈善事業，有米場、柴場、藥局、養濟坊、安濟局、慈幼局、居養院等機構，由官府舉辦或平民捐助，用以救助遇災或貧病幼老無告之人家。政府和民間無不認為慈善事業為公共事業之最要者，其風實自宋啟之。

君主年表

註：宋太祖黃袍加身後所追諡之其祖宗從未稱帝、掌權，故不收錄，可見宋朝君主列表一文

註解