Early life

Wei Yan was from Yiyang Commandery (義陽郡), which covered parts of present-day Nanyang in southern Henan and parts of northern Hubei. He started his career as a foot soldier under the warlord Liu Bei, probably sometime between 209 and 211 when Liu Bei was in southern Jing Province (covering present-day Hubei and Hunan). Around 212, he followed Liu Bei into Yi Province (covering present-day Sichuan and Chongqing) and served Liu Bei as a personal retainer in a war against Liu Zhang, the Governor of Yi Province (益州牧). Huang Zhong and Wei Yan scored many military exploits during the capture of Guanghan County. Thus, Wei Yan promoted to full general.

The campaign met early success with the quick death of Gao Pei and Yang Huai and the later occupation of the passes, followed by the defeat of Liu Zhang's reinforcements at Fu County. Pang Tong was killed during the siege of Luocheng and the siege became a prolonged one. One year later, Wei Yan and Liu Bei finally captured Luocheng, then surrounded and occupied Chengdu together with Zhuge Liang, Zhang Fei along with others. Thus, around the summer of 214, Liu Bei seized control of Yi Province from Liu Zhang. As Wei Yan has made several contributions in the conquest of Yi Province, Liu Bei promoted him to the rank of General of the Ivory Gate.

Administrator of Hanzhong

In 217, Liu Bei started the Hanzhong Campaign against his rival Cao Cao. There is no direct mention of Wei Yan's participation. After Liu Bei captured Hanzhong, Liu Bei asked his subjects to nominate one of his generals to remain behind and guard Hanzhong. His subjects nominated Zhang Fei, who also strongly believed that he would most likely be chosen. However, much to everyone's surprise, Liu Bei chose Wei Yan instead and appointed him as General Who Guards Distant Lands and acting Administrator of Hanzhong (漢中太守). When Liu Bei asked Wei Yan in front of everyone how would he perform his duty, the latter confidently replied:

Liu Bei was very pleased and everyone was impressed with Wei Yan's reply.

During his tenure, Wei Yan explained to Liu Bei that he used a strategy called the "double gates" (重門之計|labels=no). The ancient text I Ching described this strategy as a particularly designed fortification which laid numerous military garrisons surrounding the outskirt and trail exits linking to Hanzhong.

Following the end of the Eastern Han dynasty and the start of the Three Kingdoms period in 220, Liu Bei declared himself emperor in 221 and established the state of Shu Han (or Shu) to challenge the legitimacy of the Cao Wei (or Wei) state established by Cao Cao's successor, Cao Pi, to replace the Eastern Han dynasty. Liu Bei further promoted Wei Yan to General Who Guards the North after his coronation.

Northern Expeditions

After Liu Bei died in 223, his son Liu Shan succeeded him as the emperor of Shu. In the same year, Liu Shan enfeoffed Wei Yan as a Marquis of a Chief Village (都亭侯).

In 227, Zhuge Liang, the Imperial Chancellor of Shu, mobilised the Shu military and gathered troops in Hanzhong Commandery in preparation for a large scale invasion of Shu's rival state, Cao Wei (or Wei), where he put Wei Yan in charge of the vanguard division and appointed him as acting Major under the Imperial Chancellor and acting Inspector of Liang Province (涼州刺史). During this campaign, Wei Yan always requested to lead a separate detachment of 10,000 troops, take a different route through the Ziwu Valley (子午谷|labels=no) and rendezvous with the Shu main army at Tong Pass (潼關|labels=no; in present-day Tongguan County, Shaanxi).

Wei Yan argued that the Ziwu Valley and its resources could support the Shu army's operations at least for a week. However, Zhuge Liang rejected the plan because he thought that it was too risky, prompting Wei Yan to call Zhuge Liang a coward and complain that his talent was not put to good use. When Chen Shou compiled the unofficial works on the history of Shu to write the Sanguozhi, he only mentioned that Wei Yan suggested to Zhuge Liang to split the Shu army into two, and the two forces would take two different routes and rendezvous at Tong Pass.

Later in 230, during the Ziwu Campaign, Wei Yan led some troops towards Yangxi (陽谿|labels=no; southwest of present-day Wushan County, Gansu) and engaged the Wei forces led by and Guo Huai and Fei Yao, where Wei Yan managed to inflict a heavy defeat to them. During the same year, he also assisted another Shu general Wu Yi in attacking Nan'an Commandery (南安郡|labels=no; southeast of present-day Longxi County, Gansu) where they scored another victory against a Wei army led by Fei Yao.

During the fourth campaign in 231, Wei Yan was also involved in the Battle of Mount Qi when he, together with the Shu generals Gao Xiang and Wu Ban, scored a major victory against the Wei army led by Sima Yi, during which they killed 3,000 Wei soldiers and seized 5,000 sets of armour and 3,100 crossbows. Sima Yi was forced to retreat back to his camp. Zhang He, a veteran Wei general, was also killed in battle during this conflict. As a reward for his contributions, the Shu government promoted Wei Yan to Vanguard Military Adviser and Senior General Who Attacks the West, and elevated him from a village marquis to a county marquis under the title "Marquis of Nanzheng".

Battle of Wuzhang Plains

In 234, Zhuge Liang launched the fifth Shu invasion of Wei, with Wei Yan leading the Shu vanguard force as one of the commanding officers. Wei Yan reportedly had a dream that a horn grew on top of his head. He asked the dream diviner Zhao Zhi (趙直|labels=no) the meaning of this. Zhao Zhi lied to him and said:

After Wei Yan left, Zhao Zhi revealed to someone that the Chinese character for "horn" (角|labels=no) is composed of a "knife" (刀|labels=no) with "use" (用|labels=no) below it, which meant that dreaming of "using a knife" atop one's head was an extremely ominous omen. Later in the encampment, Wei Yan had a quarrel with Yang Yi, Zhuge Liang's chief clerk, whom Wei Yan was extremely resentful of. Whenever they got into heated quarrels, Wei Yan often drew his sword and brandished it in front of Yang Yi, who sobbed as tears rolled down his cheeks. This prompted Fei Yi to step in to stop them from fighting and keep them under control until Zhuge Liang's death. Zhuge Liang was upset by the lack of harmony between Wei Yan and Yang Yi, but was unwilling to side with either of them because he appreciated the talents of both men.

When Zhuge Liang became critically ill during the invasion, he gave secret orders to Yang Yi, Fei Yi and Jiang Wei to lead the army back to Shu after his death, with Wei Yan in charge of the rearguard and Jiang Wei to follow behind. If Wei Yan refused to follow the order, they were to retreat without him. When Zhuge Liang died, news of his death was kept secret. Yang Yi sent Fei Yi to meet Wei Yan and assess his intentions. Wei Yan told Fei Yi:

Wei Yan then asked Fei Yi to assist him in making arrangements for part of the Shu army to remain behind and continue with the campaign, while the rest would retreat back to Shu. Fei Yi pretended to write a letter, signed by both of them, and told Wei Yan that he would read out the letter to all the officers about the new arrangements. It turned out that he had lied by telling Wei Yan that he would go back and explain Wei Yan's answer to Yang Yi.

Death

Wei Yan then let Fei Yi leave, but he immediately regretted his decision and went after Fei Yi, but could not catch up with Fei Yi in time. He then sent his subordinate to meet Yang Yi and the others, but was shocked to discover that all units were preparing to retreat in accordance with Zhuge Liang's final orders. Wei Yan wanted to continue the battle even though Zhuge Liang had died, so he became furious when he heard of the retreat. He intended to block the Shu forces from retreating, so he led his force towards the south – ahead of the main army under Yang Yi's command – and sealed the return route by destroying the gallery roads leading back to Shu.

Wei Yan and Yang Yi separately wrote memorials to the Shu imperial court to accuse each other of treason; both memorials arrived in Chengdu on the same day. The Shu emperor Liu Shan asked the ministers Dong Yun and Jiang Wan for their opinions. Both of them sided with Yang Yi and felt that Wei Yan's actions were suspicious. In the meantime, Yang Yi ordered his men to cut down trees to rebuild the gallery roads, and his troops marched day and night to catch up with Wei Yan. Wei Yan arrived at the southern valley first and ordered his soldiers to attack Yang Yi. Yang Yi sent Wang Ping to resist Wei Yan. Wang Ping shouted at Wei Yan:

Wei Yan's men knew that their commander was in the wrong so they deserted.

Wei Yan was left with only his son(s) and a few followers, and they fled towards Hanzhong Commandery. Yang Yi ordered Ma Dai to give chase. Ma Dai executed Wei Yan, brought his head back, and threw it in front of Yang Yi. Yang Yi trampled on Wei Yan's head and said:

Wei Yan's family members and close relatives were also executed. Before Wei Yan's death, Jiang Wan had led the imperial guards from Chengdu to deal with what appeared to be a mutiny by Wei Yan. They had travelled for about 10 li (about three miles) when they received news of Wei Yan's death; they then turned back and returned to Chengdu.

Character analysis

Wei Yan was known for treating his soldiers well and for his bravery with valour that surpassed others. However, he was also boastful of his talents, hence his peers tended to shun him. Sun Quan had also once remarked that once Zhuge Liang died, Wei Yan would prove to be an unreliable person. Chen Shou, who wrote Wei Yan's biography in the Sanguozhi, analysed Wei Yan's death as such: Chen Shou also remarked that Zhuge Liang valued Wei Yan's bravery and was caught in a dilemma when the latter got into conflict with Yang Yi, whose talent Zhuge Liang also appreciated.

A similar, but somewhat different and more detailed, account exists in the historical text Weilüe by Yu Huan. It stated that Zhuge Liang told Wei Yan to set up defences, although he also gave further instruction to "not return here". Wei Yan kept this order to himself and did not share it with others, thus prompting Wei Yan's rival, Yang Yi, to spread false rumours that Wei Yan intended to defect to the enemy, causing Shu forces to turn against Wei Yan and result in his downfall. Pei Songzhi, who added the Weilüe account to Wei Yan's biography and annotated the Sanguozhi, cast doubts on the Weilüe account:

Wei Yan's death was explained in political terms in "Injustice to Wei Yan" (魏延的千古奇冤), a neoteric article by Zhu Ziyan, a history professor from Shanghai University. Zhu wrote that Zhuge Liang personally appointed Jiang Wan, Fei Yi and Jiang Wei to be his successors, but Wei Yan's appointments and contributions were greater than those of any of them at the time. Zhuge Liang ostracised Wei Yan and cracked down on him because he wanted to eliminate Wei Yan as a possible obstacle to his appointed successors.

Meanwhile, in the Analysis of the Three Kingdoms, Yi Zhongtian commented that Zhuge Liang's last order to forcibly retreat and leave Wei Yan alone was contradicted by what he personally instructed Wei Yan; such contradiction indirectly led to tragedy between Wei Yan and Yang Yi. The forced retreat after Zhuge Liang's death might have been Yang Yi's idea rather than Zhuge Liang's, since Zhuge Liang died before devising any withdrawal plan. Yi Zhongtian thus theorised that there was no evidence of the theory that Yang Yi fabricated the order. Yi Zhongtian also explained another possible hypothesis that Zhuge Liang's final order "leave Wei Yan alone" simply meant "ignore Wei Yan" rather than "kill Wei Yan"; the Shu forces had to withdraw and if Wei Yan could not be stopped, they should have just let him be. Yi Zhongtian analysed and criticised Wei Yan for not grasping the political-economic reasons behind Zhuge Liang's expeditions and his extreme caution. Zhuge Liang launched the expeditions not only to restore the Han dynasty, but also to keep Shu in a state of war so that he could strengthen his control over Shu's internal affairs and suppress potential dissidence among local elites in Shu.

As the smallest and weakest amongst the Three Kingdoms, Shu would be the first one to be targeted, hence it had to launch preemptive attacks to intimidate its opponents, to expand its territory, and to improve its conditions - the chances of success were not high but it would have been better than doing nothing. Zhuge Liang's goal of restoring the Han dynasty was sincere and had never changed. However, Wei was too powerful and could not be defeated in a single blow, hence the expeditions had to be carried out in a careful manner with guaranteed advances rather than going with daring but risky strikes which could lead to disasters like the Battles of Xiaoting and Fancheng. Such a complicated situation could not be explained clearly to Wei Yan, and probably did not need to be, as Zhuge Liang wanted to keep Wei Yan's morale at his peak.

Ziwu Valley plan analysis

Wei Yan's reasoning for his Ziwu Valley Plan was recorded in the Weilüe, which was then added as an annotation to his biography in the Sanguozhi, where Chen Shou recorded that Wei Yan received intelligence which led him to conclude that the defender of the strategic city of Chang'an, Xiahou Mao, was incompetent. Thus, Wei Yan reasoned, it would be easy for him to take 5,000 troops (and another 5,000 to carry supplies) across the Qin Mountains via the Ziwu Valley and into Chang'an. Wei Yan estimated that he would reach Chang'an in ten days and scare Xiahou Mao into flight, leaving the grain in Chang'an's storehouses for Shu's taking. There, Wei Yan's force can wait for Zhuge Liang's main army to take the safer road out of Xie Valley (斜谷|labels=no) and rendezvous in Chang'an. In this way, the region west of Xianyang could be conquered in one movement." The Weilue argued that the plan might have worked; Sima Yi had acknowledged the possibility that Shu forces would carry out the plan while Xiahou Mao had not realised it.

When the Wei government received intelligence about Wei Yan's Ziwu Valley Plan, the Wei emperor Cao Rui immediately removed Xiahou Mao from his military command in Chang'an and reassigned him to be a Master of Writing (尚書) in Luoyang. Yi Zhongtian, in his Analysis of the Three Kingdoms, commented that both proponents and opponents of Wei Yan's plan had strong reasons. Wei forces were rather unprepared to counter the first Northern Expedition as they had not foreseen that Shu forces could launch such an offensive, hence both Zhuge Liang and Wei Yan's strikes could have dealt a massive blow to Wei defences. However, Wei Yan's plan was also very risky, as neither Xiahou Mao's retreat nor the timely arrival of the main Shu force led by Zhuge Liang could have been guaranteed. Moreover, the Wei general Guo Huai was stationed nearby and could have come to Xiahou Mao's aid.

However, recent scholarship of Chinese history criticised the Weilue account, stating that Yu Huan had exaggerated the alleged conflict between Wei Yan and Zhuge Liang over the latter's rejection of the former's Ziwu Valley plan. Wen-Chin Wang of the Department of Chinese Language and Literature suspected that the Weilue account was biased since Yu Huan supported the state of Wei.

Legacy

Military fortification

The "Heavy Gate" (重門之計|labels=no) bulwark designed by Wei Yan during his tenure as Administrator of Hanzhong Commandery particularly turned out useful on two occasions when his successors as Administrator of Hanzhong Commandery used it to repel invaders. It also helped the Shu general Wang Ping defend Hanzhong Commandery from a massive invasion led by the Wei general Cao Shuang. The Shu general Jiang Wei later dismantled the "Heavy Gate" fortification in favour of his own design. However, Jiang Wei's new defence strategy failed to impede Wei invaders led by Zhong Hui, and Jiang Wei himself ultimately lost control of Hanzhong.

Wei Yan Shrines

A Wei Yan Shrine (魏延祠) is located in Baique Village, Sanquan Township, Zitong County, Sichuan. In front of the shrine flows a Wei Family River (魏家河). On the plains east of the river, there once stood a Wei Family River Temple (魏家河廟), which had three stone tablets in front of it. One of the stone tablets bears the words "Wei Yan once led soldiers and was stationed here." According to legend, in 231, during the fourth Shu invasion of Wei, Zhuge Liang ordered Wei Yan to lead a separate force to station south of the Wei Family River where, in memory of the incident, the locals built the Wei Family River Temple beside the river and a small bridge called "General Bridge". The Wei Yan Shrine was initially demolished by the government but was rebuilt in 1995. A statue of Wei Yan stands in the main hall of the shrine.

There is another temple attributed to Wei Yan in Wei Yan's purported hometown in Weijia Village, Gaobao Township, Qingfeng County, Henan.

In popular cultures

In Romance of the Three Kingdoms

Wei Yan appears as a character in the historical novel Romance of the Three Kingdoms by Luo Guanzhong, which romanticises the historical events leading to, and during the Three Kingdoms period, such as Wei Yan participation in the fictional Battle of Changsha. Wei Yan surrendered to Liu Bei after killing his superior, Han Xuan.

During a clash between Liu Bei against Ma Chao forces, Wei Yan defeat Ma Dai after they duelled for several bouts, causing the latter to flee.

During the battle in Hanzhong, Wei Yan and Zhang Fei were unable to overcame Zhang He, causing both to retreat.

According to Zhang Chaoju, Wei Yan was beaten during this campaign by Cao Cao's general, Pang De.

Later, during the battle of Wuzhang plains, Wei Yan lured Sima Yi and his two sons, Sima Shi and Sima Zhao into a fire ambush. However, a sudden, heavy rain caused the fire to extinguish, and the plan failed; prompting the Simas to escape.

Modern era depictions

「Sun Qi Mountain」 drama which was written by Wei Ming-Lun, that described the relationship between two important historical figures Zhuge Liang and Wei Yan depicted the latter in positive light as it was not Wei Yan intent to betray Shu, which making him as tragic hero figure.

Wei Yan is featured as a playable character in Koei's Dynasty Warriors and Warriors Orochi video game series. He also appears in Koei's Dynasty Tactics 2.

Bibliography

Notes

References

Primary & secondary sources

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生平

初露鋒芒

211年（建安十六年），魏延以私兵身份跟隨主君劉備入蜀，在取蜀攻略中數有戰功，拜為牙門將軍。漢中之戰之後，劉備自立為漢中王，遷回成都，在決定重地漢中的守將時，眾論都以為此職必在張飛，張飛亦以心中自許之。不想劉備卻破格提拔升任魏延為督漢中鎮遠將軍、漢中太守，全軍震驚；為此，劉備大會群臣。問魏延：「今委你重任，你上任後，欲如何應對？」魏延答：「若曹操舉天下而來，請為大王拒之；偏將十萬之眾至，請為大王吞之。」劉備稱善，群臣皆附和。劉備稱帝，拜其為鎮北將軍，成為獨當一方之大將。

重門之計

據《洋縣志》記載，魏延在防守漢中時長期布署了「重門之計」。此「重門之計」並非重於城門的防守，而是於漢中險要之地，東、南、北門、等各路關口、隘口，設下大型防禦工事，皆以強將銳卒守御，工事中弩兵可強弩齊發，隘口下可輕騎疾行，並可相互救援、接應，以精銳部隊防禦反擊的策略。

北伐大將

227年（建興五年），諸葛亮為預備北伐，進駐漢中，以魏延為督前部、丞相司馬，領涼州刺史。

230年（建興八年），曹真上表認為蜀漢多次犯境，建議攻伐蜀漢。魏明帝接納，曹真於是從長安出兵，從子午道入；司馬懿經漢水進軍，另外有部分於斜谷入，從多路進攻蜀漢，但因大雨而罷兵。同年，魏延與關中都督吳懿率軍西入羌中，並在陽谿大破魏後將軍費瑤、雍州刺史郭淮率領的魏軍，諸葛亮上表魏延之功，再受領前軍師、遷征西大將軍、授假節、封爵南鄭侯。

231年（建興九年），諸葛亮第四次北伐，與司馬懿對峙。據《漢晉春秋》記載，諸葛亮命魏延、高翔、吳班逆戰司馬懿，魏軍大敗。此戰漢軍獲甲首三千級、衣鎧五千領、角弩三千一百張，司馬懿還保營。

魏延每次隨軍北伐，都請諸葛亮給他統領萬兵，另走一路攻關中，最後與諸葛亮會師於潼關，如同前漢將領韓信的例子，但諸葛亮一直不許，因此魏延經常埋怨諸葛亮膽怯，恨自己之才不能盡用。依三國志補註《魏略》的記載：227年，諸葛亮第一次北伐時，魏延曾在軍議上提出建議，認為長安守將夏侯楙怯而無謀，故願自請精兵五千，由子午谷直取長安（計出子午谷），並認為夏侯楙一定會棄城逃走，而諸葛亮認為此計懸危而不用。

兵權之爭

234年（建興十二年）秋，諸葛亮於五丈原病危時，與長史楊儀、司馬費禕、護軍姜維商討退軍事宜，決議由魏延斷後，姜維次之；但若魏延抗命，就自行引軍撤退。

諸葛亮死後，楊儀掌握軍權，秘不發喪，並令費禕前往前線軍營傳達退軍事宜時，藉此觀察魏延之端倪態度。魏延得悉後說：「丞相雖然亡故，但還有我在。只需丞相府上親近之官屬便可將丞相遺體還而葬之，我當自率領諸軍擊賊（魏軍），怎麼能以丞相一人之死，而荒廢天下大事呢？況且我魏延（前軍師）是何等人物，居然還得要為（長史）楊儀所部制約，為其斷後！」

費禕于是對魏延道：「當為君抓住楊長史（楊儀）及其手下一幹文吏，以散楊長史之軍權，必不違背命令。」魏延聽聞費禕所言後遂信之，讓費禕離開回到中軍，費禕出營門後便騎馬奔馳而去，魏延事後尋思才警覺沒先讓費禕簽署軍令狀作為保證憑據就放行離去，恐怕事後費禕會反悔不助魏延掌握軍權，並為此感到後悔，但欲追之已經不及。

同時魏延亦派人打探楊儀在中軍的動態，得知楊儀已經依亮成規，諸營帳皆陸續引軍而返。魏延大怒，趁著楊儀所部還未進發，遂先率領其所部南歸，並燒毀棧道阻斷楊儀南歸之路。

之後，魏延、楊儀皆上奏對方叛逆之意，一日間兩方的奏文都飛檄致成都朝堂。後主閱聞雙方奏聞後，問策於侍中董允、留營長史蔣琬等眾臣意見，兩人都表態懷疑魏延行為可疑而保楊儀，於是後主令蔣琬率宿衛營北上介入魏延、楊儀之爭。

楊儀等人經由山谷通道，日夜並行，亦追跡於魏延之後。魏延先至並佔據了南谷口，遣兵逆襲楊儀等人，楊儀等人遂命討寇將軍王平（何平）在前抵禦。

王平對魏延及其先行部隊罵道：「公亡，身尚未寒，汝輩何敢乃爾！」魏延部下將士認為錯誤在魏延，不敢為其賣命、軍隊潰散。魏延於是獨與其子數人逃亡，奔漢中。

楊儀派平北將軍馬岱追斬之，並帶回其首級，楊儀起腳踏之：「庸奴！復能作惡不？」遂誅滅魏延三族。起初蔣琬率領宿衛諸營，行數十里，聽聞魏延已死，問其原委，乃旋而歸返。

《三國志》言：「原延意不北降魏而南還者，但欲除殺儀等。平日諸將素不同、冀時論必當以代亮。本指如此。不便背叛。」（起先魏延不往北投降曹魏卻南歸的用意，只是想要除掉楊儀及其手下等人。平時諸將便常與魏延有不同意見、當時的議論卻也期待他必可以取代諸葛亮。本意如此。不能說他有背叛的意思。）

《晉書·天文志》曰：九月，亮卒於軍，焚營而退，群帥交怨，多相誅殘。

《晉書·宣帝紀》曰：亮部將楊儀、魏延爭權，儀斬延，並其眾。帝欲乘隙而進，有詔不許。

《三國志·蜀書·後主傳》則提到：征西大將軍魏延與丞相長史楊儀爭權不和，舉兵相攻，延敗走。斬延首，儀率諸軍還成都。大赦。

《魏略》曰：諸葛亮患病，告訴魏延等人說：「我死之後，但謹慎自守，更不要遣人來探視我。」令魏延攝行己事，密持喪而去。魏延遂隱匿之，行至褒口乃發喪。亮長史楊儀宿與魏延不和，見到魏延已攝軍事，懼怕為其所害，乃張言魏延欲舉眾北附（魏），遂率其眾攻之。魏延本無此心，不戰率軍而自走，被追而殺之。

遺計護漢

244年春（魏延死後十年），發生興勢之役，曹魏大將軍曹爽率十多萬步騎攻向漢川，前鋒已在駱谷。當時漢中兵力不滿三萬，諸將大驚。守將王平決定採取魏延長期在漢中所佈署的「重門之計」，護軍劉敏也贊同王平之舉，遂立即實行。漢軍堅守要隘，直到涪城諸軍，和自成都的費禕率領之援軍到來，逼使魏軍撤退。當時，鄧芝在東，馬忠在南，王平在北，為蜀漢守著各路的關津、要隘。

地位

• 史載之名聲、功績，與趙雲相近或略勝之。而在前將軍關羽、左將軍馬超、右將軍張飛、後將軍黃忠之後。劉備進位漢中王時，魏延遷鎮遠將軍領漢中太守，趙雲遷翊軍將軍領中護軍。後主年代建興元年，魏延為鎮北將軍，封都亭侯，趙雲則至鎮東將軍、封爵永昌亭侯（亭侯）。建興八年，魏延更至征西大將軍、封爵南鄭侯（縣侯），此時趙雲已歿。

• 關羽、張飛、馬超等人先後授假節，魏延則是後主劉禪建興年代第一位被授予假節的高級官員。唯，黃忠、趙雲二人是否有被授予假節，並無紀錄。

• 關羽受節為假節鉞，馬超，張飛為假節（劉備時代）。魏延授節為使持節。（後主時代）

評價

• 陳壽：「延既善養士卒，勇猛過人，以勇略任，並咸貴重。平日諸將素不同，又性矜高，當時皆避下之」、「魏延以勇略任……覽其舉措，跡其規矩，招禍取咎，無不自己也。」

• 楊戲的《季漢輔臣贊》中贊魏文長：「文長剛粗，臨難受命，折衝外禦，鎮保國境。不協不和，忘節言亂，疾終惜始，實惟厥性。」

• 孫權：「楊儀、魏延，牧豎小人也。雖嘗有鳴吠之益於時務，然既已任之，勢不得輕，若一朝無諸葛亮，必為禍亂矣。」

• 張耽：「使以故之明君靡不慎於將相也。然議者舉將多推宿舊，未必妙盡精才也。且韓信之舉，非舊名也；穰苴之信，非舊將也；呂蒙之進，非舊勳也；魏延之用，非舊德也。蓋明王之舉，舉無常人，才之所能，則授以大事。」

• 裴松之：「由今觀之，皆以亮不用延計為怯。凡兵之動，佑敵之主，知敵之將。邈之不用延計者，佑魏主之明略，而司馬懿輩不可輕也。亮欲平取隴右，且不獲如志，況欲乘僥倖，盡定咸陽以西邪！」

• 李苗：「每讀《蜀書》，見魏延請出長安，諸葛不許，嘆息謂亮無奇計。」

• 魏元忠：「夫才生於世，世實須才。何世而不生才？何才而不資世？故物有不求，未有無物之歲；士有不用，未有無士之時也。志士在富貴與賤貧，皆思立功名以傳於後，然知己難而所遇罕。士之懷琬琰就煨塵、抱棟幹困溝壑者，悠悠之人直睹此士之貧賤，安知其方略哉！故漢拜韓信，舉軍驚笑；蜀用魏延，群臣觖望。此富貴者易為善，貧賤者難為功也。」

• 何去非：「蜀師每出，魏延常請萬兵趨他道以為奇。亮每拒之，而延深以憤惋。孔明之出者六，蓋嚐一用其奇矣。聲言由斜谷而遂攻祁山，以出魏人之不意。一旦而降其三郡，關輔大震。卒以失律自喪其師，奇之不可廢於兵也如此！而孔明之不務此也，此銳於動眾而尤其智以用之也，嗚呼！非湯武之師，而惡夫出奇卒以喪敗其眾者，可屢為哉？」

• 程公許：「魏延驍勇，欲以奇兵間道與大軍會，孔明信用其說，安知三秦之不歸于漢？」

• 胡寅：「兵行詭道求勝而已，延之計可用甚明。而孔明不從。或謂孔明長于治國而短于將略；或謂孔明疑延不敢委也。」

• 洪邁：「魏延隨公出，輒欲請兵萬人，與公異道會于潼關，公制而不許，又欲請兵五千，循秦嶺而東，直取長安，以為一舉而咸陽以西可定。史臣謂公以為危計不用，是不然。公真所謂義兵不用詐謀奇計，方以數十萬之眾，據正道而臨有罪，建旗鳴鼓，直指魏都，固將飛書告之，擇日合戰，豈複翳行竊步，事一旦之譎以規咸陽哉！」

• 陳普：「羽不能當一面，魏延何敢比淮陰。」

• 陸文圭：「魏延及楊儀，兩人蜀俊乂。各懷專忌心，曲直竟誰在。孔明惜其才，未嘗輒偏廢。渭南反斾歸，師在千里外。朝臣意左右，魏為楊所害。楊亦不得死，晚用姜維輩。蜀竟以是亡，束手付鄧艾。艾複矜其功，受制于鐘會。四人共一律，皆以專忌敗。家國莫不然，鳴呼可為戒。」

• 王夫之：「魏延請從子午谷直搗長安，正兵也；諸葛繞山而西出祁山，趨秦、隴，奇兵也。高帝舍棧道而出陳倉，以奇取三秦，三秦之勢散，拊其背而震驚之，而魏異是。」

• 王縈緒：「武侯初伐曹魏，魏延直出褒中以取長安之計不用，紙上談兵者幾以為千古恨事。然勞師襲遠，兵家所忌，且曹魏人才以之敵武侯而不足，以之敵諸將而有餘。即以街亭之事觀之，謖之才未必在延之下，一違節制，即敗于張郃。況千里襲人，萬一有張郃其人者，或拒于前，或斷其後，豈不損國威而敗乃公事乎？延之計，所謂行險以僥悻者也。」

• 冒鶴亭：「魏延之反，亦冤辭也。其人過于自負，嘆恨己才，用之不盡，故諸葛卒後，曰（延語上已引，此處略）。蓋欲遣行者護丞相喪歸，自留渭南，與司馬決鬥。其才不及諸葛則有之，其興複漢室之心，與諸葛同也。而楊儀素與延不平，不欲下之，便引諸營相次還，延于是怒，先儀南歸，燒絕棧道，使儀歸不得。此則逞一朝之忿，而忘君國之大事矣。陳壽于延傳末云：『原延意不北降魏而南還者，但欲除殺儀等。平日諸將素不同，冀時論必當以代亮。本指如此，不便就背叛。』斯為得之。蜀中人才本少，橫加延以反名，長城自壞，儀之肉寧足食哉！」

• 郝經：「（楊儀）以私忿殺大將，罪浮於延。」

軼事

韓信相似

魏延自比如同前漢將領韓信的例子，巧合的是，魏延與韓信受委以重任之時，各人都認為別有人選，但結果都有「一軍全驚」意思之記載。

魏延

當得重將以鎮漢川，眾論以為必在張飛，飛亦以心自許。先主乃拔延為督漢中鎮遠將軍，領漢中太守，一軍盡驚。

韓信

（蕭）何曰：「王素慢無禮，今拜大將如呼小兒耳，此乃信所以去也。王必欲拜之，擇良日，齋戒，設壇場，具禮，乃可耳。」　王許之。諸將皆喜，人人各自以為得大將。至拜大將，乃韓信也，一軍皆驚。」

然而兩人都出身低微，最後都是死在自家人手裡。

反骨之相

• 「反骨之說」源自羅貫中長篇小說《三國演義》。該書第五十三回「關雲長義釋黃漢昇，孫仲謀大戰張文遠」寫關羽取長沙時，因黃忠沒有用百步穿楊之箭射殺他，被太守韓玄推下問斬。正在這當緊時刻，帳外閃進一將，手起刀落斬殺韓玄救了老將黃忠。這人正是以後蜀漢名將魏延。然而，當關羽引魏延歸來時，孔明卻「喝令刀斧手推下斬之」。劉備問何故，孔明說：「吾觀魏延腦後有反骨，久後必反，故先斬之，以絕禍根」。之後魏延在劉備力保之下保全了性命，並獲得重任，但與諸葛亮之間早已心生嫌隙。直到諸葛亮死後，魏延果然反了，馬岱受軍師遺命於軍前斬之。

• 由於蜀漢對史籍保存可能缺乏足夠史官制度持續維護完善，對魏延與楊儀兵權之爭的脈絡細節有所記述不周的遺闕，加上後世戲曲與演義憑空捏造的情節普遍大為流行，使得在大眾留下不正確史觀認知。《資治通鑑》在魏延被殺後，就明確指出：魏延「實無反意也」。

夢麒麟

諸葛亮第五次北伐時，魏延被任為前鋒，駐紮在十里之外，一日夢到自己頭上生角，於是請趙直解夢，趙直說：「麒麟有角而不用，這是敵人即將不戰自破的徵兆啊！」等魏延離開後卻對其他人說：「角這個字拆開來看就是刀下用，在頭上用刀，其凶甚矣。」

陰謀論

王夫之的《讀通鑒論》稱：「魏延於蜀國的權力只亞於諸葛亮，而雄壯難以猜禦，蔣琬未曾參與軍旅之任，而且缺乏威望，假如魏延先回軍並且挾持弱主（劉禪），蔣琬當然無法與之爭權，蜀國大權必然落入魏延手中。只有令大軍撤退，使魏延不能孤立於外，楊儀先入軍而魏延不得為主帥於軍中，雖然這樣會造成蜀國將士激憤甚至幾乎成亂，但只需一人（王平）就能制服。」

人際關係

丞相長史楊儀和劉琰與魏延都發生過爭執，劉琰被諸葛亮趕回成都，而楊儀與魏延的衝突愈發激烈，每逢軍議兩人有如水火之勢，魏延有幾次甚至怒到想拔刀當場砍死楊儀，楊儀也嚇到哭出來。費禕因此常常直接坐入兩人席間，嘗試為兩人調停。

退師之道

在南鄭縣西北，昔日趙雲退師時，燒毀赤崖以北閣道百餘里，後諸葛亮死於五丈原，魏延退師復焚之。即南鄭縣治中七十里有一主山高大數百里其頂如平台，山中有瀑布數百尺，下為深潭號佛子潭，前巍然高聲者為金爐岑，西有蝶燭拳岑，下有洞深不知底止，石磊磊層積如碑，凌空而下視者謂之名碑，碑口燃燒時沉土墳起，如星羅排列，人稱之七穀堆皆山中最美麗的地方。

紀念

魏延祠

• 位於四川梓潼臥龍山景區，供人祭祀，右側門柱上書「鎮北征西勇猛忠誠定漢土」。相傳曾是魏延駐軍之處。

魏延墓

計出子午谷

支持論

立論：《魏略》蜀軍大將魏延認為，長安守將夏侯楙年少，嬌生慣養、怯而無謀。今日假若我魏延領精兵五千，背負糧草五千，直由山道深入，尋秦嶺而向東，到達子午再往北行。不過十日就能抵達長安。夏侯楙見我軍突然出現，必然乘船而逃。如此一來，長安城內只剩下御史、京兆太守而已。長安北門有散民之谷，足以供應我軍糧食。而由東方相會合，需要二十日，屆時丞相您在由斜谷趕來，必定可以在此與我會師，這麼一來，可以一舉平定咸陽以西。

• 宋人胡寅認為：

:兵行詭道而求勝，魏延之計可用甚明。但孔明不用此計。或許可以說孔明善於治國而缺乏將略；也或許是因孔明質疑魏延而不敢委任。

反對論

立論：同見《魏略》諸葛亮認為，魏延之計過於冒險。還不如安順大道而行，可以平取隴右。十全必克而無慮，所以不用魏延之計。且其策出自《魏略》單方面史學觀點，論點欠缺周全。

• 明末王夫之認為：

:魏延請兵由子午谷直搗長安，是正兵；諸葛繞過山路而出祁山，趨秦嶺、隴地是奇兵。漢高祖捨棄棧道而出陳倉，以奇取三秦，三秦之勢散，再擾其背側而震驚之，諸葛亮對魏之攻略也是採用同樣的策略。

• 劉宋裴松之認為：

:許多人認為諸葛亮不用魏延之計是怯弱。但說到用兵，必然要了解敵方君主的能力，知敵軍之將為何人物。遠觀不用延計者，多祐魏主之明。而司馬懿更非等閒之輩。亮欲取隴右，且不如志。何況是想趁著僥倖的機會，一舉平定咸陽以西呢?

不可行觀點

他策論

立論：《三國志》載魏延每每向諸葛亮「請兵萬人，與亮異道會於潼關，如韓信故事」，未有提及子午谷。

• 北宋何去非認為：

:蜀師每出兵，魏延常請萬兵以為奇兵。亮每次都加以拒絕，令延深感憤怒惋惜。孔明出師六次，僅用一次奇計。聲稱由斜谷而攻打祁山，可出魏人不意。一次連降三郡，關中及三輔地區大震。但隨後便以自己的失律而自喪其師（指馬謖失街亭）。出奇兵之謀不可廢於兵家更是如此！而孔明卻不務於此，這如同擁有精銳之師，卻仍以為徒智名者為可用者，嗚呼！遠遠不及湯、武之師，惡夫出奇以敗喪其眾者，豈能一錯再錯呢？

• 南宋程公許認為：

:魏延驍勇，欲以奇兵異道與大軍會合，如果孔明信用其說，怎麼能知道三秦不歸漢呢？

民間藝術

戲曲形象

• 在中國傳統戲曲中魏延的角色，面譜為紫十字門花臉。

三國志通俗演義

• 在小說《三國演義》中，魏延登場時的形象十分正面。在第四十一回，劉備軍為曹操所迫，走至襄陽，劉琮聽信蔡瑁之言不讓劉備進城。當時魏延就挺身而出，大開城門招劉備軍隊入城，可是劉備為免驚擾百姓而決定不進城。後來魏延與文聘交戰後，力孤投靠長沙太守韓玄。之後關羽攻長沙，與大將黃忠交戰，韓玄認為黃忠戰鬥不力而要將黃忠處斬，魏延一方面因韓玄不重用他，不得志而積怨，另一方面激於義憤，便率吏民殺掉韓玄，投降劉備。但甫到劉備營中，便被諸葛亮認為其腦後有反骨，是不忠之人，要把其處決，幸得劉備求情方才作罷。此後魏延隨劉備軍東征西討，入蜀建功，後來被封為漢中太守。劉備死後，參與南征北伐，為蜀軍的主力戰將。可是在諸葛亮死後，與楊儀決裂，最後被楊儀、馬岱等人配合諸葛亮遺計殺害。

• 《三國演義》中，曹操欲招降魏延，結果反遭魏延痛罵，魏延並一箭射中曹操。曹操落馬，滿口鮮血，原來這一箭正中曹操人中，當場射落曹操兩顆門牙。但有部分電視劇改寫此箭為黃忠所射。

動漫作品

• 《三國志》

• 《三國演義》

• 《橫山光輝三國志》（橫山光輝）

• 《蒼天航路》（王欣太）

• 《火鳳燎原》（陳某）

• 《幻想三國誌 -天元靈心記-》

電玩遊戲

• 早期卡普空的街機遊戲《吞食天地II 赤壁之戰》，以關羽、張飛、趙雲、魏延、黃忠，為五虎上將。

• 光榮公司的《三國志》曾把魏延列為五虎上將。真三國無雙系列 / 無雙OROCHI系列也作為蜀漢一名主要角色。

• 《吞食天地2 諸葛孔明傳》使用武器為片手斧。武力在黃忠之上，關羽、張飛之下，與馬超、趙雲同等。

影視形象

• 1985年--湖北電視台電視劇《諸葛亮》，魏延由蘇厚超飾演

• 1985年--香港亞洲電視電視劇《諸葛亮》，魏延由湯錦棠飾演

• 1994年--中國中央電視台電視劇集《三國演義》，魏延由劉威、王曉穎、王紹文、王心海飾演

• 1996年--電影《諸葛孔明》，魏延由潘興飾演

• 2010年--電視劇《三國》，魏延由王新軍飾演

• 2017年--電視劇《軍師聯盟》，魏延由韓東飾演

參考書目

• 《魏略》

• 《三國志·蜀志十〈魏延傳〉及〈李嚴傳〉》

• 《三國志·蜀志十四〈費禕傳〉〈姜維傳〉》

• 《三國志·蜀書·王平傳》

• 《三國志·蜀書·後主傳》

• 《晉書·宣帝紀》及《天文志》

• 《資治通鑑》

• 《漢晉春秋》

• 《南鄭縣志》

• 《洋縣志》

• 《三國志通俗演義》