An Accredited Official Statistics Publication for Scotland

Published on 27th March 2025

This is the latest release.

This report presents three-year averaged estimates of the proportion of people, children, working-age adults and pensioners in Scotland living in poverty, and other statistics on household income and income inequality. These estimates are used to monitor progress in reducing poverty, child poverty and income inequality.

What you need to know

Statistics in this report are based on data from the Family Resources Survey. This survey has been the main source of information on household income and poverty in Scotland since 1994/95.

Poverty measures

The Scottish Government measures different aspects of poverty with different indicators. The most commonly used poverty indicator in Scotland for showing trends is relative poverty after housing costs. Other poverty measures in this report are absolute poverty, material deprivation, and degrees of household food security. These are included in additional charts throughout the report.

Unless otherwise stated, these statistics are based on net income and adjusted for household size. Net income is income from earnings, social security payments and other sources minus taxes. All incomes are in 2023/24 prices, so the purchasing power is comparable over time. Estimates in this publication are rounded to the nearest £1 for weekly incomes, £100 for annual incomes, 1% for proportions and ratios, and 10,000 for populations. Poverty is defined at the household level. If the household income is below the poverty threshold, all people within the household are assumed to be in poverty.

Survey data

The estimates in this publication are based on a sample survey and are therefore subject to sampling variation.

For example, the child poverty rates for Scotland in the latest period can vary within a typical uncertainty range of plus or minus six percentage points, or plus or minus 60,000 children. This means that the proportion of children in relative poverty is likely to be somewhere between 18% and 29%. And the number of children in relative poverty after housing costs is likely to be somewhere between 180,000 and 300,000 children. Poverty rates and numbers shown in this report give the central estimates only.

For some of the key estimates, you can find the ranges in the measurement uncertainty section. To show this in the poverty charts, you can also add indicative confidence intervals around the trendlines.

Add confidence intervals by clicking on the greyed-out parts of the legend.

The latest changes in the estimated poverty rates in the Poverty and Child poverty sections of this report are not statistically significant. It is therefore better to look at longer-term trends to confirm that a change over time is real, or that differences between groups are consistent.

Three-year averages

The poverty and income estimates are shown as three-year rolling (overlapping) averages, unless stated otherwise. Taking the average over three years reduces fluctuation due to sampling variation and shows trends and differences between groups more clearly.

Some single-year estimates are also available in the associated tables.

Impact of the pandemic

The coronavirus - COVID 19 pandemic severely disrupted the data collection in 2020/21. As a result, we were unable to obtain a representative sample for Scotland in that year. This means that the periods 2018-21, 2019-22 and 2020-23 only contain data from two financial years. Therefore, some real changes that happened to incomes, such as the furlough scheme or the temporary increase of Universal Credit are only partially captured in the time series.

The latest statistics for 2021-24 revert to a 3-year average. However, although we have 3 years’ worth of data, the pooled sample is around a third less than in 2017-20 due to response rates being lower since the pandemic. Response rates are showing sign of recovery but results can still be volatile, and changes need to be interpreted with caution.

More information about the impact of the pandemic on data collection and current survey challenges is available in DWP’s HBAI Technical report.

Scottish child payment

Work has been undertaken to better reflect the level of Scottish Child Payment (SCP) in the FRS. This is a benefit available to low income families in Scotland with children aged under 16 and was introduced in 2021.

The methodology has been revised for 2023 to 2024 and uses estimated age-specific take-up rates to create more precise estimates of the contribution of SCP income to overall household income. Further details can be seen on the FRS background information pages and in the background notes in this publication.

Material deprivation

This report includes the new material deprivation measures for children and pensioners. The latest results are therefore not directly comparable to previous estimates.

The update to material deprivation measures follows the inclusion of new questions in the FRS from April 2023 to March 2024 and analysis by DWP to review the previous measures. More information on the changes to the material deprivation FRS questions can be found in the background notes and DWP’s technical report.

Scottish winter heating payment

A minor change has been made to reflect receipt of winter heating payments in Scotland which differ from the rest of the UK. Please see the background notes for more information.

All people

The most commonly used poverty indicator in Scotland is relative poverty after housing costs. Alongside this key indicator, we also report on other poverty measures, focusing on different aspects of poverty.

Relative poverty

Relative poverty rate for all individuals in line with previous stable trend

It is estimated that 20% of Scotland’s population (1,070,000 people each year) were living in relative poverty after housing costs in 2021-24. Before housing costs, 18% of the population (970,000 people) were living in poverty.

A person is in relative poverty if their current household income is less than 60% of the current UK median. Relative poverty statistics fall if income growth at the lower end of the income distribution is greater than overall income growth.

The proportion of people in relative poverty after housing costs fell between the late nineties (24%) and the lowest point in this time series in 2009-12 (18%). The poverty rate remained broadly stable since apart from slightly higher rates in 2019-22 and 2020-23 (21%). The recent dip to 20% brings rates in line with rates in the last decade and has been driven by the poverty trends for working-age adults.

Trends for before-housing-costs look similar, with the all-time low slighty later, in 2011-14

Add confidence intervals by clicking on the greyed-out parts of the legend.

Table 1a: Proportion of people in relative poverty, Scotland
Source: Family Resources Survey
Measure 1994-97 1995-98 1996-99 1997-00 1998-01 1999-02 2000-03 2001-04 2002-05 2003-06 2004-07 2005-08 2006-09 2007-10 2008-11 2009-12 2010-13 2011-14 2012-15 2013-16 2014-17 2015-18 2016-19 2017-20 2018-21 2019-22 2020-23 2021-24
After housing costs 24% 23% 23% 23% 24% 24% 23% 22% 21% 20% 19% 19% 19% 19% 18% 18% 18% 18% 18% 18% 19% 20% 19% 19% 19% 21% 21% 20%
Before housing costs 21% 21% 21% 20% 20% 20% 20% 19% 18% 18% 17% 17% 17% 17% 16% 15% 15% 14% 15% 15% 16% 17% 17% 17% 17% 19% 19% 18%
Table 1b: Sample size
Source: Family Resources Survey
Group 1994-97 1995-98 1996-99 1997-00 1998-01 1999-02 2000-03 2001-04 2002-05 2003-06 2004-07 2005-08 2006-09 2007-10 2008-11 2009-12 2010-13 2011-14 2012-15 2013-16 2014-17 2015-18 2016-19 2017-20 2018-21 2019-22 2020-23 2021-24
All people 8,299 8,105 7,698 7,579 7,626 8,095 11,023 14,003 16,458 16,157 15,337 15,092 14,739 14,686 14,442 13,385 12,152 10,750 10,277 9,795 9,596 9,369 9,521 9,346 6,239 5,061 4,236 6,059

Absolute poverty

Absolute poverty rate for all individuals stable

It is estimated that 16% of the population (890,000 people each year) were living in absolute poverty after housing costs in 2021-24. After a long decline since the mid-nineties, absolute poverty rates have remained at similar levels over the last decade.

Before housing costs, 15% of the population (820,000 people each year) were in absolute poverty in 2021-24. The trend is similar to the after housing costs measure.

A person is in absolute poverty if their current household income is less than 60% of the UK median in 2010/11, adjusted for inflation. Absolute poverty statistics fall if low income households are seeing their incomes rise faster than inflation.

Table 2a: Proportion of people in absolute poverty, Scotland
Source: Family Resources Survey
Measure 1994-97 1995-98 1996-99 1997-00 1998-01 1999-02 2000-03 2001-04 2002-05 2003-06 2004-07 2005-08 2006-09 2007-10 2008-11 2009-12 2010-13 2011-14 2012-15 2013-16 2014-17 2015-18 2016-19 2017-20 2018-21 2019-22 2020-23 2021-24
After housing costs 39% 38% 35% 33% 31% 29% 27% 24% 22% 21% 20% 19% 18% 18% 18% 18% 18% 18% 18% 18% 17% 18% 17% 17% 17% 17% 17% 16%
Before housing costs 37% 35% 33% 31% 30% 28% 25% 23% 21% 19% 18% 18% 17% 17% 16% 15% 15% 15% 15% 15% 14% 15% 14% 14% 14% 15% 16% 15%
Table 2b: Sample size
Source: Family Resources Survey
Group 1994-97 1995-98 1996-99 1997-00 1998-01 1999-02 2000-03 2001-04 2002-05 2003-06 2004-07 2005-08 2006-09 2007-10 2008-11 2009-12 2010-13 2011-14 2012-15 2013-16 2014-17 2015-18 2016-19 2017-20 2018-21 2019-22 2020-23 2021-24
All people 8,299 8,105 7,698 7,579 7,626 8,095 11,023 14,003 16,458 16,157 15,337 15,092 14,739 14,686 14,442 13,385 12,152 10,750 10,277 9,795 9,596 9,369 9,521 9,346 6,239 5,061 4,236 6,059

Food security

A third of people in poverty live in households that lack high food security

Food security is measured at a household level. The person in the household who knows most about buying and preparing food responds to the questions about food security. Note that not everyone in the household may experience this in the same way. For example, a parent may have worried about running out of food or reduced their own meal sizes, but protected their young children from this experience.

In 2021-24, 84% of the population lived in households with high food security. This means that 16% of people lived in households with marginal, low or very low food security.

People in poverty were less likely to experience high food security: just 67% of those in relative poverty, and 68% of those in severe poverty lived in high food security households.

People are in severe poverty when their household income is less than half of the UK median income.

Household food security questions were newly added to the Family Resources Survey in 2019/20. They ask about whether people were worried about running out of food, had to reduce meal sizes or skip meals. More information can be found in the Definitions section.

Table 3a: Levels of household food security of all people and those in poverty after housing costs, Scotland 2021-24
Source: Family Resources Survey
Group High Marginal Low Very low
All people 84% 6% 4% 5%
In relative poverty 67% 11% 9% 12%
In severe poverty 68% 8% 11% 14%
Table 3b: Sample size
Source: Family Resources Survey
Group Sample
All people 6,017
In relative poverty 1,127
In severe poverty 755

Food security tables are now available for a range of household types and equality characteristics in the associated tables. They show, for example, that the older the household, the more food secure it is.

Children

Children are more likely to be in poverty across all measures compared to adults.

The Child Poverty (Scotland) Act 2017 requires us to report every year on four different child poverty measures. The latest single-year estimates can be found in the Child poverty summary. In this report, however, we show three-year averaged estimates only, which are better for seeing trends.

In this publication, ‘child’ refers to a dependent child. This is explained in the Definitions section.

Relative poverty

Child poverty broadly stable over the last decade

It is estimated that 23% of children (240,000 children each year) were living in relative poverty after housing costs in 2021-24. Before housing costs, it is estimated that 22% of children (220,000 children each year) were in relative poverty.

After a long fall between the late nineties and 2010-13, which slowed briefly just before the 2008/09 recession, child poverty rates rose again. The before-housing costs and after-housing-cost rates appear to have levelled off more recently.

Add confidence intervals by clicking on the greyed-out parts of the legend.

Table 4a: Proportion of children in relative poverty, Scotland
Source: Family Resources Survey
Measure 1994-97 1995-98 1996-99 1997-00 1998-01 1999-02 2000-03 2001-04 2002-05 2003-06 2004-07 2005-08 2006-09 2007-10 2008-11 2009-12 2010-13 2011-14 2012-15 2013-16 2014-17 2015-18 2016-19 2017-20 2018-21 2019-22 2020-23 2021-24
After housing costs 32% 32% 32% 31% 31% 31% 30% 28% 26% 25% 25% 24% 25% 24% 24% 21% 21% 21% 22% 23% 23% 24% 23% 24% 25% 24% 24% 23%
Before housing costs 29% 29% 30% 29% 27% 27% 26% 25% 23% 22% 21% 20% 21% 20% 19% 17% 17% 16% 16% 16% 18% 20% 20% 21% 20% 22% 23% 22%
Table 4b: Sample size
Source: Family Resources Survey
Group 1994-97 1995-98 1996-99 1997-00 1998-01 1999-02 2000-03 2001-04 2002-05 2003-06 2004-07 2005-08 2006-09 2007-10 2008-11 2009-12 2010-13 2011-14 2012-15 2013-16 2014-17 2015-18 2016-19 2017-20 2018-21 2019-22 2020-23 2021-24
Children 2,277 2,168 1,980 1,921 1,858 1,967 2,708 3,414 3,963 3,771 3,543 3,498 3,443 3,417 3,364 3,103 2,851 2,504 2,386 2,174 2,122 1,974 2,031 1,947 1,326 1,000 731 1,060

Working poverty

Having paid work is an effective way out of poverty, and those families where all adults are in full-time work have a low poverty risk. But having a job is not always enough, for example when it does not pay well, or when someone is unable to work enough hours.

Three quarters of children in poverty live in working households

While the poverty risk is much lower for children in working households compared to those in non-working households, not all work pays enough to ensure the household is above the poverty threshold. Figure 5 shows the make-up of children in poverty.

It is estimated that in 2021-24, 75% of children in relative poverty after housing costs were living in working households.

The terms ‘working’ and ‘in-work poverty’ here refer to paid employment. They do not include unpaid work such as caring for your children or other family members. In-work poverty refers to the share of children in poverty who live in households where at least one member of the household is in either full or part-time paid work.

Table 5a: Children in relative poverty after housing costs by household work status, Scotland
Source: Family Resources Survey
Group 1996-99 1997-00 1998-01 1999-02 2000-03 2001-04 2002-05 2003-06 2004-07 2005-08 2006-09 2007-10 2008-11 2009-12 2010-13 2011-14 2012-15 2013-16 2014-17 2015-18 2016-19 2017-20 2018-21 2019-22 2020-23 2021-24
In workless households 53% 56% 55% 53% 51% 52% 54% 52% 50% 49% 50% 51% 49% 49% 46% 45% 41% 36% 34% 34% 35% 32% 32% 31% 30% 25%
In working households 47% 44% 45% 47% 49% 48% 46% 48% 50% 51% 50% 49% 51% 51% 54% 55% 59% 64% 66% 66% 65% 68% 68% 69% 70% 75%
Table 5b: Sample size
Source: Family Resources Survey
Group 1996-99 1997-00 1998-01 1999-02 2000-03 2001-04 2002-05 2003-06 2004-07 2005-08 2006-09 2007-10 2008-11 2009-12 2010-13 2011-14 2012-15 2013-16 2014-17 2015-18 2016-19 2017-20 2018-21 2019-22 2020-23 2021-24
Children 1,980 1,921 1,858 1,967 2,708 3,414 3,963 3,771 3,543 3,498 3,443 3,417 3,364 3,103 2,851 2,504 2,386 2,174 2,122 1,974 2,031 1,947 1,326 1,000 731 1,060

Absolute poverty

Absolute poverty rate for children stable

Absolute child poverty after housing costs affected 20% (200,000 children each year). Before housing costs, absolute child poverty was at 18% (180,000 children each year).

The long-term pattern for absolute child poverty is similar to relative child poverty although absolute child poverty fell from higher levels in the mid 1990s. Since around 2013-16 the after housing costs rate has remained largely flat while the before housing costs rate has risen slowly since the mid-2010s.

Table 6a: Proportion of children in absolute poverty, Scotland
Source: Family Resources Survey
Measure 1994-97 1995-98 1996-99 1997-00 1998-01 1999-02 2000-03 2001-04 2002-05 2003-06 2004-07 2005-08 2006-09 2007-10 2008-11 2009-12 2010-13 2011-14 2012-15 2013-16 2014-17 2015-18 2016-19 2017-20 2018-21 2019-22 2020-23 2021-24
After housing costs 50% 49% 46% 43% 40% 38% 34% 31% 27% 26% 25% 24% 24% 24% 23% 22% 22% 22% 22% 22% 21% 22% 21% 21% 21% 21% 21% 20%
Before housing costs 46% 46% 43% 40% 38% 36% 33% 29% 25% 23% 22% 21% 20% 20% 19% 17% 17% 17% 16% 15% 15% 17% 16% 17% 16% 18% 19% 18%
Table 6b: Sample size
Source: Family Resources Survey
Group 1994-97 1995-98 1996-99 1997-00 1998-01 1999-02 2000-03 2001-04 2002-05 2003-06 2004-07 2005-08 2006-09 2007-10 2008-11 2009-12 2010-13 2011-14 2012-15 2013-16 2014-17 2015-18 2016-19 2017-20 2018-21 2019-22 2020-23 2021-24
Children 2,277 2,168 1,980 1,921 1,858 1,967 2,708 3,414 3,963 3,771 3,543 3,498 3,443 3,417 3,364 3,103 2,851 2,504 2,386 2,174 2,122 1,974 2,031 1,947 1,326 1,000 731 1,060

Material deprivation

Historic trends broadly stable for children in combined low income and material deprivation

Combined low income and child material deprivation is an additional way of measuring living standards. It is about households who cannot afford basic goods and activities that are seen as necessities in society.

As explained in the introduction, a new suite of questions for child material deprivation has been included in the FRS surveys. In the interests of transparency, the single year estimate for the new measure is shown as a single dot in figure 17. This estimate should not be compared with the three-year averages from previous years.

Users should refer to the background notes or DWP’s Material Deprivation Technical Report for more information.

For the updated measure of combined low income and child material deprivation, respondents are asked whether they have access to a list of 22 goods and services. A child is classified as being in combined low income and child material deprivation if they live in a family that is lacking 4 or more items and has a household income below 70% of the median.

It is estimated that 9% of children were living in combined low income and material deprivation after housing costs in 2023-24. Before housing costs, this was 6% of children. Please note these estimates are only for a single year rather than a 3-year average. Figure 7 presents these figures as a dot to denote the discontinuity in the series.

Before the update, the trend since 2010-13 should be viewed as stable. Although the chart shows a gradual fall, it covers a time when families were less able to undertake certain activities due to the COVID-19 pandemic, and not necessarily because they couldn’t afford to. This changed how people responded to the material deprivation questions and is denoted on the chart using a dotted line.

Table 7a: Proportion of children in combined low income and material deprivation, Scotland
Source: Family Resources Survey
Measure 2004-07 2005-08 2006-09 2007-10 2008-11 2010-13 2011-14 2012-15 2013-16 2014-17 2015-18 2016-19 2017-20 2018-21 2019-22 2020-23 2021-24
After housing costs 16% 15% 16% 16% 16% -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- --
2010-11 questions, after housing costs -- -- -- -- -- 12% 12% 13% 13% 12% 12% 12% 13% 12% 11% 10% --
2023-24 questions, after housing costs -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- --
Before housing costs 15% 15% 16% 15% 15% -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- --
2010-11 questions, before housing costs -- -- -- -- -- 10% 11% 11% 11% 10% 11% 11% 11% 11% 10% 10% --
2023-24 questions, before housing costs -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- --
Table 7b: Sample size
Source: Family Resources Survey
Measure 2004-07 2005-08 2006-09 2007-10 2008-11 2009-12 2010-13 2011-14 2012-15 2013-16 2014-17 2015-18 2016-19 2017-20 2018-21 2019-22 2020-23 2021-24
After housing costs 3,543 3,498 3,443 3,417 3,364 -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- --
2010-11 questions, after housing costs -- -- -- -- -- -- 2,851 2,504 2,386 2,174 2,122 1,974 2,031 1,947 1,326 1,000 731 --
2023-24 questions, after housing costs -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- --
Before housing costs 3,543 3,498 3,443 3,417 3,364 -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- --
2010-11 questions, before housing costs -- -- -- -- -- -- 2,851 2,504 2,386 2,174 2,122 1,974 2,031 1,947 1,326 1,000 731 --
2023-24 questions, before housing costs -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- --

Food security

Children in poverty more likely to live in households that lack food security

Food security is measured at a household level. The person in the household who knows most about buying and preparing food responds to the questions about food security. Note that not everyone in the household may experience this in the same way. For example, a parent may have worried about running out of food or reduced their own meal sizes, but protected their young children from this experience.

In 2021-24, 78% of children lived in households with high food security. This means that 22% of children lived in households with marginal, low or very low food security.

Children in poverty were less likely to have high food security: just 62% of those in relative poverty and 64% of those in severe poverty.

People are in severe poverty when their household income is less than half of the UK median income.

Household food security questions were added to the Family Resources Survey in 2019/20. They ask about whether people were worried about running out of food, had to reduce meal sizes or skip meals. More information can be found in the Definitions section.

Table 8a: Levels of food security of all children and those in poverty after housing costs, Scotland 2021-24
Source: Family Resources Survey
Group High Marginal Low Very low
All children 78% 8% 6% 7%
In relative poverty 62% 16% 10% 12%
In severe poverty 64% 11% 12% 13%
Table 8b: Sample size
Source: Family Resources Survey
Group Sample
All children 1,060
In relative poverty 189
In severe poverty 119

Priority groups

Some types of households with children are known and make up a larger proportion of those who are in poverty. These include households with single parents, three or more children, disabled household members, of a minority ethnic background, with a child aged under one, or a mother aged under 25. These groups do not cover everyone at higher risk of poverty, but taken together, they cover the majority of households with children that are in poverty.

This section looks at children in these groups, and their poverty risk under four different poverty measures.

Note that households with mothers aged under 25 are not included in this analysis, because there were too few of them in the sample this year to provide robust estimates.

Here, the minority ethnic group includes white minorities such as white people who are not British. The Equality analysis section includes more detailed ethnicity categories.

Relative poverty

Children in priority groups have a higher risk of being in relative poverty

Children in the priority groups were more likely to be in relative poverty compared to all children. This was particularly true for households with 3 or more children.

Table 9a: Proportion of children in relative poverty after housing cost, Scotland 2021-24
Source: Family Resources Survey
Group Rate
All children 23%
3 or more children in the household 41%
Disabled household member(s) 27%
Youngest child in the household is under 1 35%
Minority ethnic household 37%
Single parent in the household 36%
Mother under 25 in household --
Table 9b: Sample size
Source: Family Resources Survey
Group Sample
All children 1,060
3 or more children in the household 149
Disabled household member(s) 430
Youngest child in the household is under 1 104
Minority ethnic household 174
Single parent in the household 264
Mother under 25 in household 29

Absolute poverty

Children in priority groups have a higher risk of being in absolute poverty

Children in the priority groups were more likely to be in absolute poverty compared to all children. This was particularly true for households with 3 or more children.

Table 10a: Proportion of children in absolute poverty after housing costs, Scotland 2021-24
Source: Family Resources Survey
Group Rate
All children 20%
3 or more children in the household 36%
Disabled household member(s) 23%
Youngest child in the household is under 1 25%
Minority ethnic household 31%
Single parent in the household 32%
Mother under 25 in household --
Table 10b: Sample size
Source: Family Resources Survey
Group Sample
All children 1,060
3 or more children in the household 149
Disabled household member(s) 430
Youngest child in the household is under 1 104
Minority ethnic household 174
Single parent in the household 264
Mother under 25 in household 29

Material deprivation

Previous years’ data shows children in priority groups have a higher risk of experiencing combined low income and material deprivation

It is not possible to present results for the priority groups for the most recent period due to the change in the material deprivation questions. Please consult previous reports for differences in the priority groups.

Persistent poverty

Previous years’ data shows children have a higher risk of being in persistent poverty

The persistent poverty measure is based on data from the Understanding Society Survey. We cover this measure in detail in the Persistent Poverty report.

It is not possible to present results for the priority groups for the most recent period due to sample size. Please consult table 11a and 11b of the persistent poverty excel tables to see results for previous years.

Working-age adults

Working-age adults tend to be less likely to be in poverty compared to children.

Working-age adults are all adults up to the state pension age. Women’s state pension age reached 65 in November 2018, aligning it with men’s state pension age. Since December 2018, the state pension age for both men and women has been increasing. In the latest data period included in this report, the State Pension age for both men and women increased to 66 years.

Relative poverty

Relative poverty rate for working-age adults in line with previous stable trend

Relative poverty for working-age adults has been broadly stable since the nineties, when reporting began. The relative poverty rate in 2021-24 was estimated to be 20% after housing costs, and 17% before housing costs. This equated to 680,000 working-age adults in poverty after housing costs, and 570,000 before housing costs.

The estimates for 2019-22 and 2020-23 (21%) were slightly higher and could be driven by more working-age adults who were economically inactive as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic.

Add confidence intervals by clicking on the greyed-out parts of the legend.

Table 11a: Proportion of working-age adults in relative poverty, Scotland
Source: Family Resources Survey
Measure 1994-97 1995-98 1996-99 1997-00 1998-01 1999-02 2000-03 2001-04 2002-05 2003-06 2004-07 2005-08 2006-09 2007-10 2008-11 2009-12 2010-13 2011-14 2012-15 2013-16 2014-17 2015-18 2016-19 2017-20 2018-21 2019-22 2020-23 2021-24
After housing costs 18% 18% 19% 19% 20% 20% 20% 19% 19% 19% 18% 18% 18% 19% 19% 18% 19% 19% 19% 19% 19% 20% 19% 19% 19% 21% 21% 20%
Before housing costs 16% 15% 16% 16% 17% 17% 17% 17% 16% 15% 15% 15% 15% 16% 15% 14% 14% 14% 14% 15% 16% 16% 16% 16% 16% 18% 18% 17%
Table 11b: Sample size
Source: Family Resources Survey
Group 1994-97 1995-98 1996-99 1997-00 1998-01 1999-02 2000-03 2001-04 2002-05 2003-06 2004-07 2005-08 2006-09 2007-10 2008-11 2009-12 2010-13 2011-14 2012-15 2013-16 2014-17 2015-18 2016-19 2017-20 2018-21 2019-22 2020-23 2021-24
Working-age adults 6,205 6,129 5,809 5,759 5,727 6,101 8,251 10,399 12,170 11,917 11,315 11,108 10,812 10,774 10,526 9,767 8,854 7,834 7,432 7,003 6,854 6,647 6,808 6,661 4,457 3,518 2,832 4,061

Working poverty

Having paid work is an effective way out of poverty, and those families where all adults are in full-time work have a low poverty risk. But having a job is not always enough, for example when it does not pay well, or when someone is unable to work enough hours.

Most working-age adults in poverty live in working households

Figure 12 shows the make-up of working-age adults in poverty. In 2021-24, 61% of working-age adults (410,000 working-age adults each year) in relative poverty after housing costs were living in a household where someone was in paid work.

The share of working-age adults in poverty who lived in working households steadily increased between 2011-14 (52%) and 2018-21 (62%). However, the reporting period 2019-22 showed a decrease to 57% due to higher economic inactivity as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic. The proportion has since recovered as shown in figure 12.

The terms ‘working’ and ‘in-work poverty’ here refer to paid employment. They do not include unpaid work such as caring for your children or other family members. In-work poverty refers to the share of children in poverty who live in households where at least one member of the household is in either full or part-time paid work.

Table 12a: Working-age adults in relative poverty after housing costs by household work status, Scotland
Source: Family Resources Survey
Group 1996-99 1997-00 1998-01 1999-02 2000-03 2001-04 2002-05 2003-06 2004-07 2005-08 2006-09 2007-10 2008-11 2009-12 2010-13 2011-14 2012-15 2013-16 2014-17 2015-18 2016-19 2017-20 2018-21 2019-22 2020-23 2021-24
In workless households 52% 52% 53% 52% 48% 49% 50% 49% 48% 47% 49% 48% 48% 48% 47% 48% 45% 43% 41% 40% 40% 39% 38% 43% 40% 39%
In working households 48% 48% 47% 48% 52% 51% 50% 51% 52% 53% 51% 52% 52% 52% 53% 52% 55% 57% 59% 60% 60% 61% 62% 57% 60% 61%
Table 12b: Sample size
Source: Family Resources Survey
Group 1996-99 1997-00 1998-01 1999-02 2000-03 2001-04 2002-05 2003-06 2004-07 2005-08 2006-09 2007-10 2008-11 2009-12 2010-13 2011-14 2012-15 2013-16 2014-17 2015-18 2016-19 2017-20 2018-21 2019-22 2020-23 2021-24
Working-age adults 5,809 5,759 5,727 6,101 8,251 10,399 12,170 11,917 11,315 11,108 10,812 10,774 10,526 9,767 8,854 7,834 7,432 7,003 6,854 6,647 6,808 6,661 4,457 3,518 2,832 4,061

Absolute poverty

Absolute poverty rate for working-age adults in line with previous stable trend

After a decline from the mid-nineties to 2006-09, absolute poverty amongst working-age adults remained broadly stable. In 2021-24, 17% of working-age adults were in absolute poverty after housing costs, and 15% before housing costs.

This means that in 2021-24, there were 580,000 working-age adults each year in absolute poverty after housing costs, compared to 490,000 before housing costs.

Table 13a: Proportion of working-age adults in absolute poverty, Scotland<br>Note: see commentary for data concerns around latest estimate
Source: Family Resources Survey
Measure 1994-97 1995-98 1996-99 1997-00 1998-01 1999-02 2000-03 2001-04 2002-05 2003-06 2004-07 2005-08 2006-09 2007-10 2008-11 2009-12 2010-13 2011-14 2012-15 2013-16 2014-17 2015-18 2016-19 2017-20 2018-21 2019-22 2020-23 2021-24
After housing costs 31% 30% 28% 27% 26% 25% 23% 21% 20% 19% 19% 18% 18% 19% 19% 18% 19% 19% 19% 19% 18% 18% 17% 17% 17% 18% 18% 17%
Before housing costs 28% 27% 26% 25% 24% 23% 21% 19% 18% 17% 16% 15% 15% 15% 15% 15% 14% 14% 15% 14% 14% 14% 14% 14% 13% 15% 16% 15%
Table 13b: Sample size
Source: Family Resources Survey
Group 1994-97 1995-98 1996-99 1997-00 1998-01 1999-02 2000-03 2001-04 2002-05 2003-06 2004-07 2005-08 2006-09 2007-10 2008-11 2009-12 2010-13 2011-14 2012-15 2013-16 2014-17 2015-18 2016-19 2017-20 2018-21 2019-22 2020-23 2021-24
Working-age adults 6,205 6,129 5,809 5,759 5,727 6,101 8,251 10,399 12,170 11,917 11,315 11,108 10,812 10,774 10,526 9,767 8,854 7,834 7,432 7,003 6,854 6,647 6,808 6,661 4,457 3,518 2,832 4,061

Food security

More than one third of working-age adults in poverty live in households lacking high food security

Food security is measured at a household level. The person in the household who knows most about buying and preparing food responds to the questions about food security. Note that not everyone in the household may experience this in the same way. For example, a parent may have worried about running out of food or reduced their own meal sizes, but protected their young children from this experience.

In 2021-24, 83% of working-age adults lived in households with high food security. This means that 17% of working-age adults lived in households with marginal, low or very low food security.

Working-age adults in poverty were less likely to have high food security: just 63% of those in relative poverty, and 64% of those in severe poverty lived in high food security households.

People are in severe poverty when their household income is less than half of the UK median income.

Household food security questions were newly added to the Family Resources Survey in 2019/20. They ask about whether people were worried about running out of food, had to reduce meal sizes or skip meals. More information can be found in the Definitions section.

Table 14a: Levels of food security of all working-age adults and those in poverty after housing costs, Scotland 2021-24
Source: Family Resources Survey
Group High Marginal Low Very low
All working-age adults 83% 6% 5% 6%
In relative poverty 63% 11% 11% 15%
In severe poverty 64% 8% 12% 16%
Table 14b: Sample size
Source: Family Resources Survey
Group Sample
All working-age adults 4,020
In relative poverty 803
In severe poverty 579

Pensioners

Pensioners are adults who have reached their state pension age.

Women’s state pension age reached 65 in November 2018, aligning it with men’s state pension age. Since December 2018, the state pension age for both men and women has been increasing. In the latest data period included in this report, the State Pension age for both men and women increased to 66 years.

Relative poverty

Relative poverty rate for pensioners broadly stable

The relative poverty rate after housing costs for pensioners was 15% in 2021-24, or 160,000 pensioners each year. The poverty rate has been consistently below that for working-age adults (20%) and children (23%).

Before housing costs, 18% of pensioners (180,000 pensioners) were in relative poverty. The measure showed a long decline until 2008-11, was then largely stable for a few years before it started to rise again. In recent years, since 2015-18, relative pensioner poverty has been largely stable.

Note that for pensioners, the before-housing-cost poverty rates are higher than the after-housing-costs poverty rates. This is because the majority of pensioners tend to have a relatively low income but also low housing costs as they own their home. It is therefore more meaningful to use the after-housing-costs poverty measure for comparing the standard of living between pensioners and other age groups.

Add confidence intervals by clicking on the greyed-out parts of the legend.

Table 15a: Proportion of pensioners in relative poverty, Scotland
Source: Family Resources Survey
Measure 1994-97 1995-98 1996-99 1997-00 1998-01 1999-02 2000-03 2001-04 2002-05 2003-06 2004-07 2005-08 2006-09 2007-10 2008-11 2009-12 2010-13 2011-14 2012-15 2013-16 2014-17 2015-18 2016-19 2017-20 2018-21 2019-22 2020-23 2021-24
After housing costs 31% 31% 29% 28% 27% 26% 25% 23% 20% 17% 16% 15% 14% 13% 12% 12% 12% 12% 12% 12% 13% 15% 15% 14% 14% 15% 15% 15%
Before housing costs 28% 27% 27% 26% 26% 24% 23% 22% 22% 20% 19% 20% 19% 18% 16% 16% 15% 15% 15% 16% 17% 18% 18% 17% 16% 16% 17% 18%
Table 15b: Sample size
Source: Family Resources Survey
Group 1994-97 1995-98 1996-99 1997-00 1998-01 1999-02 2000-03 2001-04 2002-05 2003-06 2004-07 2005-08 2006-09 2007-10 2008-11 2009-12 2010-13 2011-14 2012-15 2013-16 2014-17 2015-18 2016-19 2017-20 2018-21 2019-22 2020-23 2021-24
Pensioners 2,322 2,189 2,082 2,039 2,131 2,252 3,111 4,060 4,828 4,778 4,538 4,504 4,461 4,469 4,471 4,134 3,756 3,296 3,172 3,096 3,039 3,057 3,052 3,035 2,003 1,744 1,594 2,259

Absolute poverty

Absolute poverty rate for pensioners broadly stable

Absolute poverty after housing costs for pensioners was 11% (110,000 pensioners each year) in 2021-24. Before housing costs, it was 14% (140,000 pensioners). Absolute poverty has remained broadly stable since 2008-11.

Table 16a: Proportion of pensioners in absolute poverty, Scotland
Source: Family Resources Survey
Measure 1994-97 1995-98 1996-99 1997-00 1998-01 1999-02 2000-03 2001-04 2002-05 2003-06 2004-07 2005-08 2006-09 2007-10 2008-11 2009-12 2010-13 2011-14 2012-15 2013-16 2014-17 2015-18 2016-19 2017-20 2018-21 2019-22 2020-23 2021-24
After housing costs 53% 50% 46% 42% 39% 34% 31% 28% 24% 20% 17% 16% 14% 12% 12% 12% 12% 12% 12% 11% 11% 12% 12% 12% 11% 10% 10% 11%
Before housing costs 54% 51% 47% 44% 40% 36% 31% 28% 26% 23% 21% 21% 19% 17% 16% 16% 16% 16% 15% 15% 14% 14% 14% 14% 13% 12% 13% 14%
Table 16b: Sample size
Source: Family Resources Survey
Group 1994-97 1995-98 1996-99 1997-00 1998-01 1999-02 2000-03 2001-04 2002-05 2003-06 2004-07 2005-08 2006-09 2007-10 2008-11 2009-12 2010-13 2011-14 2012-15 2013-16 2014-17 2015-18 2016-19 2017-20 2018-21 2019-22 2020-23 2021-24
Pensioners 2,322 2,189 2,082 2,039 2,131 2,252 3,111 4,060 4,828 4,778 4,538 4,504 4,461 4,469 4,471 4,134 3,756 3,296 3,172 3,096 3,039 3,057 3,052 3,035 2,003 1,744 1,594 2,259

Material deprivation

Historic trends show gradual decrease for pensioner material deprivation

As explained in the introduction, a new suite of questions for pensioner material deprivation has been included in the FRS survey. In the interests of transparency, the single year estimate for the new measure is shown as a single dot in figure 17. This estimate should not be compared with the three-year averages from previous years.

For the updated measure of pensioner, material deprivation, respondents are asked whether they have access to a list of 19 goods and services. A pensioner is defined as being in material deprivation if they are lacking 4 or more items. In 2023-24, according to the updated questions, 8% of pensioners were in material deprivation.

Users should refer to the background notes or DWP’s Material Deprivation Technical Report for more information.

Before the update to the questions, there had been a long term decline in pensioner material deprivation since 2009-12. Similar to child material deprivation, recent trends should be treated with caution due to the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic and the sorts of activities people could do and how respondents answered the material deprivation questions. The pandemic years are denoted on the chart using a dotted line.

Table 17a: Proportion of pensioners aged 65 and over in material deprivation, Scotland
Source: Family Resources Survey
Group 2009-12 2010-13 2011-14 2012-15 2013-16 2014-17 2015-18 2016-19 2017-20 2018-21 2019-22 2020-23 2021-24
2009-10 material deprivation questions 8% 8% 8% 8% 7% 6% 6% 5% 5% 5% 4% 6% --
2023-24 material deprivation questions -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- --
Table 17b: Sample size
Source: Family Resources Survey
Group 2009-12 2010-13 2011-14 2012-15 2013-16 2014-17 2015-18 2016-19 2017-20 2018-21 2019-22 2020-23 2021-24
2009-10 material deprivation questions 3,497 3,257 2,931 2,886 2,872 2,859 2,939 2,991 3,014 2,000 1,744 1,594 --
2023-24 material deprivation questions -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- --

Food security

Pensioners usually live in households with high food security

Food security is measured at a household level. The person in the household who knows most about buying and preparing food responds to the questions about food security. Note that not everyone in the household may experience this in the same way.

In 2021-24, 95% of pensioners lived in households with high food security. This means that 5% of pensioners lived in households with marginal, low or very low food security.

Pensioners in poverty were slightly less likely to have high food security: 93% of those in relative poverty and 94% in severe poverty lived in high food security households.

People are in severe poverty when their household income is less than half of the UK median income.

Household food security questions were added to the Family Resources Survey in 2019/20. They ask about whether people were worried about running out of food, had to reduce meal sizes or skip meals. More information can be found in the Definitions section.

Table 18a: Levels of food security of all pensioners and those in poverty after housing costs, Scotland 2021-24
Source: Family Resources Survey
Group High Marginal Low Very low
All pensioners 95% 3% 1% 1%
In relative poverty 93% 4% 2% 1%
In severe poverty 94% 4% 1% 1%
Table 18b: Sample size
Source: Family Resources Survey
Group Sample
All pensioners 2,258
In relative poverty 358
In severe poverty 193

Equality analysis

Poverty is measured at a household level. Everyone in the same household is considered either in poverty or not in poverty. This makes it difficult to measure the poverty risk by individual characteristics such as age or gender for people who share the households with others.

For most characteristics in this section, we include everyone in the analysis, but keep in mind that the poverty risk is influenced by others in the household.

Note that estimates in this section tend to fluctuate, because some groups are smaller and have small sample sizes. This means that we can comment on consistent differences between groups, but any short-term changes over time are masked by the fluctuations.

Age

The age analysis looks at the age of the head of the household. Poverty rates refer to the proportion of people in households by age of the household head.

Working-age households

Relative poverty rates highest for the youngest households

The youngest households (household heads aged 16-24) have been consistently more likely to be in relative poverty compared to older households. Figure 19 shows that in 2021-24, 37% of people in households in this group were in relative poverty after housing costs.

In comparison, the age groups 25-34, 35-44, 45-54 and 55-64 all had similar (and lower) poverty rates between 18% and 21%.

Table 19a: Proportion of people in relative poverty after housing costs, Scotland
Source: Family Resources Survey
Group 1994-97 1995-98 1996-99 1997-00 1998-01 1999-02 2000-03 2001-04 2002-05 2003-06 2004-07 2005-08 2006-09 2007-10 2008-11 2009-12 2010-13 2011-14 2012-15 2013-16 2014-17 2015-18 2016-19 2017-20 2018-21 2019-22 2020-23 2021-24
16-24 25% 25% 27% 28% 30% 28% 27% 27% 29% 30% 28% 30% 30% 33% 32% 29% 32% 32% 33% 28% 29% 31% 31% 29% 27% 36% 39% 37%
25-34 27% 26% 27% 27% 29% 27% 26% 24% 24% 22% 21% 20% 20% 21% 20% 19% 19% 19% 20% 22% 24% 24% 22% 22% 23% 20% 19% 18%
35-44 23% 24% 22% 21% 22% 23% 22% 20% 18% 18% 19% 19% 19% 19% 19% 17% 17% 18% 19% 20% 18% 18% 16% 18% 19% 17% 17% 19%
45-54 14% 13% 13% 14% 15% 16% 17% 17% 17% 16% 16% 16% 16% 17% 16% 15% 15% 15% 15% 15% 16% 17% 18% 18% 17% 21% 21% 18%
55-64 17% 19% 21% 20% 21% 22% 22% 22% 21% 19% 18% 17% 16% 16% 16% 16% 16% 17% 17% 18% 18% 19% 18% 19% 19% 22% 23% 21%
Table 19b: Sample size
Source: Family Resources Survey
Group 1994-97 1995-98 1996-99 1997-00 1998-01 1999-02 2000-03 2001-04 2002-05 2003-06 2004-07 2005-08 2006-09 2007-10 2008-11 2009-12 2010-13 2011-14 2012-15 2013-16 2014-17 2015-18 2016-19 2017-20 2018-21 2019-22 2020-23 2021-24
16-24 1,139 1,133 1,071 1,038 1,032 1,077 1,434 1,765 2,061 2,065 1,922 1,885 1,757 1,776 1,742 1,603 1,411 1,161 1,119 1,020 1,027 912 922 808 535 318 230 356
25-34 1,572 1,523 1,396 1,325 1,251 1,260 1,637 2,017 2,377 2,321 2,178 2,039 1,945 1,961 1,940 1,819 1,682 1,540 1,474 1,353 1,297 1,200 1,250 1,210 841 626 520 721
35-44 1,408 1,398 1,344 1,373 1,372 1,453 1,993 2,571 3,010 2,860 2,713 2,651 2,609 2,483 2,336 2,117 1,885 1,652 1,489 1,382 1,335 1,280 1,288 1,230 824 675 533 788
45-54 1,131 1,130 1,108 1,117 1,141 1,283 1,777 2,198 2,535 2,482 2,411 2,464 2,488 2,509 2,495 2,314 2,134 1,855 1,770 1,667 1,594 1,543 1,546 1,492 970 714 576 825
55-64 1,047 1,025 989 1,012 1,034 1,125 1,559 2,048 2,456 2,442 2,356 2,317 2,289 2,323 2,295 2,149 1,909 1,723 1,645 1,593 1,584 1,616 1,655 1,692 1,118 976 766 1,081

Pensioner households

Poverty rates similar among pensioner age groups

Older households tend to have lower poverty rates compared to working-age households. There were no marked differences between households with heads aged 65-74, 75-84, and 85 and older

Table 20a: Proportion of people in relative poverty after housing costs, Scotland
Source: Family Resources Survey
Group 1994-97 1995-98 1996-99 1997-00 1998-01 1999-02 2000-03 2001-04 2002-05 2003-06 2004-07 2005-08 2006-09 2007-10 2008-11 2009-12 2010-13 2011-14 2012-15 2013-16 2014-17 2015-18 2016-19 2017-20 2018-21 2019-22 2020-23 2021-24
65-74 27% 27% 26% 26% 25% 24% 24% 22% 19% 15% 14% 14% 13% 12% 11% 12% 12% 11% 11% 11% 11% 12% 12% 13% 14% 16% 16% 16%
75-84 39% 38% 36% 32% 30% 28% 26% 24% 22% 20% 18% 18% 16% 14% 12% 12% 12% 12% 12% 13% 16% 19% 19% 17% 16% 17% 16% 16%
85+ 32% 33% 33% 31% 28% 29% 29% 27% 23% 19% 19% 18% 16% 14% 13% 13% 15% 16% 18% 18% 17% 17% 15% 16% 16% 13% 13% 19%
Table 20b: Sample size
Source: Family Resources Survey
Group 1994-97 1995-98 1996-99 1997-00 1998-01 1999-02 2000-03 2001-04 2002-05 2003-06 2004-07 2005-08 2006-09 2007-10 2008-11 2009-12 2010-13 2011-14 2012-15 2013-16 2014-17 2015-18 2016-19 2017-20 2018-21 2019-22 2020-23 2021-24
65-74 1,139 1,079 1,011 958 976 1,026 1,447 1,832 2,133 2,078 1,976 1,955 1,924 1,894 1,926 1,790 1,716 1,550 1,521 1,509 1,514 1,562 1,598 1,597 1,063 969 908 1,261
75-84 670 623 612 594 633 664 900 1,244 1,513 1,546 1,434 1,419 1,377 1,360 1,333 1,228 1,100 986 967 974 946 954 980 1,014 691 605 558 811
85+ 193 194 167 162 187 207 276 328 373 363 347 362 350 380 375 365 315 283 292 297 299 302 282 303 197 178 145 216

Gender

In 2021-24, women and men experienced the same level of relative poverty after housing costs (19%). This can be explained because poverty is measured at a household level and means that men and women in the same household are both either in poverty or not in poverty.

However, by looking at single-adult households (with or without dependent children) it is possible to identify differences in poverty rates. For context, in 2021-24, the relative poverty rate after housing costs for single adults (working-age and pensioners) was 27%, higher than for the total adult population (19%).

Single working-age adults and gender

Relative poverty rates converging for single household types

Rates have been historically highest for single mothers but have gradually declined to be comparable with other single household types. In the most recent period, poverty rates were highest for single childless men (33%, 90,000). The poverty rate for single childless women and single mothers was 28% and 30% respectively. Estimates for single fathers are not available due to small sample sizes.

In this publication, ‘child’ refers to a dependent child living in the household. This is explained in the Definitions section.

Table 21a: Proportion of single working-age adults in relative poverty after housing costs, Scotland
Source: Family Resources Survey
Group 1994-97 1995-98 1996-99 1997-00 1998-01 1999-02 2000-03 2001-04 2002-05 2003-06 2004-07 2005-08 2006-09 2007-10 2008-11 2009-12 2010-13 2011-14 2012-15 2013-16 2014-17 2015-18 2016-19 2017-20 2018-21 2019-22 2020-23 2021-24
Single mother 64% 63% 63% 60% 58% 55% 52% 52% 49% 47% 46% 47% 47% 45% 40% 36% 32% 33% 35% 38% 41% 39% 37% 38% 40% 36% 29% 30%
Single man, no children 39% 39% 40% 39% 41% 41% 39% 37% 35% 34% 33% 32% 33% 34% 35% 34% 35% 35% 35% 34% 33% 32% 33% 34% 36% 36% 33% 33%
Single woman, no children 32% 31% 29% 29% 33% 33% 34% 31% 32% 28% 27% 29% 29% 29% 27% 29% 29% 33% 34% 34% 32% 30% 28% 27% 26% 30% 29% 28%
Single father -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- --
Table 21b: Sample size
Source: Family Resources Survey
Group 1994-97 1995-98 1996-99 1997-00 1998-01 1999-02 2000-03 2001-04 2002-05 2003-06 2004-07 2005-08 2006-09 2007-10 2008-11 2009-12 2010-13 2011-14 2012-15 2013-16 2014-17 2015-18 2016-19 2017-20 2018-21 2019-22 2020-23 2021-24
Single mother 478 452 398 408 410 449 602 779 904 848 781 764 771 771 734 687 656 615 587 509 461 421 423 425 282 218 144 212
Single man, no children 579 582 551 548 548 596 793 1,061 1,280 1,323 1,276 1,244 1,224 1,232 1,204 1,136 998 918 857 858 820 837 803 792 497 449 406 592
Single woman, no children 449 420 421 451 500 519 685 844 1,017 989 968 924 893 892 877 859 753 701 656 677 661 664 716 769 541 483 434 598
Single father 43 38 34 22 29 32 47 66 74 73 60 60 50 44 46 58 61 54 41 32 36 33 41 33 26 16 11 21

Single pensioners and gender

Relative poverty rates similar for male and female pensioners

In 2021-24, 23% of single female pensioners (60,000 women each year) and 18% of single male pensioners were in relative poverty after housing costs. Note that there were too few single male pensioners in poverty in the sample to produce a robust population estimate.

In most years, the poverty rate after housing costs for single female pensioners had been higher than that for single male pensioners.

Table 22a: Proportion of single pensioners in relative poverty after housing costs, Scotland
Source: Family Resources Survey
Group 1994-97 1995-98 1996-99 1997-00 1998-01 1999-02 2000-03 2001-04 2002-05 2003-06 2004-07 2005-08 2006-09 2007-10 2008-11 2009-12 2010-13 2011-14 2012-15 2013-16 2014-17 2015-18 2016-19 2017-20 2018-21 2019-22 2020-23 2021-24
Single male pensioner 33% 40% 42% 42% 34% 28% 22% 20% 17% 14% 14% 14% 14% 14% 14% 14% 13% 12% 10% 10% 12% 13% 15% 17% 19% 18% 17% 18%
Single female pensioner 45% 44% 43% 39% 38% 36% 34% 30% 25% 21% 19% 20% 17% 16% 14% 14% 14% 15% 18% 20% 19% 19% 18% 20% 19% 23% 22% 23%
Table 22b: Sample size
Source: Family Resources Survey
Group 1994-97 1995-98 1996-99 1997-00 1998-01 1999-02 2000-03 2001-04 2002-05 2003-06 2004-07 2005-08 2006-09 2007-10 2008-11 2009-12 2010-13 2011-14 2012-15 2013-16 2014-17 2015-18 2016-19 2017-20 2018-21 2019-22 2020-23 2021-24
Single male pensioner 286 275 236 235 259 284 378 506 604 617 564 561 520 509 507 512 512 469 458 443 463 470 511 525 368 318 290 397
Single female pensioner 927 847 820 783 789 824 1,160 1,506 1,739 1,709 1,624 1,642 1,561 1,555 1,549 1,417 1,260 1,071 1,029 996 922 913 890 930 620 575 529 728

Estimates for all men and women (whether in single, couple or other households) are available in the associated tables.

Sexual orientation

Relative poverty rates higher for LGB+ adults

The poverty rate has been consistently higher for LGB+ adults compared to straight / heterosexual adults. In 2021-24, 28% of LGB+ adults (number not available due to small number in sample) were in poverty, compared to 19% of straight adults (560,000 adults) and 18% of adults where sexual orientation was not known (230,000 adults).

We included the ‘Missing’ category in the tables because it contains a fairly large number of adults. This group contains adults who were not asked the question because they weren’t present at the interview. It also includes adults who chose not to answer the question.

LGB+ adults in this analysis are those adults who responded that they thought of themselves as gay, lesbian, bisexual or something other than straight or heterosexual.

Table 23a: Proportion of adults in relative poverty after housing costs, Scotland
Source: Family Resources Survey
Group 2011-14 2012-15 2013-16 2014-17 2015-18 2016-19 2017-20 2018-21 2019-22 2020-23 2021-24
LGB+ 27% 22% 22% 21% 23% 23% 24% 26% 27% 25% 28%
Heterosexual / straight 18% 18% 18% 19% 19% 19% 19% 19% 20% 19% 19%
(Missing) 13% 13% 14% 14% 16% 15% 15% 14% 17% 21% 18%
Table 23b: Median age
Source: Family Resources Survey
Group 2011-14 2012-15 2013-16 2014-17 2015-18 2016-19 2017-20 2018-21 2019-22 2020-23 2021-24
LGB+ 40 39 37 37 36 37 37 37 38 38 36
Heterosexual / straight 49 50 50 51 51 52 52 53 53 53 53
(Missing) 39 38 37 37 37 38 38 38 41 42 42

Marital status

Relative poverty rates highest for single, divorced & separated, and lowest for married adults

In 2021-24, the relative poverty rate after housing costs was highest for divorced (or separated) adults (28%, 90,000) and single adults (29%, 270,000). Married and cohabiting adults were the least likely to be in poverty (14%, 15% ; 310,000 and 90,000) with widowed being in the middle (21% and 60,000).

Poverty among widowed and divorced/separated adults largely decreased over the long term, whereas the trend for singles, cohabiting and married adults was broadly flat over time.

By ‘Single’ we mean adults who have never been married or in a Civil Partnership, and are not living with their partner. The ‘Married’ category includes Civil Partnerships, and couples who are married or in a Civil Partnership but temporarily living apart. The ‘Divorced’ category includes divorced couples, dissolved Civil Partnerships, and couples who are married or in a Civil partnership but are not living together because of estrangement.

Table 24a: Proportion of adults in relative poverty after housing costs, Scotland
Source: Family Resources Survey
Group 1994-97 1995-98 1996-99 1997-00 1998-01 1999-02 2000-03 2001-04 2002-05 2003-06 2004-07 2005-08 2006-09 2007-10 2008-11 2009-12 2010-13 2011-14 2012-15 2013-16 2014-17 2015-18 2016-19 2017-20 2018-21 2019-22 2020-23 2021-24
Divorced 40% 37% 38% 38% 41% 41% 40% 38% 34% 30% 28% 29% 29% 28% 27% 26% 25% 26% 27% 27% 27% 26% 25% 27% 28% 31% 28% 28%
Widowed 37% 38% 37% 34% 31% 28% 27% 24% 21% 17% 17% 17% 16% 15% 13% 13% 12% 14% 16% 18% 18% 19% 17% 19% 19% 21% 19% 21%
Cohabiting 24% 23% 21% 22% 21% 20% 19% 18% 20% 19% 19% 20% 19% 20% 17% 17% 17% 17% 18% 19% 20% 21% 20% 19% 18% 17% 16% 15%
Single 23% 23% 24% 24% 27% 26% 26% 25% 26% 26% 26% 26% 26% 27% 27% 26% 27% 28% 28% 26% 26% 28% 27% 27% 26% 31% 30% 29%
Married 16% 16% 15% 15% 15% 16% 16% 15% 14% 13% 13% 12% 12% 11% 12% 12% 12% 11% 11% 11% 12% 12% 13% 13% 13% 14% 15% 14%
Table 24b: Sample size
Source: Family Resources Survey
Group 1994-97 1995-98 1996-99 1997-00 1998-01 1999-02 2000-03 2001-04 2002-05 2003-06 2004-07 2005-08 2006-09 2007-10 2008-11 2009-12 2010-13 2011-14 2012-15 2013-16 2014-17 2015-18 2016-19 2017-20 2018-21 2019-22 2020-23 2021-24
Divorced 959 952 885 899 916 1,025 1,392 1,795 2,072 1,996 1,897 1,917 1,982 1,979 1,923 1,753 1,587 1,413 1,334 1,258 1,206 1,213 1,268 1,297 859 731 610 834
Widowed 1,212 1,120 1,045 1,023 1,074 1,141 1,522 1,913 2,214 2,164 1,985 1,951 1,823 1,831 1,774 1,631 1,438 1,251 1,190 1,168 1,116 1,114 1,089 1,119 757 664 556 787
Cohabiting 594 630 670 708 766 806 1,172 1,560 1,932 1,968 1,954 1,972 1,976 2,054 2,124 2,034 1,896 1,784 1,788 1,740 1,630 1,630 1,646 1,632 1,056 830 686 986
Single 2,305 2,318 2,242 2,211 2,207 2,287 3,078 3,920 4,674 4,641 4,367 4,244 4,109 4,142 4,090 3,871 3,497 3,071 2,926 2,780 2,745 2,563 2,595 2,496 1,670 1,309 1,112 1,582
Married 7,052 6,800 6,382 6,184 6,092 6,478 8,890 11,190 13,064 12,744 12,222 11,988 11,674 11,414 11,186 10,226 9,364 8,246 7,866 7,438 7,428 7,328 7,492 7,236 4,850 3,884 3,230 4,726

Ethnicity

Ethnicity data relates to all people in a household and is based on the ethnicity of the adult with the highest income.

Relative poverty rates higher for ethnic minorities

Over the five year period 2019-24, people from non-white minority ethnic groups were more likely to be in relative poverty after housing costs compared to those from the ‘White - British’ and ‘White - Other’ groups.

The poverty rate was 43% for the ‘Asian or Asian British’ ethnic groups and 50% for ‘Mixed, Black or Black British and Other’ ethnic groups (no population estimates available due to the small sample).

The poverty rate amongst the ‘White - Other’ group was 20% and that of the ‘White - British’ group was 18% (840,000 people).

This analysis doesn’t take into account differences in the age profiles of the ethnic groups.

For the ‘White - British’ ethnic group the median average age of the highest income earner was 55, compared with a median age of 38 for the ‘White - Other’ ethnic group and 37 for both ‘Asian or Asian British’ and ‘Mixed Black, Black British or Other’ ethnic groups.

Older people have a lower poverty rate, so the age profile partly explains the lower poverty rate for the ‘White - British’ ethnic group. However, the age difference cannot explain the entire gap in poverty rates between ethnic groups.

The ONS working paper on ‘Equality across different areas of life in the UK’ has more information on how age may partly explain different outcomes for different ethnic groups.

Table 25a: Proportion of people in relative poverty after housing costs, Scotland 2019-24
Source: Family Resources Survey
Group 2001-06 2002-07 2003-08 2004-09 2005-10 2006-11 2007-12 2008-13 2009-14 2010-15 2011-16 2012-17 2013-18 2014-19 2015-20 2016-21 2017-22 2018-23 2019-24
Mixed, Black or Black British, and Other 39% 35% 36% 35% 37% 35% 36% 35% 36% 33% 35% 36% 40% 40% 43% 44% 48% 51% 50%
Asian or Asian British 37% 35% 36% 37% 42% 42% 42% 42% 39% 36% 35% 36% 34% 39% 41% 42% 49% 50% 43%
White - Other 24% 23% 23% 22% 23% 24% 25% 25% 27% 27% 26% 25% 26% 25% 24% 24% 23% 22% 20%
White - British 20% 19% 19% 18% 18% 17% 17% 17% 17% 17% 17% 18% 18% 18% 18% 18% 18% 18% 18%
Table 25b: Median age of household head
Source: Family Resources Survey
Group 2001-06 2002-07 2003-08 2004-09 2005-10 2006-11 2007-12 2008-13 2009-14 2010-15 2011-16 2012-17 2013-18 2014-19 2015-20 2016-21 2017-22 2018-23 2019-24
Mixed, Black or Black British, and Other 38 39 39 38 38 39 37 35 35 35 35 36 37 38 38 39 41 39 37
Asian or Asian British 38 38 39 39 39 38 36 37 36 36 37 37 37 37 38 38 40 39 37
White - Other 43 44 43 42 42 42 41 40 39 37 36 36 35 35 36 36 37 38 38
White - British 50 50 50 50 51 51 51 51 52 52 52 53 53 54 54 54 55 55 55

More information on ethnicity data

Figure 25 shows an ethnicity breakdown based on five year averaged data. This provides a reasonably detailed breakdown, whilst still using relatively recent data. A more detailed ethnicity breakdown using ten years of data was previously published.

Due to the small sample sizes for some of the ethnic groups, and the fact that ethnic composition of the population is not accounted for in the survey weighting process, estimates fluctuate between years and the measurement uncertainty is fairly large.

Religion

Data on religion is available for adults only, so this analysis does not include children.

Relative poverty rates higher for Muslims

Over the five year period 2019-24, Muslim adults were more likely to be in relative poverty (53%, 50,000 each year) than adults overall (19%), after housing costs were taken into account.

Of adults belonging to the Church of Scotland, 15% were in relative poverty after housing costs (150,000 adults each year), compared to 17% of Roman Catholic adults (90,000 adults) and adults of other Christian denominations (20%; 70,000 adults).

This analysis doesn’t take into account differences in the age profiles of the religions.

For adults belonging to the Church of Scotland, the median average age was 64. In contrast, the median age was 33 for Muslim adults, and 43 for adults belonging to no religion.

Older adults have a lower poverty rate, so age profile partly explains the lower poverty rate for adults belonging to the Church of Scotland. However, the age difference cannot explain the entire gap in poverty rates between religious groups.

Table 26a: Proportion of adults in relative poverty after housing costs, Scotland 2019-24
Source: Family Resources Survey
Group 2011-16 2012-17 2013-18 2014-19 2015-20 2016-21 2017-22 2018-23 2019-24
Muslim 33% 37% 41% 49% 52% 56% 63% 61% 53%
No religion 19% 20% 19% 19% 19% 19% 19% 18% 18%
Roman Catholic 18% 19% 20% 19% 19% 19% 19% 16% 17%
Other Christian 18% 18% 18% 19% 19% 19% 19% 21% 20%
Other religion 18% 18% 19% 18% 21% 21% 27% 31% 35%
Church of Scotland 14% 14% 14% 15% 15% 15% 16% 16% 15%
Table 26b: Median age
Source: Family Resources Survey
Group 2011-16 2012-17 2013-18 2014-19 2015-20 2016-21 2017-22 2018-23 2019-24
Muslim 32 32 33 35 36 37 36 35 33
No religion 39 40 40 40 41 41 41 42 42
Roman Catholic 47 48 48 48 48 49 50 51 51
Other Christian 51 50 50 50 49 49 51 52 52
Other religion 48 48 50 49 50 50 48 44 45
Church of Scotland 58 59 60 61 62 62 63 64 64

More information on religion data

Figure 26 is based on five year averaged data. Due to the small sample sizes for some of the religious groups, and the fact that religious composition of the population is not accounted for in the survey weighting process, estimates fluctuate between years and the measurement uncertainty is fairly large.

Disability

Relative poverty rates higher where a household member is disabled

Poverty rates remain higher for households in which somebody is disabled compared to those where no-one is disabled. The gap between the two groups has remained fairly steady over the last few years albeit rates for the disabled group can fluctuate.

In 2021-24, the poverty rate after housing costs for people in households with a disabled person was 23% (550,000 people each year). This compares with 17% (510,000 people) in a household without disabled household members.

Table 27a: Proportion of people in relative poverty after housing costs, Scotland
Source: Family Resources Survey
Group 1994-97 1995-98 1996-99 1997-00 1998-01 1999-02 2000-03 2001-04 2002-05 2003-06 2004-07 2005-08 2006-09 2007-10 2008-11 2009-12 2010-13 2011-14 2012-15 2013-16 2014-17 2015-18 2016-19 2017-20 2018-21 2019-22 2020-23 2021-24
No-one disabled 22% 21% 21% 20% 20% 20% 20% 19% 18% 17% 17% 17% 17% 17% 17% 16% 15% 15% 15% 16% 16% 17% 17% 17% 17% 18% 18% 17%
Someone disabled 28% 27% 29% 30% 31% 30% 28% 26% 25% 24% 24% 24% 23% 22% 21% 20% 22% 22% 23% 23% 23% 24% 23% 23% 22% 24% 24% 23%
Table 27b: Sample size
Source: Family Resources Survey
Group 1994-97 1995-98 1996-99 1997-00 1998-01 1999-02 2000-03 2001-04 2002-05 2003-06 2004-07 2005-08 2006-09 2007-10 2008-11 2009-12 2010-13 2011-14 2012-15 2013-16 2014-17 2015-18 2016-19 2017-20 2018-21 2019-22 2020-23 2021-24
No-one disabled 3,553 5,211 4,970 4,813 4,752 5,019 6,831 8,647 10,219 9,994 9,535 9,292 9,142 9,219 9,022 8,283 7,383 6,532 6,107 5,746 5,515 5,337 5,365 5,126 3,395 2,714 2,304 3,259
Someone disabled 1,931 2,894 2,728 2,766 2,874 3,076 4,192 5,356 6,239 6,163 5,802 5,800 5,597 5,467 5,420 5,102 4,769 4,218 4,170 4,049 4,081 4,032 4,156 4,220 2,844 2,347 1,932 2,800

The way in which information on disabled people is collected changed several times during this time series. This causes breaks in the time series. Due to these changes, care needs to be taken when considering long-term trends.

Since 2012/13, disabled people are identified as those who report any physical or mental health condition(s) or illness(es) that last or are expected to last 12 months or more, and which limit their ability to carry out day-to-day activities.

More detail can be found on pages 34-36 in the 2015/16 Households Below Average Incomes technical report.

Additional living costs of disabled people

Some illnesses and disabilities incur additional living costs. The poverty measure does not normally consider this. However, the analysis shown in Figure 28 uses an adjusted poverty rate that partly accounts for additional living costs for those households where someone receives disability benefits.

Relative poverty rates, with disability benefits removed from household income, are higher where a household member is disabled

Research shows that additional costs associated with disability vary greatly in level and nature. There is no general agreement on how to measure these costs.

The analysis in Figure 28 excludes UK benefits such as Disability Living Allowance, Attendance Allowance and Personal Independence Payments from total household income as well as the equivalent Scottish benefits being rolled out. These benefits are paid as a contribution towards the additional living costs for disabled people. If this income is excluded from total household income, then we are able to compare households with and without a disabled household member on a more like for like basis.

In 2021-24, as in previous years, the poverty rate was higher for individuals in households with a disabled person, when disability-related benefits are not included in the household income. After housing costs, the poverty rate was 26% (640,000 people each year) for people living with a disabled household member, and 16% (470,000 people) for those without.

Table 28a: Proportion of people in relative poverty (disability benefits removed from household income) after housing costs, Scotland
Source: Family Resources Survey
Group 1994-97 1995-98 1996-99 1997-00 1998-01 1999-02 2000-03 2001-04 2002-05 2003-06 2004-07 2005-08 2006-09 2007-10 2008-11 2009-12 2010-13 2011-14 2012-15 2013-16 2014-17 2015-18 2016-19 2017-20 2018-21 2019-22 2020-23 2021-24
No-one disabled 21% 21% 20% 19% 19% 19% 19% 18% 17% 16% 16% 16% 16% 16% 16% 15% 14% 14% 14% 15% 15% 16% 16% 16% 16% 16% 17% 16%
Someone disabled 33% 33% 35% 36% 38% 36% 34% 32% 31% 30% 29% 29% 29% 27% 27% 26% 27% 27% 27% 27% 28% 30% 29% 29% 28% 29% 28% 26%
Table 28b: Sample size
Source: Family Resources Survey
Group 1994-97 1995-98 1996-99 1997-00 1998-01 1999-02 2000-03 2001-04 2002-05 2003-06 2004-07 2005-08 2006-09 2007-10 2008-11 2009-12 2010-13 2011-14 2012-15 2013-16 2014-17 2015-18 2016-19 2017-20 2018-21 2019-22 2020-23 2021-24
No-one disabled 3,553 5,211 4,970 4,813 4,752 5,019 6,831 8,647 10,219 9,994 9,535 9,292 9,142 9,219 9,022 8,283 7,383 6,532 6,107 5,746 5,515 5,337 5,365 5,126 3,395 2,714 2,304 3,259
Someone disabled 1,931 2,894 2,728 2,766 2,874 3,076 4,192 5,356 6,239 6,163 5,802 5,800 5,597 5,467 5,420 5,102 4,769 4,218 4,170 4,049 4,081 4,032 4,156 4,220 2,844 2,347 1,932 2,800

Excluding disability benefits from the analysis changes the poverty threshold. This is because some households now have a lower income, which lowers the median and therefore also the poverty threshold. As a consequence, some households without a disabled person that were just below the poverty threshold in the previous analysis will now be above the threshold. As a result, the poverty rate for households without a disabled person is slightly lower.

Income

Income inequality

Summary measures of income inequality are useful for tracking change over time. In this section, we use a range of summary measures to describe different features of the income distribution.

The Gini coefficient of inequality is widely used, and it is based on the whole distribution. But it is sometimes considered overly sensitive to changes in the middle, and not sensitive enough to changes at the top and the bottom. The Palma ratio focuses on the top and the bottom of the distribution only. In practice, both Gini and Palma measures show very similar trends. Decile shares give a more nuanced picture of the different parts of the distribution, but they cannot be summarised with a single estimate.

Palma

Palma ratio of income inequality fluctuating

The Palma ratio of income inequality is the total income of the top ten percent of the population divided by the total income of the bottom forty percent of the population (written as a percentage). It is commonly used to estimate how much more income top-income households have compared to those at the bottom.

The Palma ratio is usually calculated from income before housing costs, but we have included it for after-housing-costs income as well. After-housing-costs incomes are distributed more unequally.

Income inequality has been fluctuating since the beginning of this data collection in the mid-nineties. In 2021-24, the top ten percent of the population had 23% more income (before housing costs) than the bottom forty percent combined.

Table 29a: Palma ratio of income inequality, Scotland
Source: Family Resources Survey
Measure 1994-97 1995-98 1996-99 1997-00 1998-01 1999-02 2000-03 2001-04 2002-05 2003-06 2004-07 2005-08 2006-09 2007-10 2008-11 2009-12 2010-13 2011-14 2012-15 2013-16 2014-17 2015-18 2016-19 2017-20 2018-21 2019-22 2020-23 2021-24
Before housing costs 112% 114% 116% 121% 126% 126% 122% 116% 113% 113% 116% 123% 129% 133% 127% 122% 116% 115% 114% 121% 125% 127% 124% 121% 120% 118% 132% 123%
After housing costs 129% 131% 134% 141% 147% 146% 141% 133% 131% 131% 135% 144% 152% 157% 151% 143% 137% 137% 136% 144% 148% 152% 147% 143% 142% 138% 153% 143%
Table 29b: Sample size
Source: Family Resources Survey
Group 1994-97 1995-98 1996-99 1997-00 1998-01 1999-02 2000-03 2001-04 2002-05 2003-06 2004-07 2005-08 2006-09 2007-10 2008-11 2009-12 2010-13 2011-14 2012-15 2013-16 2014-17 2015-18 2016-19 2017-20 2018-21 2019-22 2020-23 2021-24
All people 8,299 8,105 7,698 7,579 7,626 8,095 11,023 14,003 16,458 16,157 15,337 15,092 14,739 14,686 14,442 13,385 12,152 10,750 10,277 9,795 9,596 9,369 9,521 9,346 6,239 5,061 4,236 6,059

Income decile shares are available in the associated tables.

Gini

Gini coefficient of income inequality fluctuating

The Gini coefficient measures income inequality on a scale from 0% to 100%. A Gini of 100% means that only one person has an income, and everyone else has none. A Gini of 0% means that everyone has the same income.

Income inequality has been fluctuating since the beginning of this data collection in the mid-nineties. In 2021-24, the Gini coefficient (before housing costs) was 32%. The Gini coefficient is usually calculated from income before housing costs, but we have included it for after-housing-costs income as well. After-housing-costs incomes are distributed more unequally.

Table 30a: Gini coefficient of income inequality, Scotland
Source: Family Resources Survey
Measure 1994-97 1995-98 1996-99 1997-00 1998-01 1999-02 2000-03 2001-04 2002-05 2003-06 2004-07 2005-08 2006-09 2007-10 2008-11 2009-12 2010-13 2011-14 2012-15 2013-16 2014-17 2015-18 2016-19 2017-20 2018-21 2019-22 2020-23 2021-24
Before housing costs 31% 31% 31% 32% 33% 32% 32% 31% 30% 31% 31% 32% 33% 33% 33% 32% 31% 31% 31% 32% 32% 33% 32% 32% 32% 31% 33% 32%
After housing costs 33% 34% 34% 35% 36% 35% 35% 34% 33% 34% 34% 35% 36% 37% 36% 35% 34% 34% 34% 35% 36% 36% 36% 35% 35% 34% 36% 35%
Table 30b: Sample size
Source: Family Resources Survey
Group 1994-97 1995-98 1996-99 1997-00 1998-01 1999-02 2000-03 2001-04 2002-05 2003-06 2004-07 2005-08 2006-09 2007-10 2008-11 2009-12 2010-13 2011-14 2012-15 2013-16 2014-17 2015-18 2016-19 2017-20 2018-21 2019-22 2020-23 2021-24
All people 8,299 8,105 7,698 7,579 7,626 8,095 11,023 14,003 16,458 16,157 15,337 15,092 14,739 14,686 14,442 13,385 12,152 10,750 10,277 9,795 9,596 9,369 9,521 9,346 6,239 5,061 4,236 6,059

Income distribution

Figure 34 shows the distribution of weekly income before housing costs across Scotland in 2021-24 with relative poverty threshold, UK median income, and Scottish income decile groups.

Many people have household incomes near the poverty threshold. This means that small movements in the overall distribution can sometimes lead to sizeable movements in poverty rates.

Decile groups are groups of the population defined by the decile points. The first decile group is the ten percent of the population with the lowest incomes. The second decile group contains individuals with incomes above the lowest decile point but below the second decile point.

Poverty thresholds

Most of the income estimates in this publication are based on equivalised income. This means that household income is adjusted to reflect different household sizes and compositions. When income is not equivalised, households of different sizes have different poverty thresholds. The table below shows the relative and absolute poverty thresholds, before equivalisation, for households of different sizes.

The incomes presented elsewhere in this report use the value for “Couple with no children” as the standard; incomes of all other household types are adjusted (equivalised) to reflect their different household composition. Full details of how incomes are equivalised are in the background notes.

Table A: Weekly income and poverty thresholds for different household types after housing costs, Scotland 2021-24
Source: Family Resources Survey
Measure Single person with no children Couple with no children Single person with children aged 5 and 14 Couple with children aged 5 and 14
UK median income £333 £574 £689 £931
Scottish median income £341 £587 £705 £952
Relative poverty threshold (60% of UK median income) £200 £345 £414 £558
Absolute poverty threshold (60% of inflation-adjusted 2010/11 UK median income) £171 £295 £354 £478
Table B: Weekly income and poverty thresholds for different household types before housing costs, Scotland 2021-24
Source: Family Resources Survey
Measure Single person with no children Couple with no children Single person with children aged 5 and 14 Couple with children aged 5 and 14
UK median income £442 £659 £791 £1,009
Scottish median income £431 £644 £773 £985
Relative poverty threshold (60% of UK median income) £265 £396 £475 £605
Absolute poverty threshold (60% of inflation-adjusted 2010/11 UK median income) £230 £344 £412 £526
Table C: Annual income and poverty thresholds for different household types after housing costs, Scotland 2021-24
Source: Family Resources Survey
Measure Single person with no children Couple with no children Single person with children aged 5 and 14 Couple with children aged 5 and 14
UK median income £17,400 £30,000 £35,900 £48,500
Scottish median income £17,800 £30,600 £36,800 £49,600
Relative poverty threshold (60% of UK median income) £10,400 £18,000 £21,600 £29,100
Absolute poverty threshold (60% of inflation-adjusted 2010/11 UK median income) £8,900 £15,400 £18,500 £24,900
Table D: Annual income and poverty thresholds for different household types before housing costs, Scotland 2021-24
Source: Family Resources Survey
Measure Single person with no children Couple with no children Single person with children aged 5 and 14 Couple with children aged 5 and 14
UK median income £23,000 £34,400 £41,300 £52,600
Scottish median income £22,500 £33,600 £40,300 £51,400
Relative poverty threshold (60% of UK median income) £13,800 £20,600 £24,800 £31,600
Absolute poverty threshold (60% of inflation-adjusted 2010/11 UK median income) £12,000 £17,900 £21,500 £27,400

Income sources

Earnings and social security payments main household income sources

Figure 35 shows the different sources of gross income by decile group, ranking the population by income and dividing it into ten equal-sized groups. Income components are considered before tax; this is therefore a different definition of household income from that used elsewhere in this report.

Higher income households receive a large proportion of their income from earnings, and lower income households receive more of their income from social security payments. Social security payments include the state pension.

Earnings account for less than half of gross income for those in the first three decile groups compared to over 80% for those in the top three decile groups.

Table 35a: Income sources as a percentage of gross income by income decile, Scotland 2021-24
Source: Family Resources Survey
Source Lowest 2nd 3rd 4th 5th 6th 7th 8th 9th Highest
Earnings 44% 44% 45% 60% 61% 68% 73% 82% 84% 80%
Investments 5% 2% 2% 2% 2% 2% 2% 2% 2% 8%
Occupational pensions 5% 4% 7% 7% 8% 9% 9% 8% 7% 7%
Other sources 5% 4% 5% 3% 3% 3% 3% 2% 2% 1%
Social security payments 44% 47% 41% 29% 26% 18% 13% 6% 4% 2%
Table 35b: Sample size
Source: Family Resources Survey
Group Lowest 2nd 3rd 4th 5th 6th 7th 8th 9th Highest
All 625 609 659 611 633 658 627 563 527 547

Data source

All the figures in this publication come from the Department for Work and Pensions’ (DWP) Households Below Average Income dataset, which is produced from the Family Resources Survey (FRS). UK figures are published by DWP in Households Below Average Income on the same day as Poverty and Income Inequality in Scotland. For the UK figures, as well as more detail about the way these figures are collected and calculated, see the DWP website.

What does HBAI measure?

Households Below Average Income (HBAI) uses household disposable incomes, adjusted for the household size and composition, as a proxy for material living standards. More precisely, it is a proxy for the level of consumption of goods and services that people could attain given the disposable income of the household in which they live.

The unit of analysis is the individual, so the populations and percentages in the tables are numbers and percentages of individuals - both adults and children.

Data is collected during the financial year, so between April and March of the following year. Statistics are usually published in March, a year after the end of the data collection.

The living standards of an individual depend not only on their own income, but also on the income of others in the household. Consequently, the analyses are based on total household income: the equivalised income of a household is taken to represent the income level of every individual in the household. Equivalisation, a technique that allows comparison of incomes between households of different sizes and compositions, is explained in the Definitions section.

Data collection during the coronavirus pandemic

The coronavirus - COVID 19 pandemic severely disrupted the data collection in 2020/21. As a result, we were unable to obtain a representative sample for Scotland in that year. This means that the periods 2018-21, 2019-22 and 2020-23 only contain data from two financial years. Therefore, some real changes that happened to incomes, such as the furlough scheme or the temporary increase of Universal Credit are only partially captured in the time series.

The latest statistics for 2021-24 revert to a 3-year average. However, although we have 3 years’ worth of data, the pooled sample is around a third less than in 2017-20 due to response rates being lower since the pandemic. Response rates are showing sign of recovery but results can still be volatile, and changes need to be interpreted with caution.

More information about the impact of the pandemic on data collection and the data itself is available in DWP’s HBAI Technical report.

Population coverage

The Family Resources Survey is a survey of private households. This means that people in residential institutions, such as nursing homes, barracks, prisons or university halls of residence, and also homeless people are excluded from the scope of the analysis presented here. The area of Scotland north of the Caledonian Canal was included in the FRS for the first time in the 2001/02 survey year. In recent years response rates have reduced resulting in around 1,800 households in 2023/24.

For further information see the DWP Households Below Average Income publication.

Reliability of estimates

Estimates in this report are based on a sample survey and are therefore subject to sampling variation as well as other measurement error.

Confidence intervals describe measurement uncertainty that comes from using a random sample to represent a whole population. There are other sources of measurement error, which are not captured by confidence intervals. This means that confidence intervals can only represent part of the measurement uncertainty.

We use two kinds of confidence intervals, with tables and more detail available on the measurement uncertainty page. Estimates for the confidence intervals around the key figures are provided by DWP. We have also added indicative confidence intervals to all poverty charts. They are not as accurate as those calculated for the key figures, but they sufficiently reflect how sample size and variation affect measurement uncertainty.

When describing trends or differences between groups in this report, we judge whether an apparent trend or a difference is likely to be real by looking at a range of clues:

  • Is the trend or difference large?
  • Is it consistent over time?
  • How much do previous data points fluctuate?
  • How much measurement uncertainty do the confidence intervals suggest?
  • Does the trend make sense based on what else we know about the economy or the groups?
  • What do we know about any data issues affecting this particular data?

The Family Resources Survey publication contains information on topics such as sample design, non-response biases, weighting; item non-response, imputation and editing; accuracy of income data.

Methodological changes

Scottish Child Payment

Work has been undertaken to better reflect the level of Scottish Child Payment (SCP) in the FRS. SCP was introduced in February 2021 for low income families with children under 6 years old and eligibility was extended to under 16-year olds from November 2022. The FRS began collecting data on Scottish Child Payment (SCP) in the 2020 to 2021 survey year. As with other benefits, the reported FRS caseload remained below official caseloads published by Social Security Scotland.To reduce the level of under-reporting, cases of SCP were imputed in eligible benefit units for the 2022 to 2023 survey year.

This methodology has been revised for 2023 to 2024 following consultation between SG and DWP analysts. The new approach uses estimated age-specific take-up rates to create more precise estimates of state support income for its use within the FRS dataset.

As usual, any derived variables used within the calculation of benefit unit and household income will include these SCP amounts paid as appropriate. These variables are used to derive the poverty statistics therefore the SCP payments will also be reflected in the 2023-24 results.

Details of the revised methodology is available in the FRS background information document published by DWP. DWP have also published comparisons between the estimated level of SCP recipients through the FRS and the administrative caseload in their methodology tables. The undercount of 26% is comparable to the level of other benefits recorded through the survey such as Universal Credit.

Material deprivation

Material deprivation is an additional way of measuring living standards and refers to the self-reported ability of individuals or households to afford goods and activities that are typical in society at a given point in time. Statistics are derived from questions on whether household members can afford items listed on the FRS questionnaire.

Material deprivation estimates for 2023-24 are based on updated measures and therefore not directly comparable to previous estimates. This section outlines the ways in which the child and pensioner measures have been updated and provides a full comparison of the estimates, before and after the update.

Summary of methodology update

There are 29 updated material deprivation questions included on the FRS. These are based on recommendations from a London School of Economics review undertaken to ensure the questions reflect current public perceptions of household necessities. On the 2023-24 survey year, 75% of UK households were asked the updated questions and 25% were asked the previous questions. This gave DWP the information to make robust decisions around updating the analysis and methods to produce the statistics. For Scotland the balance was 73% to 27% households asked the updated and old questions respectively. For the 2024-25 survey year onwards, households will be asked the updated questions only.

Further information on the changes to the material deprivation questions from 2023-24 can be found in the FRS Background Information and Methodology report. For analysis and decisions underpinning the updated material deprivation measures please consult DWP’s separate technical report.

Presentation of the update

Within the report, the updated measures have been presented as follows

  • On charts, we have shown a break in the series with a grey vertical line. We advise users not to make a direct comparison of changes in material deprivation since the update.

  • In the interests of transparency, the single year estimate for the new measure is shown as a single dot in figures 7 and 17. This estimate should not be compared with the three-year averages from previous years.

  • In the excel publication tables, additional lines have been added to clearly identify estimates derived using the updated “2023-24 questions” and methodology. The previous estimates are labelled as “2010-11 questions” for children or “2009-10 questions” for pensioners to denote the year in which the previous question set was introduced.

  • The value [b] has been used in cells to denote the “break” in the series. No statistics for 2021-24 will be available in the three-year average tables until enough households have responded to questions asked on the same basis.

Combined low income and child material deprivation (Tables 7 in the one and three year excel workbooks)

A suite of questions designed to capture the material deprivation experienced by families with children has been included in the FRS since 2004-05. There was a notable change in to the material deprivation questions on the 2010-11 FRS. See Appendix 3 of the 2010-11 HBAI publication for a discussion of the implications of changing the items at that point.

Regarding the 2023-24 change for combined low income and child material deprivation, users should be aware of the following changes:

  • updated material deprivation questions for children now consist of 22 questions, of which 11 are child items and 11 are household items. Previously there were 21 child material deprivation questions;

  • a change in the approach to calculating the number of items has moved to a simple count approach from the previous, more complex prevalence-weighted score approach. A prevalence-weighted score gives greater weight to lacking those items that are more commonly held or where ownership is more widespread;

  • a change in the approach of defining a lacked item, the full details of which are available in the DWP technical report;

  • an update to the threshold at which a child is defined as being in material deprivation – for children this is now 4 or more items. Previously the equivalent was 6.

As this measure is combined with low income, the 70% of median income threshold is still used as the cut off, the same as before the update.

The table below shows a comparison of the impact of the update. Results are shown for:

  • before and after housing costs;

  • “2010-11 questions” and the updated “2023-24 questions”;

  • the different methods of calculation (prevalence weighting and the updated simple count of items).

DWP’s technical report provides further detail on the methodology including the concepts of prevalence-weighting and defining lacked items.

DWP carried out imputation so there were records equivalent to the updated questions for all households. The answers given to the previous questions were used as the basis to impute for similar questions in the updated 2023-24 question set. Therefore, in the table below, the 329 household sample for the updated questions includes the 99 sample from the 2009-10 questions due to imputation.

Material deprivation for pensioners (Tables 8 in the one and three year excel workbooks)

A suite of questions designed to capture the material deprivation experienced by pensioner families has been included in the Family Resources Survey since May 2008 with full year data available from 2009-10. Up until 2022-23 respondents were asked whether they had access to 15 goods and services. The list of items was identified by independent academic analysis. See:

For the 2023-24 survey, the review of the material deprivation questions resulted in:

  • updated questions for pensioners now consisting of 19 questions, of which 8 are pensioner items and 11 are household items (compared the total of 15 questions previously). The household items are consistent across all household types.

  • a change in the approach to counting the number of items to move to a simple count approach from the previous, more complex prevalence-weighted score approach;

  • a change in the approach of defining a lacked item, the full details of which are available in the DWP technical report. This is a change for the pensioner material deprivation measure which previously used a wider constrained lack definition that also included some additional follow-up reasons such as restrictions due to health or disability, too much trouble or too tiring, no one to do the activity with or to help or other reasons;

  • an update to the threshold at which a pensioner is defined as in material deprivation – for pensioners this is 4 or more items. This equivalent threshold before the update was also 4.

In Scotland, child material deprivation is presented in combination with a low-income threshold. However, for pensioners, the concept of material deprivation is broad and very different from low income, therefore it is appropriate to present it only as a separate measure (where 4 or more items are absent) without applying an income threshold.

The table below shows a comparison of the impact of the update. Results are shown for:

  • for the “2009-10 questions” and the updated “2023-24 questions”;

  • for the different methods of calculation (prevalence weighting and the updated simple count of items).

As described above, DWP carried out imputation using answers from households asked the previous questions to impute for similar questions in the updated 2023-24 question set. Therefore, in the table below, the 665 household sample for the updated questions includes the 179 sample from the 2010-11 questions due to imputation.

Heating payments

As a routine update of the devolved benefits, income for winter heating benefit has been reflected in the survey data. As the FRS questionnaire does not ask about receipt of this benefit, amounts are imputed within the dataset for those respondents eligible and already in receipt of a qualifying benefit.

Definitions

Household income

The income measure used in HBAI is weekly net (disposable) equivalised household income. This comprises total income from all sources of all household members including dependants. An adjustment is made to sample cases at the top of the income distribution to correct for volatility in the highest incomes captured in the survey.

Income is adjusted for household size and composition by means of equivalence scales, which reflect the extent to which households of different size and composition require a different level of income to achieve the same standard of living. This adjusted income is referred to as equivalised income (see definition below for more information on equivalisation).

Income before housing costs (BHC) includes the following main components:

  • net earnings
  • profit or loss from self-employment (after income tax and National Insurance contributions)
  • all UK and Scottish social security payments, including housing and council tax benefits, tax credits, and the state pension
  • occupational and private pension income
  • investment income
  • maintenance payments
  • top-up loans and parental contributions for students, educational grants and payments
  • the cash value of certain forms of income in kind such as free school meals, free welfare milk and free school milk and free TV licences for the over 75s (where data is available)

Income is net of:

  • income tax payments
  • National Insurance contributions
  • contributions to occupational, stakeholder and personal pension schemes
  • council tax
  • maintenance and child support payments made
  • parental contributions to students living away from home

Income after housing costs (AHC) is derived by deducting a measure of housing costs from the above income measure.

Income sources

The analysis on income sources is the only analysis in this report using gross income. This analysis is based on income before taxes from employment or self-employment, social security payments, investment, occupational pensions and other income. In some cases, income from self-employment was negative in a year, for example, when someone in self-employment made a loss. In these cases, total income from earnings was set to zero. Negative investment income was also set to zero.

Housing costs

Housing costs include the following: rent (gross of housing benefit); water rates; mortgage interest payments; structural insurance premiums; ground rent and service charges.

Before Housing Costs (BHC) measures allow an assessment of the relative standard of living of those individuals who were actually benefiting from a better quality of housing by paying more for better accommodation, and income growth over time incorporates improvements in living standards where higher costs reflected improvements in the quality of housing.

After Housing Costs (AHC) measures allow an assessment of living standards of individuals whose housing costs are high relative to the quality of their accommodation. Income growth over time may also overstate improvements in living standards for low-income groups, as a rise in Housing Benefit to offset higher rents (for a given quality of accommodation) would be counted as an income rise.

Therefore, this publication presents analyses on two bases: before housing costs (BHC) and after housing costs (AHC).

Real prices

Unless otherwise stated, all figures relating to income are in 2023/24 prices. Values from previous years are uprated to account for inflation using a variant of the Consumer Price Index (CPI). This follows a change in methodology for 2014/15. Prior to this the Retail Price Index (RPI) was used.

Full details can be found at this link: Methodological changes to poverty statistics (pdf)

Equivalisation

Equivalisation is the process by which household income is adjusted to take into account variations in the size and composition of the households in which individuals live. This reflects that in order to enjoy a comparable standard of living, a household of, for example, three adults will need a higher income than a single person living alone. The process of adjusting income in this way is known as equivalisation and is needed in order to make sensible income comparisons between households.

Equivalence scales conventionally take an adult couple without children as the reference point, with an equivalence value of one. The process then increases relatively the income of single person households (since their incomes are divided by a value of less than one) and reduces relatively the incomes of households with three or more persons, which have an equivalence value of greater than one.

Consider a single person, a couple with no children, and a couple with two children aged fourteen and ten, all having unadjusted weekly household incomes of £200 (Before Housing Costs). The process of equivalisation, as conducted in HBAI, gives an equivalised income of £299 to the single person, £200 to the couple with no children, but only £131 to the couple with children.

The equivalence scales used here are the modified OECD scales. Two separate scales are used, one for income Before Housing Costs (BHC) and the companion scale for income After Housing Costs (AHC).

Table C: Modified OECD equivalence scales, rescaled to a couple without children
Source: Family Resources Survey
Household member Before housing costs After housing costs
First adult 0.67 0.58
Spouse 0.33 0.42
Additional adults 0.33 0.42
Children aged 0-13 0.2 0.2
Children aged 14+ 0.33 0.42

The construction of household equivalence values from these scales is quite straightforward. For example, the BHC equivalence value for a household containing a couple with a fourteen year old and a ten year old child together with one other adult would be 1.86 from the sum of the scale values:

0.67 + 0.33 + 0.33 + 0.33 + 0.20 = 1.86

This is made up of 0.67 for the first adult, 0.33 for their spouse, the other adult and the fourteen year old child and 0.20 for the ten year old child. The total income for the household would then be divided by 1.86 in order to arrive at the measure of equivalised household income used in HBAI analysis.

Further information on equivalisation can be found in the methodology report on the Scottish Government website.

Poverty measurement

Individuals are defined as being in poverty if their equivalised net disposable household income is below the poverty line. Different poverty measures have different poverty lines, for example:

  • Relative poverty is the most commonly used poverty measure. The relative poverty line is 60% of the UK median income in the same year. People are in relative poverty if they live in a household whose equivalised income is below this amount. Relative poverty statistics fall if income growth at the lower end of the income distribution is greater than overall income growth.

  • The absolute poverty line is 60% of the inflation-adjusted UK median income in 2010/11. People are in absolute poverty if they live in a household whose equivalised income is below this amount. Absolute poverty statistics fall if low income households are seeing their incomes rise faster than inflation.

  • The severe poverty line is 50% of the UK median income in the same year. People are in severe poverty if they live in a household whose equivalised income is below this amount. Severe poverty statistics fall if income growth at the lowest end of the income distribution is greater than overall income growth.

The latest poverty lines can be found in the Poverty thresholds section.

The median is the income value which divides a population, when ranked by income, into two equal sized groups. Since the mean is influenced considerably by the highest incomes, median income thresholds are widely accepted as a better benchmark when considering a derived measure for poverty.

Food security

The Family Resources Survey collected household food security information for the first time in 2019/20. The questions were adopted from the United States Department of Agriculture’s Adult Food Security Survey Module, using a 30-day reference period, and using the same food security levels (“high”, “marginal”, “low”, “very low”).

The food security analysis in this report excludes shared households, such as a house shared by a group of professionals. These respondents may not have insight into the food security status of others in their household and may not regularly share financial information.

Previously, data on household food insecurity in Scotland had been collected by the Scottish Health Survey. The measure in this report is different from the one from the Scottish Health Survey, because it is based on different questions, which are asked in a different context, using a different sample of the population, and refer to a different period of time. Therefore, these measures cannot be directly compared.

Dependent children

In this publication, ‘child’ refers to a dependent child. A dependent child is a person aged 0-15, or a person aged 16-19 and: not married nor in a Civil Partnership nor living with a partner, and living with their parents, and in full-time non-advanced education or in unwaged government training.

Single parents

In this publication, ‘single parents’ and ‘single mothers’ refer to a situation where the primary residence of a dependent child is in a family with one adult. Data for single fathers is not available due to small sample sizes. This family type does not necessarily imply that the child only has contact with one parent. The child may have non-resident parents who contribute to their welfare. Income transfers from a non-resident parent to the resident parent (such as Child Maintenance payments) are included in the household income.

It is also possible that a single parent family shares a household with another family, for example the child’s grandparents. Income from all household members contribute to the household income and determine whether the household is in poverty.

Household head

The head of the household is the adult with the highest income. If two adults have the same income, it is the older person.

Shared households

A shared household is a household where the household reference person is unclear or arbitrary, such as a group of students, unrelated adults etc., where the household is being shared on an equal basis. Households where adult children are living with their parents or where there are lodgers, but the owner lives in the household, are both not considered shared households for the purposes of this definition.

Find more information

Tables and further analysis

This publication contains the headline poverty, child poverty and household income statistics. Associated tables are available for download and contain:

  • all estimates used in the charts

  • additional relative and severe poverty and child poverty estimates including numbers, rates and compositions of those in poverty disaggregated by a wide range of personal and household characteristics such as:

    • housing tenure
    • family type
    • economic status
    • urban / rural area
    • Scottish Index of Multiple Deprivation decile
    • number of children in household
    • child age

Additional analysis themes are based on the needs of users. If you have any suggestions for future analysis please contact us.

Local poverty analysis

The main poverty data source, the Family Resources Survey, provides information at national level only. Alternative data sources are not directly comparable with the official poverty estimates presented in this report.

More information on local poverty and income analysis from alternative data sources is available.

Persistent poverty

New figures on persistent poverty were published on 27th March 2025.

Persistent poverty identifies the number of individuals living in relative poverty for 3 or more of the last 4 years. It therefore identifies people who have been living in poverty for a significant period of time, the rationale being that this is more damaging than brief periods spent with a low income, with the impacts affecting an individual through their lifetime.

One of the four statutory child poverty target measures is persistent child poverty after housing costs.

These figures come from the Understanding Society survey which tracks individuals over time. The persistent poverty figures are not directly comparable to the figures in this publication as they use different income definitions and cover different time periods, but they provide useful additional information on poverty in Scotland.

Scottish Government websites

Further analysis based on the FRS and HBAI datasets is published by the Scottish Government throughout the year on the Scottish Government’s poverty and child poverty statistics webpages. Previous poverty reports and other Scottish Government statistics are available here:

Accredited Official Statistics

These statistics are accredited official statistics. The Office for Statistics Regulation has independently reviewed and accredited these statistics as complying with the standards of trustworthiness, quality, and value in the Code of Practice for Statistics.

The designation of these statistics as National Statistics was confirmed in May 2012 following a compliance check by the Office for Statistics Regulation.

Accredited official statistics are called National Statistics in the Statistics and Registration Service Act 2007.

Scottish Government statistics are regulated by the Office for Statistics Regulation (OSR). OSR sets the standards of trustworthiness, quality and value in the Code of Practice for Statistics that all producers of official statistics should adhere to.

Access source data

The data collected for this report cannot be made available by Scottish Government for further analysis, as the Scottish Government is not the data controller. However, the data controller (the UK Department for Work and Pensions) are making the data available through the UK Data Service.

Contact

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