Abstract
This chapter enquires into the methods and tools that small states can use to influence decision-making in the EU and the UNSC. It examines the structural weaknesses of small states within these organisations, and how they can compensate for them in order to have a say within these organisations. While the UNSC and EU are very different organisations, small states can adopt similar strategies to exert influence in these bodies. To overcome their structural weaknesses, small states need to acknowledge their limitations, have the political will to try to exert influence, set priorities, develop diplomatic skills and knowledge, develop a positive image, build coalitions, take initiative and exploit the special characteristics of their small public administrations. Due to the small size of their public administrations, small states can rely on the informality, flexibility, and the autonomy of their diplomatic forces. A strategy based on these features can bring negotiating success in these organisations.
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Notes
- 1.
Small state studies use a wide variety of definitions of state size. For the purposes of this chapter an expansive definition of small states is used in order to examine a larger pool of states to draw more robust conclusions about the challenges and opportunities facing small states. Six states are most often regarded to be part of the ‘larger states’ category within the European Union whereas the others are regarded as small states though they vary greatly in size based on the traditional variables defining size of states. The traditional variable, population, most often used to define the size of states is a useful tool in making a distinction between smaller and larger states within the UN. This chapter regards states with less than 11 million inhabitants as part of the smaller group category within the UN.
- 2.
Archer and Nugent (2002).
- 3.
Vital (1967).
- 4.
Keohane (1969).
- 5.
- 6.
Mearsheimer (2001), p. 20.
- 7.
Schweller (2003), p. 323.
- 8.
Mearsheimer (1995), p. 7.
- 9.
Ibid, p. 13.
- 10.
Waltz (1959).
- 11.
Keohane and Martin (1995), p. 42.
- 12.
Ikenberry (2001).
- 13.
- 14.
- 15.
- 16.
- 17.
Panke (2010).
- 18.
- 19.
Grön and Wivel (2011).
- 20.
Thorhallsson (2004).
- 21.
Thorhallsson (2000).
- 22.
For instance, see the Government of Poland (2014).
- 23.
Thorhallsson (2006a).
- 24.
Grön (2014).
- 25.
Tallberg (2008).
- 26.
Panke (2010).
- 27.
- 28.
Lægreid (2000).
- 29.
Thorhallsson (2000).
- 30.
- 31.
Thorhallsson (2004).
- 32.
Thorhallsson (2000).
- 33.
- 34.
Panke (2010).
- 35.
Thorhallsson (2000).
- 36.
Ibid.
- 37.
Ibid.
- 38.
Grön (2014).
- 39.
- 40.
Thorhallsson (2000).
- 41.
Grön (2014).
- 42.
Thorhallsson (2006b).
- 43.
Ingebritsen (2006).
- 44.
Magnúsdóttir (2009).
- 45.
- 46.
Grön (2014).
- 47.
Thorhallsson (2006b).
- 48.
Thorhallsson (2000).
- 49.
Toplak (2014).
- 50.
Grön (2014).
- 51.
Thorhallsson (2006b).
- 52.
Petersen (1998).
- 53.
- 54.
European Council on Foreign Relations (2016).
- 55.
Hurd (2007), p. 12.
- 56.
United Nations Charter 1945, art 23.
- 57.
Ibid.
- 58.
Krisch (2008), pp. 135–136.
- 59.
Ibid, p. 136.
- 60.
Bourantonis (2005), pp. 61–62. However, there are not good reasons to expect that the vote of any single non-permanent member will matter much. Situations where a single vote either breaks or makes a resolution are scarce [Vreeland and Dreher (2014), pp. 7–8]. But the increase in non-permanent members can matter when it comes to unanimous UNSC resolutions. Since UNSC resolutions are desired for reasons of legitimacy [Claude (1966); Voeten (2005); Hurd (2007)], resolutions carry more weight when there is unanimous support for them [Krisch (2008), p. 139]. This may give non-permanent members the ability to put an imprint on proceedings.
- 61.
Hurd (2002), p. 40.
- 62.
Dreher et al. (2013).
- 63.
Dreher et al. (2009a).
- 64.
Dreher et al. (2009b).
- 65.
Kuziemko and Werker (2006).
- 66.
Dreher et al. (2013).
- 67.
Lim and Vreeland (2013).
- 68.
- 69.
Voeten (2005), p. 537.
- 70.
Thorhallsson (2006b).
- 71.
Danish Institute for International Studies (2005).
- 72.
Ulriksen (2006), p. 14.
- 73.
Utanríkisráðuneytið (2009).
- 74.
Cited in Ulriksen (2006), p. 10.
- 75.
Ingebritsen (2006).
- 76.
Nye (1990).
- 77.
Whitfield (2007), pp. 35, 268.
- 78.
United Nations (2008b).
- 79.
United Nations (2010b).
- 80.
Novosad and Werker (2014).
- 81.
United Nations (1983).
- 82.
Hulton (2004), p. 245.
- 83.
United Nations (2010a).
- 84.
- 85.
Ulriksen (2006), pp. 11–12.
- 86.
Whitfield (2007), p. 42.
- 87.
Ingebritsen (2006).
- 88.
Ulriksen (2006).
- 89.
Ulriksen (2006), p. 14.
- 90.
Ulriksen (2006).
- 91.
Hansson (2007).
- 92.
Odén (2010), p. 273.
- 93.
Odén (2010), pp. 273–27 citing the Nordic United Nations Project.
- 94.
Gylfason (2004).
- 95.
United Nations Security Council (2004).
- 96.
Gillissen (2006), p. 37.
- 97.
Ryan cited in Gillissen (2006), p. 34.
- 98.
Rydberg (1998).
- 99.
Gísladóttir (2008).
- 100.
Buhaug and Voldhagen (2001).
- 101.
United Nations (2005a).
- 102.
United Nations (2005b).
- 103.
United Nations (2008a).
- 104.
- 105.
Gillissen (2006), p. 36.
- 106.
Kolby (2003).
- 107.
- 108.
United Nations Security Council (2004).
- 109.
Gillissen (2006), p. 34.
- 110.
Doyle cited in Gillissen (2006), p. 36.
- 111.
Melvern (2000).
- 112.
Ibid.
- 113.
Ross (2001).
- 114.
Laatikainen (2002).
- 115.
Malone (2000).
- 116.
British Broadcasting Corporation (2009).
- 117.
Hurd (2002), p. 42.
- 118.
Keating (2008).
- 119.
Gísladóttir (2008).
- 120.
Hansson (2007).
- 121.
Malone (2000).
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Thorhallsson, B. (2017). Small States in the UNSC and the EU: Structural Weaknesses and Ability to Influence. In: Butler, P., Morris, C. (eds) Small States in a Legal World. The World of Small States, vol 1. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-39366-7_3
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