A Bittersweet StoryThe True Nature of the Laurel of the Oracle of Delphi

ABSTRACT

It is known from ancient sources that “laurel,” identified with sweet bay, was used at the ancient Greek oracle of Delphi. The Pythia, the priestess who spoke the prophecies, purportedly used laurel as a means to inspire her divine frenzy. However, the clinical symptoms of the Pythia, as described in ancient sources, cannot be attributed to the use of sweet bay, which is harmless. A review of contemporary toxicological literature indicates that it is oleander that causes symptoms similar to those of the Pythia, while a closer examination of ancient literary texts indicates that oleander was often included under the generic term laurel. It is therefore likely that it was oleander, not sweet bay, that the Pythia used before the oracular procedure. This explanation could also shed light on other ancient accounts regarding the alleged spirit and chasm of Delphi, accounts that have been the subject of intense debate and interdisciplinary research for the last hundred years.

Delphi, dedicated to the god Apollo, was the most revered oracle in antiquity. For at least one thousand years, the prophecies of the Delphic oracle offered divine guidance to the rulers of Greece, Persia, and the Roman Empire on issues ranging from the establishment of colonies to declarations of war, as well as personal [End Page 351] advice to commoners, who made the arduous journey to this sacred mountainous site. What fascinates most about Delphi are the ancient testimonies surrounding the Pythian priestesses: the women who acted as the mouthpieces of the god Apollo. No issue has been more hotly debated than the process by which the priestesses were inspired to make their pronouncements. As several scholars have noted, the Pythian priestesses may have taken the secret of that process with them to their graves, leaving us with an opaque view of this crucial ancient ritual. However, by using a combination of ancient texts and modern pharmacology, I try here to defend the novel argument that the prophecies of the Pythia in fact occurred after deliberate oleander intoxication.

Figure 1. Bowl (ca. 440 BCE) showing Thetis in the role of the Pythia. S: A B
Click for larger view
View full resolution
Figure 1.

Bowl (ca. 440 BCE) showing Thetis in the role of the Pythia.

Source: Antikensammlung Berlin

“Laurel” (daphne in ancient Greek) was closely connected with the Delphic rituals (Amandry 1950). According to an ancient tradition upheld by Pausanias, the travel writer of antiquity, the first prophetess at Delphi was called “Laurel.” The Homeric Hymn to Apollo (7th c. BCE), mentions that the prophecies at Delphi derived “from laurel.” In Lucretius’s De rerum natura (1st c. BCE) and Lucian’s Hesiodus (2nd c. BCE), [End Page 352] laurel is referred to as being one of the Pythia’s three essential oracular means, the other two being local spring water and a tripod. In Bis accusatus sive tribunalia, Lucian mentions more specifically that it was the chewing of laurel leaves that brought on the Pythia’s oracular inspiration, while in Juppiter tragoedus, he replaces laurel chewing with laurel incense. The inhalation of laurel smoke during divination at Delphi is also confirmed in other accounts. For example, Plutarch, an essayist, biographer, and himself a priest at Delphi in the 1st century CE, mentions in De Pythiae oraculis and De e apud Delphos that in addition to the customary incense, incense from laurel leaves was also used at Delphi. The purchase of laurel, along with other incense, is also mentioned in a 4th-century BCE inscription at Delphi (Bourguet 1932, 5:37), and the burning of laurel incense during divination is also referred to in the Geoponica, a 10th-century CE agricultural lore treatise. The chewing of laurel leaves by the priestesses of Apollo is mentioned in works as diverse as Sophocles’ Cassandra (5th c. BCE), the poet Lycophron’s Alexandra (3rd c. BCE), and Tibullus’ second Elegy (1st c. BCE). A 5th-century BCE painted bowl, now in the Berlin Museum, depicts the Pythia sitting on a tripod, holding a drinking vessel and laurel leaves (Figure 1). One can see all the ancient testimonies masterly depicted on an oil canvas by John Collier in 1891 (Figure 2).

According to Democritus, a 5th-century BCE philosopher, the use of plants at ancient oracles aimed to induce oracular visions. A commentary on Hesiod’s work mentions that the chewing of laurel leaves and inhalation of laurel smoke aimed to induce a particular state in the Pythia, a state called “enthusiasm” in ancient sources, which literally means the possession of the priestess by the god Apollo; thus, she was transformed into Apollo’s ideal spokesperson.

The Effect of Laurel on the Pythia

The “enthusiastic” state of the Pythia was characterized by the following symptoms: agitation, bounds, and leaps, “harshness” of voice, intense salivation, ataxia, loss of senses, and sometimes death (Lucain, De bello civili; Plutarch, Amatorius, De defectu oraculorum; Scholion, Aristophanem Plutum). Plutarch’s stature as a priest at Delphi renders his testimonies quite trustworthy; modern scholars also deem Lucain’s testimonies credible (Bayet 1946). To the abovementioned symptoms we could add tremor, since it has been noted that during the oracular procedure the Pythia “shook” laurel branches in her hands (Aristonous, Paean in Apollinem; Aristophanes, Plutus; Ovidius, Metamorphoses and others). Moreover, one could also add seizures to the Pythia’s symptoms, since her possession by Apollo was considered identical to epilepsy. Also called the “sacred disease,” in antiquity epilepsy was attributed to possession by some demon or god (Aretaeus, De causis et signis acutorum morborum). This perception regarding epilepsy prevailed for many centuries even after Hippocrates, who expressed his opposition to this widespread belief in his work On the Sacred Disease (5th c. BCE). The Pythia’s symptoms mentioned in these works [End Page 353]

Figure 2. John Collier, Priestess of Delphi (1891). S: A G S A.
Click for larger view
View full resolution
Figure 2.

John Collier, Priestess of Delphi (1891).

Source: Art Gallery of South Australia.

[End Page 354]

were not necessarily all her symptoms, but only those that were easily observable by the temple’s priests. She could have suffered various non-observable symptoms as well. Naturally the Pythia’s laurel-induced hazardous state could not be repeated frequently, which is most likely why oracular readings were given once a month by two or three priestesses, who would alternate (Parke 1943).

However, the most common substance that goes by the name of “laurel,” sweet bay—Laurus nobilis of the Lauraceae botanical family—has no effect on humans. In antiquity, as in contemporary times, it constituted an everyday seasoning used in cooking. Thus, instead of the innocent sweet bay, many alternative hypotheses regarding the substance used by the Pythia have been proposed by contemporary scholars. Rätsch (1987) has claimed that the Pythia used henbane (Hyoscyamus niger), a plant that contains alkaloids. Holland (1933), followed by Littleton (1986), argues that the Pythia used cannabis. But ancient writers familiar with these plants would have referred to them by their appropriate names, not as “laurel.” In a 1995 article in Archaeology, Adrienne Mayor claimed that laurel in antiquity could have been a generic term that embraced several plants. She concluded that the plant of the Pythia was rhododendron (of the Ericaceae botanical family), and that the priestess neither consumed the leaves of the plant nor inhaled its fumes, but instead ingested intoxicating honey derived from its flowers. However, rhododendron is not endemic to the Greek mainland (Polunin 1987).

A New Hypothesis

Unlike rhododendron, oleander (Nerium oleander of the Apocynaceae botanical family), also known today as rose bay or dogbane, and as “rose laurel” in ancient Greek, is a plant endemic to the Mediterranean regions. Assuming that the plant of the Pythia was actually oleander, I have focused my research on two crucial points. The first relates to the symptoms of oleander poisoning and their comparison with the Pythia’s symptoms as described in ancient sources; the second relates to ancient texts referring to laurel, and the possibility that laurel was actually a generic term that included oleander.

Oleander Intoxication

All parts of the oleander plant are poisonous. The major toxins in oleander are cardiac glycosides that contain a five-membered steroid nucleus with a lactone ring. Digitalis is the prototypical cardenolide, and oleander-derived cardenolides share similar physiological and structural characteristics with digitalis. Common oleander contains several cardiac glycosides (oleandrin, digitoxigenin, neriantin, rosagenin) that produce a digitoxin-like effect by inhibiting the sodium-potassium adenosine triphosphatase enzyme system. The highest concentrations of cardiac glycosides are found in seeds, stems, and roots, followed by the fruit and leaves. However, the leaves contain the greatest oleandrin concentrations (Barceloux 2008). Ingestion of [End Page 355] leaves, inhalation of smoke from leaves or stems, ingestion of water contaminated with oleander, and ingestion of sap or honey produced from oleander flowers can all cause many adverse effects in humans and animals (Benaissa 1966; Hardin 1974; Harissis and Mavrofridis 2013; Khasigian, et al. 1998; Langford 1996; Shaw 1979). Although one leaf has been considered potentially lethal, ingestion of larger amounts is probably necessary to produce serious toxicity. The toxic dose will vary depending on several factors, such as the amount, plant part, and toxin concentration in the plant part ingested, and age and health of the patient at the time of ingestion. Using calculations on the digoxin pharmacokinetic in the antemortem serum from a 96-year-old woman who died after ingesting oleander tea, it was estimated that the apparent digoxin concentration of 5.8 ng/mL was equivalent to the absorption of cardiac glycosides from 5 to 15 oleander leaves (Osterloh, Herold, and Pond 1982).

Characteristic features of oleander poisoning include nausea and vomiting, abdominal pain, and diarrhea, which usually occur within several hours (Barceloux 2008). Increased salivation, burning of the mouth, paraesthesias of the tongue, and hoarseness due to vocal edema may also develop, as a result of the local effects of oleander extracts (Driggers et al. 1989). Neurological features include excitement and agitation. This may explain why, according to Apollodorus, Pliny, and Ptolemaeus Chennus, chewing of oleander leaves was practiced by contestants before boxing matches in antiquity. Other neurological symptoms are tremor, drowsiness, ataxia, visual disturbances (yellow vision), mydriasis, weakness, and seizures (Barceloux 2008; IPCS 2014; Langford 1996).

The most common serious complication of oleander poisoning is disruption of cardiac conduction (Bandara et al. 2010; Chin and Wei-Lang 1957; Ts’ang 1953). Cardiogenic shock, ventricular fibrillation, and cardiovascular collapse may occur following severe oleander toxicity. Conduction delays may persist for three to six days, and these cardiac effects resemble classical digitalis toxicity—in other words, conduction abnormalities with ectopy such as supraventricular tachycardia with atrioventricular block. Onset of symptoms and serious poisoning can occur rapidly after drinking teas prepared with oleander leaves or roots, compared to the slower onset that may follow ingestion of unprepared plant parts (Barceloux 2008; Haynes, Bessen, and Wightman 1985; Le Couteur and Fisher 2002).

As can be observed, the symptoms reported after the Pythia consumed laurel all belong to the clinical image of oleander poisoning. Therefore, one could confidently proceed to the association of oleander with the “laurel” of Delphi, provided that there is no conflict between the ancient term laurel and what is today called oleander.

The Name of Oleander in Antiquity

Laurel in ancient Greek was a generic term. For example, in Theophrastus’ treatises on plants, seven different plants are referred to. According to an important testimony by Pompeius Lenaeus, a 1st-century BCE Roman writer of pharmacological treatises, the laurel of Delphi had “fruit of very large size and of [End Page 356] a red tint.” However, the sweet bay has small, dark fruit, so Pompeius Lenaeus’ testimony must refer to some other plant. One candidate, the Daphne mezereum, has red fruit, but they are smaller than 1cm in diameter. Besides, the toxicity of this plant does not induce symptoms similar to those of the Pythia (Barceloux 2008). However, the oleander plant has long (5–23 cm), narrow fruit, which are deep red in color. I therefore believe that this account by Pompeius, which has been overlooked by most contemporary scholars, is enough on its own for the association of oleander with the laurel of Delphi.

But other examples from antiquity also associate oleander with laurel. When the ancient Greek philosopher Empedocles says that one should avoid eating laurel leaves because in them “live demons,” he probably means oleander, which produces a similar state to that of epilepsy, considered a type of possession by divine demons. Further examples regard the alleged laurel of Tempi, a ___location closely linked with Delphi. According to legend, Apollo went to Tempi to purify himself after slaying the Python, and from there took the laurel to Delphi. Nicander (3rd c. BCE), the lexicographer Hesychius, and the Etymologicum Magnum all report that the laurel of Tempi was called dauchmos. However, in the 3rd century BCE, Antigonus says dauchmos was called “bitter laurel.” This is almost certainly pikrodaphne, the modern Greek word for oleander, which is translated into English as “bitter bay” due to the bitter taste of its leaves.

Moreover, according to Hesychius and the Etymologicum Magnum, dauchmos has flammable wood, a property that is consistent only with oleander, the branches of which were used to make matchsticks in antiquity, according to the 5th-century BCE botanist Menestoras. Oleander has the same use today due to its great flammability (Kavvadas 1956). In contrast, sweet bay does not have flammable qualities. According to Hesychius, the laurel of Tempi was also called dyareia, which owed its name to its capacity for inducing a “mood for boxing,” something that is consistent with the use of oleander at boxing matches in ancient times. Consequently, it seems reasonable to conclude that the terms dauchmos and dyareia referred to oleander.

Conclusion

In conclusion, I believe that the plant that must be identified with the so-called “laurel” of Delphi is oleander. Not only do the symptoms it induces match those of the Pythia, but on many occasions in antiquity its name is also identified with the term laurel. The Pythia used oleander as a complement during the oracular procedure, chewing its leaves and inhaling their smoke. The toxic substances of oleander resulted in symptoms similar to those of epilepsy, the “sacred disease,” which amounted to the possession of the Pythia by the spirit of Apollo, an event that made the Pythia his spokesperson, and subsequently, his prophetess.

The same reasoning could explain the mysterious legend discussed by 1st-century BCE historian Diodorus, regarding the erection of the temple at Delphi. [End Page 357] According to Diodorus, a shepherd noticed that when his goats grazed where the temple presently stands, they became hyperactive. Believing that this was a divine sign, people deemed the ___location sacred; thus, a temple was erected. Given that consuming oleander leaves causes hyperactivity in animals, as it does in humans, one would be entitled to claim that this was, in effect, the actual basis of the legend. Similarly, as described in Plutarch’s De defectu oraculorum, the ritual involving the “besprinkling” of the sacrificial goat and the animal’s subsequent tremor, which was viewed as a “godly sign” and permitted the initiation of the Pythia’s prophecy, could also have included oleander. During this ritual, oleander-infused drink extracts may have been offered to the goat, which would have caused it to tremor. This interpretation stems from what I believe is the correct translation of Plutarch’s term kataspeiseis as “drink-offerings” [to the goat], and not “besprinkling [the goat] with holy water,” which is how the word is usually translated. Pliny, in The Natural History, says that “goats, if they drink water in which the leaves [of oleander] have been steeped,” get intoxicated. This phenomenon, as we have seen, also occurs today (Langford 1996). According to Pausanias, Lucian, and the depiction on the 5th-century BCE bowl, the Pythia also drank water before passing into a divine frenzy, water which could have been contaminated with oleander extracts. Indeed, perhaps this same oleander infusion was previously tested on the goats for its safety and its efficacy.

A further issue that warrants analysis regards the much-discussed “spirit” of Delphi, which, according to the ancient geographer Strabo, emerged from an antron (meaning “cave,” inner chamber,” or “closet”) under the temple of Delphi and was inhaled by the Pythia in order for her to bring on the oracular reading. The actual physical existence of the “spirit” and the antron at Delphi has either been completely refuted or, on the contrary, totally supported and attributed, by several recent studies, to a geological fault line in the area from which a certain toxic gas was emitted (Amandry 1950; Etiope et al. 2006; Oppé 1904; Spiller, Hale, and de Boer 2002; Spiller et al. 2008; Vernière 1990; Will 1942). However, despite its great popularity, the geological theory presents some serious flaws (Foster and Lehoux 2007; Lehoux 2007). But could the “spirit”—which, in ancient Greek, also means the “gas fumes”—have been the smoke from burning oleander leaves? And could these oleander fumes have originated in a brazier located in an underground chamber (the antron) and have escaped through an opening in the temple’s floor? This hypothesis perfectly fits the findings of the archaeological excavations that revealed an underground space under the temple, and the classification of the “laurel” of Delphi as oleander.

Thus, the whole of the Pythia’s oracular procedure can be understood as having been induced by the pharmacological qualities of oleander, which were well known only to the medicine-priests of the temple. This, however, does not mean that the priests at Delphi were deceiving people. Such an ahistoric view is a product of our era, where divine vision is dismissed as hallucination and use of psychoactive organic [End Page 358] substances is usually driven by a “recreational” desire to experience euphoria and impelled by peer-group pressure. In preindustrial, religion-centered societies, the ingestion of psychoactive organic substances has been predominantly dictated by socially defined requirements. Humans have a very ancient tradition involving the use of body- and mind-altering substances to produce spiritual experiences in ritualistic and religious activities, as in bacchic frenzies and mantic trances (Merlin 2003). Thus, substances such as the “laurel” of Apollo were regarded as legitimate and useful, a “sanctified” means to divine understanding.

Haralampos V. Harissis
Department of Surgery, Medical School, University of Ioannina, Greece
Correspondence: University Hospital of Ioannina, Ioannina 45500 Greece.
E-mail: [email protected].

The author is deeply indebted to Peter Pappas for his valuable help with the English translation and preparation of the manuscript.

References

Amandry, Pierre. 1950. La mantique apollinienne à Delphes: Essai sur le fonctionnement de l’oracle. Paris: E. de Boccard.
Bandara, Veronika, et al. 2010. “A Review of the Natural History, Toxinology, Diagnosis and Clinical Management of Nerium oleander (Common Oleander) and Thevetia peruviana (Yellow Oleander) Poisoning.” Toxicon 56 (3): 273–81.
Barceloux, Donald G. 2008. Medical Toxicology of Natural Substances: Foods, Fungi, Medicinal Herbs, Plants, and Venomous Animals. New York: John Wiley.
Bayet, Jean. 1946. La mort de la Pythie: Lucain, Plutarque et la chronologie Delphique. Paris.
Benaissa, L. 1966.”Hémolyse aiguë par inhalation prolongée de fleurs de lauriers-rose.” Tunis Med 44: 115–19.
Bourguet, Émile. 1932. Fouilles de Delphes. III. Épigraphie. Paris: Boccard.
Chin, Dao, and Ch’i Wei-Liang. 1957. “Auricular Tachycardia with Auriculo-Ventricular Block in Oleander Leaf Poisoning.” Chin Med J 75 (1): 74–77.
Driggers, David A., et al. 1989.”Acute Oleander Poisoning:A Suicide Attempt in a Geriatric Patient.” West J Med 151: 660–62.
Etiope, Giuseppe, et al.. 2006.”The Geological Links of the Ancient Delphic Oracle (Greece): A Reappraisal of Natural Gas Occurrence and Origin.” Geology 34 (10): 821–24.
Foster Jay, and Daryn Lehoux. 2007. “The Delphic Oracle and the Ethylene-Intoxication Hypothesis.” Clin Toxicol 45 (1): 85–89.
Hardin, James W and Jay M. Arena. 1974. Human Poisoning from Native and Cultivated Plants. 2nd ed. Durham: Duke University Press.
Harissis, H. V., and G. Mavrofridis. 2013. ‘”Mad Honey’ in Medicine from Antiquity to the Present Day.” Arch Hell Med 30 (6): 730–33.
Haynes, Bruce E., Howard A. Bessen, and Wayne D. Wightman. 1985.”Oleander Tea: Herbal Draught of Death.” Ann Emerg Med 14 (4): 350–53.
Holland, Leicester B. 1933. “The Mantic Mechanism at Delphi.” Am J Archaeol 37: 201—14.
International Programme on Chemical Safety (IPCS). 2014. “Nerium oleander l.” IPCS INCHEM. http://www.inchem.org/documents/pims/plant/pim366.htm.
Kavvadas, D. S. 1956. Illustrated Botanical Dictionary. Athens: Pigassos. [Greek].
Khasigian P., et al. 1998. “Poisoning Following Oleander Smoke Inhalation.” J Toxicol Clin Toxicol 36 (5): 456–57.
Langford, Shannon D., and Paul J. Boor. 1996. “Oleander Toxicity: An Examination of Human and Animal Toxic Exposures.” Toxicology 109 (1): 1–13. [End Page 359]
Le Couteur, David G., and Alex A. Fisher. 2002. “Chronic and Criminal Administration of Nerium oleander. J Toxicol Clin Toxicol 40 (4): 523–24.
Lehoux, Daryn. 2007. “Drugs and the Delphic Oracle.” Classical World 101 (1): 41–56.
Littleton, C. Scott. 1986. “The Pneuma Enthusiastikon: On the Possibility of Hallucinogenic ‘Vapors’ at Delphi and Dodona.” Ethos. 14 (1): 76–91.
Mayor, Adrienne. 1955.”Mad Honey!” Archaeology 48: 32–40.
Merlin, M.D. 2003. “Archaeological Evidence for the Tradition of Psychoactive Plant Use in the Old World.” Econ Botany 57 (3): 295–323.
Oppé, A. P. 1904. “The Chasm at Delphi.” J Hell Stud 24: 214–40.
Osterloh, John, Scott Herold, and Susan Pond. 1982. “Oleander Interference in the Digoxin Radioimmunoassay in a Fatal Ingestion.” JAMA 247 (11): 1596–97.
Parke, H. W. 1943. “The Days for Consulting the Delphic Oracle.” Classical Q 37 (1–2): 19–22.
Polunin, Oleg. 1987. Flowers of Greece and the Balkans: A Field Guide. New York: Oxford University Press.
Rätsch, Christian. 1987. “Der Rauch von Delphi: Eine ethnopharmakologische An-näherung.” Curare 10 (4): 215–28.
Shaw, D. and John Pearn. 1979. “Oleander Poisoning.” Med J Aust 2: 267–69.
Spiller, Henry A., John R. Hale, and Jella Z. de Boer. 2002.”The Delphic Oracle: A Multi-disciplinary Defense of the Gaseous Vent Theory.” Clin Toxicol 40 (2): 189–96.
Spiller, Henry A., et al. 2008.”Gaseous Emissions at the Site of the Delphic Oracle: Assessing the Ancient Evidence.” Clin Toxicol 46 (5): 487–88.
Ts’ang, Kuo. 1953. “Heart Block in Oleander Poisoning.” Chin Med J 71 (4): 287–92.
Vernière, Yvonne. 1990. “La théorie de l’inspiration prophétique dans les dialogues pythiques de Plutarque.” Kernos 3: 359–66.
Will, E. 1942. “Sur la nature du pneuma delphique.” Bull Correspond Hell 66 (1): 161–75. [End Page 360]

Share