Untouchables of Korea or: How to Discriminate the Illusive Paekjong?

University of Haifa Department of Asian Studies Untouchables of Korea or: How to Discriminate the Illusive Paekjong? This paper is a requirement for the course: "State and Society in Korea" Dr. Guy Podoler Submitted by: Ruthie Kotek Winter Semester March 2009 Contents As of March 2016, this paper may be cited freely. Acknowledgements Working on this paper, I found very few articles discussing the history of the Paekjong and almost no references to sources on their present-day status. Some materials were inaccessible to me even through university library services, or even through a physical (not electronic) search in Israel and a few well known universities in the United States of America. As a part of my journey in search for materials, I encountered people, some of whom are volunteers in institutions, who are willing to invest their time and efforts to help researchers – academic or not – far across the world. They accept your request, look into it and not only respond – they correspond, send links and documents. In my case, this proved invaluable, and some of my material I would never have found, let alone got access to, with my own resources. I would like to thank those people and institutions for their work. In no particular order: Kim Joong-Seop, who responded to my emails clarifying certain points. Ian Neary, who not only responded to my emails but sent me a hardcopy of his article which I could not find electronically or otherwise in any library. Buraku Liberation Human Rights Research Institute (BLHRRI): Megumi Komori ARIS, Anti-Racism Information Service: Emilie Reydon. Internet Public Library (IPL): Mark Shores and others. National Library of Australia Librarian, Korean Unit Asian Collections: Jung-ok Park. The Baekjeong Weekly, Seoul USA : Erica Castle, Johwa Lee. 3 chapter Introduction ………………………………….…………………….. 4 1. Origins, Social Status and Other Facts …......……..………….….…. 7 2. Liberation Efforts …………………………..………………..……... 10 3. The Paekjong's Social Status in Present-day Korea ..……... 15 4. Discussion ……………………...…............................…………….. 26 Conclusions …………………………….……….…….………….... 32 Appendices: …………………………………………………….… appendix (i) : The Paekjong - Background ...………….…....... 39 appendix (ii): Paekjong - Population and Geographical Distribution ……………………….……....... 41 appendix (iii): The Burakumin - a Short Background ….….…. 41 appendix (iv): The Burakumin Liberation Struggle …………. 43 appendix (v): Examples of Burakumin Discrimination Issues 43 appendix (vi): Seoul USA……………………………………. 46 Bibliography ………………………..…………………………..…. 34 4 Introduction The Paekjong1 were an untouchable group in traditional Korea, much like the Burakumin of Japan, the Dalit of India and other untouchable groups in Asian societies2. Many of these groups are still struggling to this day for liberation in two parallel streets: they demand the establishment of formal institutions, governmental and others; The abolishment of any laws or practices of discrimination against them; And equality in their daily contacts with other members of society. Some Asian countries, which have democratic societies, or claim to have them, host all sorts of legislations aimed at the abolishment of castes, outcastes and any institutionalized discrimination which is associated with them. Some of those countries have taken measures to correct long term former discrimination, in the form of projects, plans and legislations in favor of such groups. Discrimination, however, still occurs institutionally, socially and culturally. Liberation movements put up a gallant fight for these discriminated-against people, with varying degrees of success. South Korea3 is an exception to the rule. The state claims homogeneity of the Korean society, thus denying de facto the possible existence of any Paekjong-related issues. The Paekjong question is particularly interesting vis-à-vis the Burakumin problem, for two major reasons: a) The Meiji regime obliterated the caste system in Japan as one of its first steps. Laws have been passed and programs planned to compensate for past injustice and to help the elevation and the integration of the Burakumin into 'regular' society. Yet social discrimination and cultural prejudice 1 I found several variations on the word Paekjong, (Paekchong, Baekjong and others) used in various sources. I used the term Paekjong in all places except in direct quotes, where I gave the original variation. 2 Herbert, Passin, "Untouchability in the Far East", Monumenta Nipponica, Vol. 11, No. 3 (Oct. 1955), Tokyo: Sophia University, 247 3 Henceforth, any mention of Korea will refer to South Korea. Referrals to North Korea or traditional Korea will be done in an explicit way. 5 against the Burakumin remain, and to this day there are unresolved Burakumin issues, and b) Liberation of the Korean Paekjong is linked with Japanese influence on the Kabo Reforms, and with the Japanese occupation of Korea; It coincides with modernization processes and the flow of egalitarian ideas, which enabled an atmosphere cultivating Paekjong aspirations, being expressed through their liberation movement, the Hyongpyongsa (The Equality Movement). Being an exception, concerning the social status of outcaste groups in present day East Asian democracies, the claim of Paekjong complete assimilation into Korean society seems worthy of exploration for the purpose of either refutation or assertion of this claim. Searching for materials on the issue of Paekjong in present days I encountered a real difficulty. Few people seem to show academic interest in the subject, and fewer wrote their works in English. However, the issue of Paekjong in present days is, in the broader sense, an issue of human rights, and it is a disturbing notion that there seems to be no "follow-up" by the state or by any Ngos, aimed to confirm that there is no real problem. The questions that guide this paper are: 1) How well have the Paekjong assimilated into present-day South Korean society? Did the Hyongpyongsa achieve complete liberation and equality for the Paekjong, to the extent that there is indeed no institutional, no social and no cultural-based discrimination associated with Paekjong ancestry? 2) What explanations may be offered for the seemingly-complete success of the Paekjong liberation, especially in the light of the continuing struggle of other untouchable groups in Asia to this very day, such as the Burakumin in Japan? The paper consists of four chapters. The first chapter introduces the Paekjong. It provides a short historical background, and speaks of the group's social status in 6 traditional Korea, under the rule of late Choson and colonial Japan. The second chapter describes processes towards social liberation, relating to initiatives of governments, individual actions and the liberation movement. The third chapter discusses the Paekjong social status in present-day Korea. Chapter four will be dedicated to a discussion of the following issues: a) Did the Hyongpyongsa achieve full liberation of the Paekjong by the time it transformed into Taedongsa in 1935, as stated by Chang Chip'il4? b) What explanations may be offered to the presumed assimilation of the Paekjong into present-day Korea, to the point invisibility? c) The Japanese Burakumin as a test case: extrapolative deduction on implications on the Paekjong question, and d) Unresolved Contradiction and dilemmas. Hopefully, this discussion will lay down a basis for inferences from the Korean case to other cases of caste abolition attempts5. 4 Chang was one of the movement's founders, and a leader at the time of its dissolution. There are also appendices concerning the Paekjong and the Burakumin, mainly background on origins, liberation struggles and on going issues. Although somewhat large for this size of paper, I feel comprehension of this issue necessitates them. 5 7 Chapter 1: Origins, Social status and Other Facts Considering that information about the Paekjong is scarce, this chapter aims to give some basic information about them to the reader, enabling the better comprehension of following chapters in this paper. The origins of the Paekjong There are a few theories concerning the origins of the Paekjong. These can be assembled into two main categories: The theories which claim that the Paekjong came from indigenous Koreans, who for one reason or another became isolated as a group; And the theories which suggest that the Paekjong descend from outsiders, invaders who remained on the margins of society for a variety of possible reasons. All theories seem to accept, or have no argument with, the following three claims: (a) The Paekjong were confined to occupations which were considered impure, probably on religious grounds; These were mainly trades of the meat and leather markets, including the butchering, skinning, producing leather items, burying animals, execution, coffin bearing and dog catching, (b) There had been outcaste groups even before the Yi dynasty came into power at the end of the fourteenth century, (c) When the Yi Dynasty approached its fading years, at least until the Kabo (1894), the Paekjong were a socially untouchable group, discriminated against, with many restrictions put upon them6. The Paekjong's Social Status in Traditional Korea The Yi Dynasty reinforced a social system that existed in the Koryo Kingdom which preceded it, and was based on two major social classes – the Good People and the Base People. Without elaborating on the internal composition of these classes, it 6 Herbert, Passin, "Untouchability in the Far East", 211-213, and: Joong-Seop, Kim, The Korean Paekjong under Japanese Rule: Tthe Quest for Equality and Human Rights, London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003, 18-21 8 is important to note that the Base People consisted of several low-status groups; The Paekjong was one of these groups and the only one which was untouchable7. There were some attempts by the Yi dynasty to assimilate the outcastes, which did not in any way suggest intention to change the class system. The attempts were made partly because the outcastes became a threat to public order. During King Sejong's reign (1419-1450) there was an attempt to register the outcastes, to relate to them as common people, to encourage intermarriage with common people and to settle the outcastes in agricultural communities. These attempts failed, as both the common people and the outcastes themselves did not cooperate. After the failure to assimilate the outcastes into Yi society, they were restricted to living areas usually outside ordinary peoples' centers. The autonomy to run their own lives included having their own institutions, including for judicial matters. The Paekjong were not registered, did not pay taxes and were not called for military service. They had a monopoly on their occupations, and resisted any attempts to enter them from outside their sub-class8. The social discrimination against the Paekjong was led by two principles: preventing contact and prohibiting mobility from this sub-class to other classes. In daily life this meant that any necessary contacts, such as for using their professional skills, were made under strict limitations. Paekjong were required to treat yangban with a very respectful language, even children, while referring to themselves in a low language. They were required to distance themselves from their residence and from their person even when doing business. Paekjong were forced to wear different clothing and were prohibited regular customs during mourning and during wedding 7 Herbert, Passin, "The Paekchong of Korea, A Social History", monumenta Nipponica, vol 12, No. 3/4 (Oct., 1956-Jan. 1957, Tokyo: Sophia University),203-205 8 Herbert, Passin, "The Paekchong of Korea", 208 9 celebrations. Intermarriage was forbidden, by law, but was usually prevented by natural feelings of deep contempt9. 9 Herbert, Passin, "The Paekchong of Korea", 209-210 10 Chapter 2: Liberation Efforts This chapter speaks of processes and events mainly between 1894 and 1936, before modern South Korea came to be. However, under the claim of present-day complete liberation of the Paekjong, the relevance of this knowledge is essential for better enabling to assess the contribution of past liberation efforts to present-day status. Early initiatives to improve Paekjong social status in modern times The earliest calls for improvement of Paekjong social status came from the Tonghak Movement, who set a goal to abolish the unjust class system. This movement was anti-government, anti-yangban and anti-foreign. The Tonghak leaders incited peasant uprisings in 1894, and some of their demands referred to specific discriminatory customs against the Paekjong. Despite the failure of the rebellion, the government did propose what came to be known as the Kabo Reforms of 1894-1896, which abolished the class system and offered equal opportunities for all in pursuing government posts, including the despised people, and the Paekjong among them 10,11 Christian influences also played a role in elevating the awareness of the Paekjong to ideas of equality, and to their civil rights. Reverend Moore, of the Presbyterian Mission to Korea, converted a large number of residents in a Seoul Paekjong village, and accepted them to his congregation as equals. Kim tells of two incidents both in Presbyterian churches (in 1895 and in 1909); Non-Paekjong members went as far as leaving their churches, when Paekjong members were permitted to attend services12,13. 10 Joong-Seop, Kim, The Korean Paekjong under Japanese Rule, 2003, 23-24 Joong-Seop, Kim "In Search of Human Rights: The PaekChong movement in Colonial Korea", In Colonial modernity in Korea, [ed.] Gi-Wook Shin and Michael Robinson, editors, Cambridge, Mass. : Harvard University Asia Center, 1999, 313-314 12 Joong-Seop, Kim "In Search of Human Rights", 314 13 Soon-Man, Rhim, "The Paekchong: Untouchables of Korea", Journal of oriental studies, Vol. 12, 1974, 35-37, Hong Kong: University Press. 11 11 In accordance with the reforms, the Paekjong were registered in the governmental census at the end of the century, but their records were stigmatized by a red dot or indication of profession. This resulted in disadvantage in job searching and in the education system. The reforms were not welcome by all strata of society, and the Paekjong were forced to struggle for the reinforcement of their newly acquired privileges in diverse manners. Still, in the 1920s, some of the Paekjong could not be identified by appearance alone, and following the removal of restriction on residence, some Paekjong moved into commoners' residential areas14. Attempts to organize the Paekjong As local government officials failed to enact the chapters of the reforms, Paekjong leaders appealed to local and central government to uphold their newly given prerogatives. This emphasizes the social difficulties which the Paekjong encountered. The process of modernization was having economical aspects as well. The Paekjong lost their monopoly on their traditional occupations, as the late Choson government and then the Colonial Japanese rule passed laws to enable the state have close inspection. The new legislation opened the meat handling professions to non-Paekjong Koreans, as well as to Japanese residents, rendering many of the Paekjong to Japanese employers. A direct result was deterioration in their living conditions15. The first attempt to organize the Paekjong occurred in 1910, as a national trade union for butchers, but the organization did not prevail. In 1921, Korean and Japanese entrepreneurs founded the Success Union, whose main goal was to provide welfare services to butchers in the Seoul area. All these attempts were on local or regional level and did not last long16. The Hyongpyongsa (Equality Society): the Paekjong's liberation movement 14 Joong-Seop, Kim, The Korean Paekjong under Japanese Rule, 25 Joong-Seop, Kim, "In Search of Human Rights", 315-317 16 Joong-Seop, Kim, "In Search of Human Rights", 319-320 15 12 The Hyongpyong movement emerged in 1923 with the agenda of improving Paekjong human rights. The founders were of both Paekjong and non-Paekjong origin. Among them were intellectuals, some wealthy Paekjong and human rights activists, some of whom participated in the March First Movement17. The Hyongpyong movement stayed active until 1935 and operated on a national level, starting with 80 branches in 1923 and peaking at 166 branches in 1931. During its existence, the Hyongpyongsa activity focused on social and economic issues. The leaders put an emphasis on campaigns for enlightenment of the Paekjong community as to their human rights, giving priority to education of children and adults alike18. An equally important factor leading the Hyongpyongsa was the economic factor. The changing circumstances of modernization, technological advancement and urbanization had a great impact on the Paekjong community living conditions, as discussed previously. The need to look after economic interests gave the movement aspects of a trade union towards the late 1920s. The concept of achieving human rights was now painted in colors of upgrading economic conditions, as a means to achieving those rights. Undoubtedly, those concepts and the actions taken as consequence aroused violent attacks on Hyongpyongsa villages19. Kim brings examples of conflicts involving Paekjong and Hyongpyongsa issues. Some of the major causes for incidents in 1923-1925 included foundation of Hyongpyongsa branches; Being 'impolite' to commoners while exercising their rights to use the same speech and other newly-acquired privileges; Discrimination or refusal to admit children to school; And failure to observe segregation. Some of the incidents lasted for days or weeks, and there were collective violent incidents against Paekjong, boycotts, and violence against individuals, including lynching. The Hyongpyongsa responded in various measures, including mobilizing members from other branches, 17 Joong-Seop, Kim, "In Search of Human Rights", 320-321 Joong-Seop, Kim, The Korean Paekjong under Japanese Rule, 128-131 19 Joong-Seop, Kim, "In Search of Human Rights", 327-328 18 13 setting up self defense units, and retaliation. Where possible, they attempted legal processes to maintain their rights20. During its twelve years of existence, the movement had a political inner life, seeing factions compete and giving rise to subgroups with specific goals within the movement targeting women, students, youths and ideological militants. The Hyongpyong movement also had connections with other social movements21. There was also external intervention by the authorities. Some of the Hyongpyongsa members were accused of involvement with the Koryo Revolutionary Party and served jail terms in 1927-1928. In 1933, the police arrested about a hundred young leaders, accusing them of planning in 1929, a secret association, the 'Hyongpyong Youth Vanguard League', which supposedly conspired to construct a communist society (and other accusations). All the accused were found innocent in two consecutive trials which took place in 1936. One speculation was that the Japanese authorities acted with intention to intervene with the Hyongpyongsa against reformists and radical elements22. The 'Hyongpyong Youth Vanguard League' was a major contributor to, but not the only factor, which eventually brought the dissolution of Hyongpyongsa. A campaign to that effect began in 1931, supported mainly by younger leaders; They claimed that the movement had abandoned the spirit of class struggle, and advised for joining independent trade unions. The opposition, including Chang Chip'il, was that Hyongpyongsa was unique among the social movements23. The debate went on for a while, and had a divisive affect between ordinary members and leaders. It was about to end, when the Hyongpyong Youth Vanguard League affair emerged in 1933, during which many young leaders were arrested, 20 Joong-Seop, Kim, The Korean Paekjong under Japanese Rule, 98-105 Joong-Seop, Kim, The Korean Paekjong under Japanese Rule, 82-84 22 Joong-Seop, Kim, The Korean Paekjong under Japanese Rule, 138-140, 154-156 23 Joong-Seop, Kim, The Korean Paekjong under Japanese Rule, 149-150, 158-159 21 14 followed by a decline in activities, in membership and in branch numbers. By 1935 there was a shift in leadership attitudes, accepting that Hyongpyongsa could not exist in its current form, and Chang Chip'il argued that the original goals had almost been achieved. The movement name was changed to Taedongsa (Fusion Society); New goals were set for the new movement tending towards interest groups of the leather trade, cooperating with the Japanese authorities and abandoning its initial goals pursuing human rights. The Taedongsa movement disappeared in the 1940s 24. 24 Joong-Seop, Kim, The Korean Paekjong under Japanese Rule, 158-164 15 Chapter 3: The Paekjong's Social Status in Present-day Korea It is time to address the first question which led this paper: How well have the Paekjong assimilated into present-day South Korean society? Did the Hyongpyongsa achieve complete liberation and equality for the Paekjong, to the extent that there is indeed no institutional, no social and no cultural-based discrimination associated with Paekjong ancestry? This chapter will present the empiric data which I was able to find. Passin reported in 1956 that there were still some Paekjong communities left after the Korean War, but he anticipated that these will either disappear completely in the following decades, or perhaps remain as historical reminders of the past25. In 1974, Rhim concluded his article saying that the term Paekjong had almost disappeared from the daily language, and younger people would need to consult a dictionary to comprehend it. The Paekjong have "vanished almost without trace into the main stream of Korean society", claims Rhim26. Neary says in his article of 1987, that in the 1980s there were no obvious Paekjong communities outside the towns, and that informants reported there was no more discrimination against Paekjong descendents27. This seems to sit well with the hypothesis that the Paekjong had indeed dissolved into main stream society. In February 2009, Kim Joong-Seop, an expert on the subject of Paekjong, conveyed to me in a private communication that there are few scholars in Korea today, who take interest in the Paekjong issue28. In a subsequent private communication, Ian Neary, a human rights activist and researcher, confirmed the scarcity of written 25 Herbert, Passin, "The Paekchong of Korea, 235 Soon-Man, Rhim, "The Paekchong: Untouchables of Korea", 40 27 Ian, Neary, " The Paekjong and Hyongpyongsa: the untouchables of Korea and their struggle for liberation, Immigrants and Minorities, Vol. 6, No 6, July 1987, 146-147 and in a private electronic communication 28 Communication by email with Joong-Seop Kim, dated February, 2009 26 16 material in either English or Japanese, a point he had already made in his article. Moreover, The topic of 'Paekjong' seems of have been taboo in Korean society, which Neary interprets as suggestive of ill-feelings against the Paekjong; All this alienated researchers, for the fear of social isolation29,30. Kim gives an assessment of previous works on both Paekjong and Hyongpyongsa, which also shows that there was some research done, but not comprehensive as far the Hyongpyong goes31. Johwa Lee, a Korean living in the United States who works at the Seoul USA organization, wrote in the same spirit, saying that it will be hard to trace someone's ancestry as Paekjong. He also confirmed that people don't commonly use that term to indicate a group of people anymore. Erica Castle32, Seoul USA, suggested that "There may not be laws discriminating against Baekjeong or their descendants, but there are cultural impacts"33. I have found no written evidence as to the existence of any Paekjong communities in present-day South Korea. However, I did find bits-and-pieces of evidence as to culturally-biased attitudes toward anything-Paekjong. This in itself deserves attention. The 'bits and pieces' are introduced by themes, recent to oldest evidence. 29 Herbert Passin, whose work was cited in all of the later sources that I found on Paekjong-related issues, stated, that most of his sources were in the Japanese language: "The Paekchong of Korea", 236-237. Neary states that Passin's work is the best done in English in thirty years. 30 Ian, Neary, "The Paekjong and Hyongpyongsa", 118; and in a private electronic communication 31 Joong-Seop, Kim, The Korean Paekjong under Japanese Rule, 7-8 32 Director of Champion and Partner Relations, Seoul USA 33 In a private electronic communications with Mr. Lee and Mrs. Castle. 17 Theme (1): The non-existence of Paekjong communities and the lack of discrimination against Paekjong, 2009,2008, 1993: Both Kim and Neary concur, that there is no institutional discrimination against Paekjong, and none or little social prejudice in daily life, in present day South Korea. In a symposium on "Present Day Buraku Issues", held in the summer of 2008, Kim said that there is little evidence to show social discriminations against Paekjong in contemporary Korea34. Kim reiterated this idea in a personal communication, saying he believes that some old people, who retain memories or knowledge of traditional customs of Choson society, feel some prejudice towards Paekjong descendents. Neary says that there may be some Paekjong descendents who are sensitive to possibilities of discrimination; He mentions a conversation with a Korean academic who expressed discomfort at the idea that his daughter might marry a Paekjong. Neary points to the difficulty in tracing Paekjong ancestry, mainly due to the destruction of public records during the Korean War in the early 1950s, and due to massive migration into urban areas, especially in Seoul and in Pussan35. In March 1993, BLLRHI newsletter reports about Kim Joong-Seop's appearance in the 37th Buraku Liberation Research Institution (BLRI) General Assembly. Kim commented that there is no discrimination of Paekjong36. Johwa Lee wrote to me: "Personally I think it will be hard to trace someone's ancestry these days to prove whether their predecessors were baekjung (lit. butcher) or not. It is not something to be proud of and people will not be interested to find out that history through their genealogy. I think it will be safe to regard that term "Baek jung" as an old Korean word indicating people who killed animal for 34 Joong-Seop, Kim, "The Role of Leadership: The Case of Paekjong in Korea", International Workshop and Symposium of Young Scholars Working on "Present Day Buraku Issues", Issued in November 2008, http://blhrri.org/blhrri_e/present_Buraku/013.htm 35 In private electronic communications with Prof. Kim and Prof. Neary, February, 2009. 36 Buraku Liberation Research Institute, "The Steps of Hyongpyongsa – A Retrospective View To Coincide With its 70th Anniversary",No.71, March 1993, 4, http://blhrri.org/blhrri_e/news/news071.pdf 18 living. People don't commonly use that term to indicate a group of people anymore. And it still has lots of negative connotation"37. Theme (2) The existence of discrimination of Paekjong, 2003, 1997: Tomonaga Kenzo, in his capacity as director of the Buraku Liberation Human Rights Research Institute (henceforth BLHRRI), published a document titled "Demand for abolition of the discrimination against Paekjong". In this document, he suggested that discrimination relating to Paekjong issues still exists. Tomonaga mentions four examples of discriminatory situations: (i) Authors writing about the Paekjong or the Hyongpyongsa are "interfered with". (ii) Prices of houses in neighborhoods which were at one time Paekjong land are low, and inhabitants of these lands are sometimes discriminated against. (iii) Korean author Chong Tong-Ju did a survey in 1993, concerning acceptance of inter-marriage with people of Paekjong descent. Within the group of interviewees over 50 years of age, there was almost 100% objection. Within the group of interviewees in their forties, there was 60% objection. Within young people in their twenties and thirties, 30% of the interviewees responded with hesitation38. (iv) The word 'Paekjong' is used in daily life as a degrading term, meaning 'evil' or 'vice'. Passin's and Kim's informants testified in the 1920s and 1930s, Paekjong were called dogs, and their children as brats; 'Son of Paekjong was an insult39. Tomonaga mentions the ceremony of unveiling Hyongpyongsa Memorial Tower. In the symposium that followed, participants "confirmed the importance of…making every effort to do away with discrimination against Paekjong, as well as all other forms of discrimination persisting in Korean society". Tomonaga claims discrimination of Paekjong still exists, and concludes by saying that after South Korea had passed the National Human Rights 37 In private electronic communications, 2009 Tomonaga refers to: Chung Dongju, "Current Discrimination Against Paekjong and the Issues for its Liberation", Buraku Liberation Study, No.100, Oct. 1994 39 Herbert, Passin, "The Paekchong of Korea, 232 and Joong-Seop, Kim, The Korean Paekjong under Japanese Rule, 15 38 19 Committee Act 40 , "we must reveal the actuality of the discrimination against the Paekjong, deepen the study of its history and culture, and gain accurate knowledge about Paekjong. Also, I hope that an educational program that will end Paekjong discrimination… will be designed as soon as possible."41. In 1997 the BLHRRI published an article about the author Chung Dongju, who wrote books about the Paekjong42. The newsletter gives excerpts from a lecture he gave in 45th General Assembly in Osaka. Speaking of his book, Chung tells about "Iju Pak, one of the heroines, who lives in the present society, completely changed her family registration, including her native place, birthday and her own name as well as those of her parents, in order to conceal her origin." and comments: "In fact, many people contest that there are people like Iju Pak actually existing in modern South Korean society, where the Paekjong class had been abolished long before and it is said that even the word 'Paekjong' has almost disappeared. However, more people like her exist contrary to the imagination of these people"…"I can say that the present 'equality' seemingly enjoyed by supposedly discriminated-against people is very superficial. The 'equality' was not a fruit of an antidiscrimination movement but is merely the result of a drastic social mobility through the periods of Japanese colonial rule, the independence movement, and the Korean War". 43 The BLRI report from 1993 (Issue 71) mentions that one person only, a Mr. Kim Yondae who came to Japan five years before, had announced himself a Paekjong, which suggests, according to the report, that discrimination still exists44. Theme (3): The Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD) In 2003, CERD considered periodic reports of the Republic of Korea, relating to the years 2000 and 2002, which were submitted by the State party. In paragraph 492, the Committee "takes note of the view of the State party as to the homogeneity of its 40 The act was passed in 2001 Kenzo, Tomonaga, "Demand for abolition of the discrimination against Paekjong", 2003,(labeled FKOR-35), Buraku Liberation Human Rights Research Institute, p2 42 Two of the books are 'Paekjong' and 'God's Cane' 43 "BLRI launched a Japanese translation of a novel on Korean Paekjong", Buraku Liberation News, March 1997 issue (N0. 95), an excerpt from Mr. Chong Dong-ju, author of 'God's Cane', http://blhrri.org/blhrri_e/news/new095/new09501.htm 44 "The Steps of Hyongpyongsa – A Retrospective View To Coincide With its 70th Anniversary", Buraku Liberation News, No.71, March 1993, 4, http://blhrri.org/blhrri_e/news/news071.pdf 41 20 population"…"The Committee also suggests that the State party take into account its general recommendation XXIX 45 on descent-based discrimination when gathering information on the situation of the Paekjong community"46. Rather than submitting a report which confirms or denies the existence of identifiable Paekjong communities or individuals, the government of the Republic of Korea responds by suggesting that: "in respect of factual accuracy and hence in support of the credibility of the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination," (the government) "requests the concluding observations of the Committee to reflect the following: “1. The deletion of the last three lines of paragraph 7 …" 47,48. Theme (4): Characteristics of the Paekjong portrayed in culture-related fields: A search of the internet yielded some examples of use of the Paekjong stereotyped figure: A traditional mask dance done in a Korean village of Hahoe as part of culture treasures preservation; A thesis attempting to give access to cultural and historical information through a computer game; And a play about Paekjong hunters in San Francisco. The Hahoe49 Traditional Mask Dance involves actors wearing traditional masks, one of which represents the Paekjong. The Hahoe mask consists of two linked parts - a face and a chin with strings, it has different expressions depending on the angles from which it is viewed. On the official website of South Korea which promotes Hahoe folklore village, this figure is portrayed as: "the robust and cantankerous paekchong (butcher)"…."when the paekchong tilts his head forward, one sees the vicious expression of one 45 United Nations, General Recommendation No. 29: Article 1, paragraph 1 of the Convention Descent) : . 01/11/2002. , Gen. Rec. No. 29. (General Comments), http://www.unhchr.ch/tbs/doc.nsf/(Symbol)/f0902ff29d93de59c1256c6a00378d1f?Opendocument 46 United Nations, Report of the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD), 84 http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/category,REFERENCE,CERD,,,417676824,0.html 47 United Nations, Report of the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD),178 48 Paragraph 492 in the full report is the seventh paragraph concerning South Korea. 49 The Hahoe Folk Village in Andong, Gyeongsangbuk-do Province is listed by the South Korean government with UNESCO as a tentative World Heritage site, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hahoe_Folk_Village_in_Andong 21 who could kill anything, and when he tilts it back, one glimpses the empty laugh of one who has lost his humanity" 50,51. Descriptions from the Hahoe Mask Dance Drama website say that "Peakchong T'al has a coarse and well-lined brown face. Depending on how it is seen, the face either appears to be grinning (mad with the pleasure of killing living creatures) or cruel and sinister (the butcher's true nature)"52,53. On the website, one can find a link to a video of the Paekjong dancer, supposedly representing the Paekjong social class54. There is no hint on the site that 'the butcher' was confined by law to his occupation or that he was despised and discriminated-against because of it. The mask dance portrays an entertaining, but distorted image of the Paekjong. On the Hahoe Mask Museum website, it is explained that the masks are a precious cultural inheritance, as well as being known world wide as masterpiece masks. Analysis on the basis of physiognomy suggests that each mask has physiognomic features representing well the characteristics of the social position in Korean feudal society, occupation and economic status. On this site, the Paekjong is described thus:" The generally ill-tempered nature of Paekchong T'al shows a malicious figure with murderous intent when drooping his head. When he leaning backwards he has an insane grin because of his sense of guilt derived from killing bulls. His crooked forehead signifies he is of a sinister and cruel nature."55,56 These distorted descriptions seem to be of a general consensus. On the Cyber Hahoedong Tal Museum website, there is a game room for children. One of the games is 'Baekjeong, Catch a cow'. In the game, the butcher chases a cow and throws his axe in order to kill it. The site, which was funded by the Ministry 50 Korea Net – Gateway to Korea, Korea's Official Website, http://www.korea.net/kois/magazine/pictorialKoreaView.asp?Html_no=553 51 quoted from the official site, the emphasis is mine 52 Hahoe Mask Dance Drama, Hahoe mask Dance Drama Preservation Society, http://www.hahoemask.co.kr/board/index.php?doc=english/html/10mask_03.htm 53 quoted, from the Mask Dance Drama site, the emphasis is mine. 54 mms://hahoemask.co.kr/board/korea/vod/3.wmv 55 Dong Pyo, Kim, "Hahoe Mask on Phrenological Viewpoint", http://www.tal.or.kr/coding/english/sub02.asp 56 Hahoe, Mask Museum, "Hahoe 10 Masks", http://www.tal.or.kr/coding/english/sub01.asp , 22 of Culture and Tourism, includes no information about the Paekjong whatsoever, other than that he is 'the butcher'. Interestingly enough, there are other activities offered on the site, such as making masks, in which the Paekjong mask is offered as an equal to all other masks57. Another example is a thesis proposal submitted in 2006 by a Korean, to the Faculty of the College of Imaging Arts and Sciences, in Rochester Institute of Technology, New York. The advisors are all computer graphics design experts. The major goal of this thesis is stated as providing a way to present cultural and historical information in an entertaining way and establish an effective digital collection of cultural resources. The means of doing so, in the case of the Paekjong character, is through a computer game. In the abstract it says "…This project has presented a way to keep Korean cultural resources in an entertaining and user-friendly way. Through this project, users can participate in storytelling as if facing with real cultural events and can be exposed to creative aspects, not only to develop valuable cultural experiences but to rediscover our hidden cultural values"58. The sources of information about the Paekjong, and indeed about the Hahoe masks and the dance itself, are the websites and a CD from the Hahoe Mask Museum. The description of the Paekjong mask bears a very close resemblance to previously quoted descriptions from the website itself59. Clearly, the emphasis of this work was the artistic features of the product, and not historical facts. There seems to be no concern for possible social ramifications of spreading these prejudices on a mass-scale, despite an explicit goal to give correct information60. 57 The game is in Korean and also it crashed on my computer… Cyber Hahoedong Tal Museum, Children's Hall, game room, http://mask.org/english/sub5/sub4_3.asp 58 Hee Jung, Lee, "Storytelling of the Korean Traditional Dance - The Hahoe Mask Using Interactive Multimedia, 2006, 2-3, https://ritdml.rit.edu/dspace/bitstream/1850/2295/1/HJLeeThesis062006.pdf 59 Hee Jung, Lee, "Storytelling of the Korean Traditional Dance ", 38 60 Hee Jung, Lee, "Storytelling of the Korean Traditional ",3,6 23 The 'Asian American Theater Company' presented in 1999 a play called "The Butcher's Burden 61 ", by Harold S. Byun. The play centers on a group of sleazy Paekjong hunters in present-day San Francisco that specializes either in blackmail or in feeding sensationalist stories to TV reporters. The critic, Robert Hurwitt, describes the Paekjong of Korea as an ancient class of "untouchables" perhaps descended from nomadic tribes from northern China. Relegated to the "unclean" hereditary trades of butchers, leather workers and executioners, the Paek'chong were shunned by the rest of society and deprived of most rights of citizenship. In the aftermath of the Korean War, many moved to Seoul or the U.S., changing their names and falsifying birth documents to escape their hereditary status"62. Theme (5): The use of the term Paekjong by Christian organizations in America: There are Christian organizations and activists whose focus is on North Korean prisoners and refugees. Some of those organizations operate web sites to help publicize the pain and suffering of North Koreans. The major issues which are often spoken about are North Korean prison camps, compared with no less than the Holocaust and Nazi Germany63,64 ; And North Korean defectors, who have somehow escaped into South Korea and China, living in poor conditions and in low status in South Korea and other places, or being forcibly repatriated by Chinese authorities. This paper does not challenge the correctness of these reports, but seeks to point the use Formatted: Space Before: 0 pt of the term Baekjong in them. Following are two examples: (i) The “Baekjeong Deleted: ¶ Weekly” is a blog which was established by Seoul USA for dialogs about conditions in South Korea for those who experience difficulties and may be considered outcasts due to socio-economic conditions, divorce, disability, age, refugees 61 "The Butcher's Burden, Asian American Theatre Review", [ed.] Roger, Tang, http://www.aatrevue.com/Old/AATC0599.html (Review, 1999) 62 Robert, Hurwitt, "Butcher's' is promising, but remains inexplicable, play looks at Korean 'untouchables'" , Monday, May 10, 1999, http://www.sfgate.com/cgi-bin/article.cgi?file=/examiner/archive/1999/05/10/STYLE11013.dtl 63 Antony, Barnett, "Revealed: the gas chamber horror of North Korea's gulag", The Observer, 1 /2/ 2004 http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2004/feb/01/northkorea 64 Edward, Kim, " About Chosun Journal, Dear Reader", The Chosun Journal, March 10, 2001 http://chosunjournal.com/about/ 24 of North Korea and more. Erica Castle explained to me that the blog took the name Baekjeong as a way to communicate and relate to those who feel “less than”65. The posts to the blog are anonymous and at times, they are heavily entwined with Christian motives symbolizing Jesus and his disciples as Baekjeong. A few phrases to demonstrate this: "But Christ, at first Himself a baekjeong of Korea…", "Jesus, the bondservant, or baekjeong if you please, humbled Himself to death", and "If Jesus and the disciples were baekjeong, (outcasts, lowest dregs of society, worthy of misery and death) why am I not?"66. The word 'baekjeong' is explained as the lowest class of society. Most, if not all of the entries in the blog, are anonymous. Among them one can find entries about North Korean refugees which tell horrific stories about North Korean prison camps. Some of these stories are backed by references67,68. In the latter report, some of the former detainees were accused of having some sort of connection with Christians. One entry speaks of the treatment these refugees receive in South Korea today, saying North Koreans are segregated to “special” neighborhoods. In this vocabulary, the word 'Baekjeong' has become a synonym to low socio-economic groups, especially North Korean refugees69,70. (ii) The "Church Around The World Newsletter" is a short publication of a church in North Carolina. In August 2008, it published an article saying that "The most shocking disclosures come from the prison guards and interrogators themselves. One man describes an execution carried out by a baekjeong, or “man-butcher”: “The [accused] digs the hole to be buried and 65 "The Baekjeong Weekly, serving North Korea and Asian outcasts everywhere from Seoul USA", the about section", Seoul USA is a network of Christians who want to Do The Word in such a way that the darkest corners of the world are impacted". http://www.seoulusa.org/ 66 The Baekjeong Weekly ,http://baekjeong.com/page/3/ 67 Antony, Barnett, "Revealed: the gas chamber horror of North Korea's gulag", The Observer, 1/2/ 2004, http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2004/feb/01/northkorea 68 David, Hawk, "The Hidden GULAG Exposing North Korea’s Prison Camps", U.S. Committee for Human Rights in North Korea, 2003, http://www.hrnk.org/TheHiddenGulag-press.pdf 69 The Baekjeong Weekly, http://baekjeong.com/page/2/ 70 The size of the Korean Community in The United States of America was 1,555,293 in 2007. Around eighty percent are Christians, and there is an estimate of 2800 churches. This information comes from, "Korean American", Wikipedia, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Korean_American#Religion_2 25 then the baekjeong strikes him just one time with a two knuckle- sized hammer”71. This description uses the term Paekjong as a synonym to executioner. The findings of this chapter are not many in quantity, but they point to a very distinct perception. Paekjong individuals may not be identifiable, but the Paekjong image has a life of its own. Prejudice, in my view is potential discrimination. In the next chapter, I will rely on the findings of this chapter, and attempt to reply to my research questions and then I will put out some unresolved dilemmas concerning the Paekjong issue. 71 "The Church Around the World", vol. 38, no. 9., August 2008. Tyndale House Publishers Carol Stream, IL. USA. http://www.thevillagechapel.net/Downlo adFile.asp?FileName=TVCAug08CATW.pdf 26 Chapter 4: Discussion In my introduction, I put forth two leading questions, one about the assimilation of Paekjong into present-day South Korean society and the other about possible explanations for a seemingly-complete success of the Paekjong liberation, with a reference to the Burakumin. As chapter three shows, there seem to be no identifiable Paekjong communities, and few individuals announced themselves Paekjong descendents72, but prejudice and potential discrimination do exist. In this chapter I would like to discuss the following points, thus replying to the original questions: a) Did the Hyongpyongsa achieve full liberation of the Paekjong by the time it transformed into Taedongsa in 1935, as stated by Chang Chip'il? b) What explanations may be offered to the presumed assimilation of the Paekjong into present-day Korean society, to the point of invisibility? c) The Japanese Burakumin as a test case: extrapolative deduction on implications on the Paekjong question, and d) Unresolved Contradiction and dilemmas. Did the Hyongpyongsa achieve full liberation of the Paekjong by the time it transformed into Taedongsa in 1935, as stated by Chang Chip'il? This is not very likely. The reasons for Hyongpyongsa dissolution were practical following decline after the young leaders arrest in 1933, and a formerly ideological division about Hyongpyongsa losing its social spirit73. Neary's informants reported that in the 1980s that there was no discrimination against Paekjong; His comment on that was: "Now, if this is true, it is quite remarkable. In other societies where outcast groups have been victims of organized discrimination up until the eve of modern era, it has proved hard to dispel prejudices and change the behavior of the mass population"… 72 One individual was Kim Yondae, mentioned in footnote 42. Names of Hyongpyongsa executive committee members can be found in: Joong-Seop, Kim, The Korean Paekjong under Japanese Rule 80-81, 118-119 and other pages. 73 These were he dissolution campaign and the 'Hyongpyong Youth Vanguard League' affair. 27 "… the evidence of the Hyongpyongsa's anti-discrimination campaigns would seem to indicate that at least as late as the 1930s, Korean attitudes towards the Paekjong were very similar to Japanese attitudes to Burakumin". Neary says that the most likely explanation to any decrease in discrimination would not be the Hyongpyongsa achievements as a liberation movement. Although they changed attitudes in the Paekjong community itself, and some attitudes of workers and peasants, it did not have an overall affect on the public attitudes74. Kim makes an interesting point: In the 1950s, some descendents of members of the Hyongpyongsa were not successful in reorganizing their fellows, even though there were remaining traces to discriminate against them 75 . The mere fact that they tried reorganizing, suggests that liberation was not achieved in full and was not satisfactory at least to some Paekjong. What explanations may be offered to the presumed assimilation of the Paekjong into present-day Korean society, to the point of invisibility? The most popular explanation is that it was a side effect of the Korean War large scale devastation, in which villages and registration records alike were destroyed, creating millions of refugees and mobility from rural areas to urban ones. It became much more difficult to identify Paekjong descendents in practice76,77. Eui elaborates on the massive internal migration which occurred within South Korea during, and as a result of, the Korean War (1950-1953). Refugees fled from northern parts of the country to southern parts, and migration took place in both directions, in different parts of the country, from rural areas to urban areas and vice versa. In the cities, the refugees settled in shacks or the slum neighborhoods of large cities, becoming an urban underclass, which later became a part of the social strata. Eui 74 Ian, Neary, "The Paekjong and Hyongpyongsa", 146 Joong-Seop, Kim, "The Role of Leadership", http://blhrri.org/blhrri_e/present_Buraku/013.htm 76 Ian, Neary, "The Paekjong and Hyongpyongsa", 147 77 Joong-Seop, Kim, "The Role of Leadership", http://blhrri.org/blhrri_e/present_Buraku/013.htm 75 28 says it was probably the most significant redistribution of population in Korean history, affecting the Korean Confucian-based, agrarian-based system of social stratification78. It is more than likely, that Paekjong families migrated, as did many others, from conventional places of residence into such urban areas, disappearing into society, as registration offices were no longer able to identify them as Paekjong. The Japanese name policy was yet another opportunity. Japanese authorities allowed Koreans to register a completely new Japanese family name unrelated to their Korean surname. About eighty percent of Koreans took Japanese names, to escape serious sanctions79. It is probable that many Paekjong used that policy to escape their ancestry. The Name Restoration Order (1946) issued by the United States military administration enabled Koreans to restore their Korean names, but not all of them did: especially Koreans living outside of Korea80. It is likely that Paekjong with Japanese names had took such Korean names which did not associate them with their Paekjong ancestry. The Japanese Burakumin as a test case: extrapolative deduction on implications on the Paekjong question. Relying on Neary's comment about his informants report, I would like to compare the case of the Paekjong to the case of the Burakumin. There are quite a few similarities in their circumstances. For instance, both Japan and Korea claim homogeneity of their nations; In both cases, there was a class system with an untouchable group 81 , and in both cases the theories on their origin divide into two similar categories. The Korean "outsider theories" describes the Paekjong as nomads, 78 Hang Shin, Eui, "Effects of the Korean War on Social Structures of the Republic of Korea ", International Journal of Korean Studies, Volume V, Number 1, Spring/Summer 2001, 134-136 Man-Gil, Kang, A history of contemporary Korea, Folkstone, Kent, UK : Global Oriental, 2005, 20 80 "Restoration of original names ", subtitle in Sōshi-kaimei, Wikipedia, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/S%C5%8Dshi-kaimei#Those_who_took_a_Japanese-style_name 81 Passin makes an interesting comparison between four Asian societies who had untouchable groups, two of which are Korea and Japan. Herbert Passin, "Untouchability in the Far East", 247 79 29 or even outlaws. One of the Japanese "outsider theories" is the 'ethnic difference' theory, which suggests a direct linkage between the 'eta' of the Edo period and the Burakumin, and claims that most of those people were foreigners, most likely Koreans82 The Burakumin liberation movement, Suiheysha, was founded in 1922, one year before the Hyongpyongsa was established 83,84. The two movements fought each in its own way against discrimination incidents and attempted to enforce pro-outcastes legislations which had existed in both countries at least since the end of the nineteenth century. Incidents of discrimination bear resemblance for both communities. Kitaguchi speaks of incidents of discriminatory language85, reminding of similar incidents in the 1920s in Korea86. He discusses Buraku intermarriage, which was 57.5% of all Buraku marriages in 199387, the same year in which Korean author Chong Tong-ju carried out his survey on intermarriage with Paekjong88. There are, however, two significant differences between the two countries. One stems from the fact that Korea suffered occupation and two big wars on its land in the first half of the twentieth century, which resulted in massive migration and redistribution of population in Korea89. In Japan, there was devastation due to air raids and the atomic bomb in the Second World War, but not of the same scale as in Korea; The second difference is the name registration: the policy in Korea during the Japanese occupation, made it possible for Paekjong to abandon their Korean names, and maybe 82 Suehiro, Kitaguchi, An introduction to the Buraku issue: questions and answers, Surrey: [Japan Library], 1999, 78-79 83 The word 'hyong' and 'pyong' literally mean a pair of scales and equality respectively and The word 'suihei,' meaning horizontal or level. "Study Tour to South Korea, Developing Solidarity Between the Suiheisha and the Hyongpyongsa to Ensure Human Rights in East Asia into the 21st Century", http://blhrri.org/blhrri_e/news/new127/new127-1.htm 84 Please see appendix iv for more information on Burakumin liberation movements. 85 Suehiro, Kitaguchi, "An introduction to the Buraku issue", 195-198 86 Joong-Seop Kim, The Korean Paekjong under Japanese Rule, 98-100, 103-104 87 Suehiro, Kitaguchi, An introduction to the Buraku issue, 8 88 See Chapter three in this paper, theme 2. 89 Hang Shin, Eui, "Effects of the Korean War on Social Structures of the Republic of Korea ",135 30 to take different Korean names after the war 90 . There was no such option for Burakumin, and the family registration in Japan enables anyone to trace ancestry as far back as one hundred years. The Burakumin suffer prejudice and discrimination to this day, in spite of all the legislations, the plans and the programs to promote Burakumin and to abolish discrimination against them. There are sporadic inflammations and incidents expressing themselves in schools, in potential places of work, in cases of broken engagements, and so forth. The BLLRHI reports regularly about such incidents for years91. Unresolved Contradiction and Dilemmas Judging by the Japanese example, and by the findings in chapter three of this paper, if Paekjong were identifiable, they would be discriminated against. (i) Tomonaga writes about low prices of houses where Paekjong used to live and about ill feelings towards inhabitants of these lands. This phenomenon implies to deeply rooted prejudice, perhaps assuming that the lands were contaminated in some way, or suspecting, even identifying, Paekjong presence. (ii) There explicit referrals to Paekjong discrimination in recent years (1993-2009): In Tomonaga's document, in author Chong Tong Ju lecture, in the result of his survey on intermarriages with Paekjong, in calls for better education and the need for abolition of discrimination against Paekjong in the symposium after the Hyongpyong Tower unveiling. This contradicts the claim that there is no discrimination, and that there are no identifiable Paekjong communities or individuals against which to discriminate. (iii) The term 'Paekjong' is used as an insult and the Paekjong image has very negative connotations. This not only contradicts the presumption that the term Paekjong 90 "Restoration of original names ", subtitle in Sōshi-kaimei, Wikipedia, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/S%C5%8Dshi-kaimei#Those_who_took_a_Japanese-style_name 91 Please see appendix v for specific examples. 31 would become unfamiliar to young generations and would require the use of a dictionary; It proves that the term is alive and kicking. 32 Conclusions There is no doubt in my mind, which the answer to my first question must be: the Paekjong did not assimilate into present-day South Korean society; They live in hiding, praying that no one ever finds them; So do I. Because the answer to my second question is: the Hyongpyongsa did not achieve complete liberation and equality for the Paekjong, albeit there seem to be no institutional discrimination; As for social discrimination, this remains unanswerable for me, since I have not found evidence to any identifiable Paekjong, but there is certainly culturally-based prejudice associated with Paekjong ancestry. As for explanations for the seemingly-complete success of the Paekjong liberation, the massive migration after the Korean War and the name changing policies certainly satisfy the fact that Paekjong are difficult to trace nowadays, which prevents the practical possibility of discrimination. In contemporary Korea and within the Korean American community, the term Paekjong has taken on three specific forms: (i) A distorted image of the traditional butcher personality, vicious, murderous takes joy in killing, and is less than human. (ii) An idealization of the sufferings of the Paekjong, identifying with their misfortune and turning into a symbol of all social outcastes, with a religious Christian flavor, and out of historical context. (iii) Serving as a background story for artistic comprehension of the Paekjong saga, as exemplified in the theatre play, computer games, and fiction books that were written on the subject. Being artistic expressions, they are not necessarily reliable as a source of information. Since there seem to be no other sources of information than websites, the tourist attraction and the artistic expressions, there is a possibility that the Paekjong negative 33 image will register in peoples' minds as fact, and may serve as basis for prejudice leading to potential discrimination. Paekjong descendants face the dilemma of whether to remain anonymous or to protest the injustice, while subjecting themselves to the existing prejudice against supposedly nonexistent people. Historic events and processes such as migrations forced by urbanization and wars alike, as well as the name policy of colonial Japan, may well explain the physical disappearance into thin air, of the Paekjong as identifiable communities or individuals. However, it is obvious that Paekjong must have falsified identities, and artistic descriptions of Paekjong living in fear may be more real than presumed. The "Buraku Lists" experience should not be ignored. The Japanese experience shows that the mere existence of familial registration and 'Black Lists' support discrimination. Ignoring prejudices against former untouchables, or anyone, is not advisable, and should be addressed on a communal level. Left unattended, should any concrete evidence be found to identify real persons as Paekjong, it would return as boomerang to haunt the Korean society. On a personal note, I believe that broadening the education of Korean society about the Paekjong is an important issue; Even more important is to correct any prejudiced information wherever it is found, especially if it is associated with official sources. However, trying to locate Paekjong descendents for any purpose, even as suggested by CERD, seems to be a destructive idea. Instead, the state should provide legal support in any case of discrimination for reasons of ancestry, and make means, in the form of legislations and legal aid known and accessible to anyone who might need them. 34 Bibliography92 Alabastair, Jay, "Old Japanese maps on Google Earth unveil secrets", the Associated Press, published in: The San Francisco Chronicle, May 2, 2009, http://www.sfgate.com/cgibin/article/comments/view?f=/n/a/2009/05/02/international/i070646D29.DTL93 Alabastair, Jay, "Anger over Google's Japan maps, Historical charts show low-caste areas", The Boston Globe, the Associated Press / May 3, 2009, http://www.boston.com/news/world/asia/articles/2009/05/03/anger_over_googles _japan_maps/?page=2 Barnett Antony, "Revealed: the gas chamber horror of North Korea's gulag", The Observer, 1 /2/ 2004 http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2004/feb/01/northkorea Buraku Liberation Human Rights Research Institute94, Buraku Liberation News, Back Numbers Nos. 1-97, January 1981- January 1997 (PDF), Nos. 95-148 March 1997- 3rd Quarterly, 2008 (links) http://blhrri.org/blhrri_e/news/news.htm --- Kim, Joong-Seop, "The Role of Leadership: The Case of Paekjong in Korea: International Workshop and Symposium of Young Scholars Working on "Present Day Buraku Issues", Buraku Liberation News, November 2008, http://blhrri.org/blhrri_e/present_Buraku/013.htm --- Nobuko, Fujimoto, "Hyongpyong Monument Completed in Chinju, South Korea", Buraku Liberation News, January, 1997, No. 97, http://blhrri.org/blhrri_e/news/news094.pdf --- "A new Buraku List ", Buraku Liberation News, No. 92, p 6, September 1996, http://blhrri.org/blhrri_e/news/news092.pdf --- "BLRI launched a Japanese translation of a novel on Korean Paekjong", Buraku Liberation News, March 1997 issue (N0. 95), an excerpt from Mr. Chong Dong-ju, author of 'God's Cane', http://blhrri.org/blhrri_e/news/new095/new09501.htm --- "Discriminatory Messages on the internet", Buraku Liberation News, 2006, No.140, http://blhrri.org/blhrri_e/news/new140/new140-7.htm 92 All internet sources were last accessed on June 24, 2009, unless stated otherwise. 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Rec. No. 29. (General Comments), http://www.unhchr.ch/tbs/doc.nsf/(Symbol)/f0902ff29d93de59c1256c6a00378d1 f?Opendocument Hahoe Mask Dance Drama, Hahoe mask Dance Drama Preservation Society http://www.hahoemask.co.kr/board/index.php?doc=main_eng.php 36 http://www.hahoemask.co.kr/board/index.php?doc=english/html/10mask_03.htm (The Mask), mms://hahoemask.co.kr/board/korea/vod/3.wmv (Video) Hahoe Mask Museum, "Hahoe 10 Masks", http://www.tal.or.kr/coding/english/sub01.asp Hawk, David, "The Hidden GULAG Exposing North Korea’s Prison Camps", U.S. Committee for Human Rights in North Korea, 2003, http://www.hrnk.org/TheHiddenGulag-press.pdf Hurwitt, Robert, "Butcher's' is promising, but remains inexplicable, play looks at Korean 'untouchables'", Monday, May 10, 1999, http://www.sfgate.com/cgibin/article.cgi?file=/examiner/archive/1999/05/10/STYLE11013.dtl Kang, Man-Gil, A history of contemporary Korea, Folkstone, Kent, UK : Global Oriental, 2005. 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Passin, Herbert, "The Paekchong of Korea, A Social History", Monumenta Nipponica, vol 12,No. 3/4 (Oct., 1956-Jan. 1957), pp 195-240, Tokyo: Sophia University Passin, Herbert, "Untouchability in the Far East", Monumenta Nipponica, Vol. 11, No. 3 (Oct. 1955), 247-267, Tokyo: Sophia University "Restoration of original names ", subtitle in Sōshi-kaimei, Wikipedia, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/S%C5%8Dshikaimei#Those_who_took_a_Japanese-style_name Rhim, Soon Man, "The Paekchong: Untouchables of Korea", Journal of oriental studies, Vol. 12, 1974, 30-40, Hong Kong: University Press. "The Butcher's Burden, Asian American Theatre Review", [ed.] Tang, Roger, http://www.aatrevue.com/Old/AATC0599.html (Review, 1999) http://www.aatrevue.com/Old/AATR.html (Home page) Tatewaki, Kazuo, "Banking and finance in Japan: an introduction to the Tokyo market", London : Routledge, 1992, c1991. "The Church Around the World", vol. 38, no. 9, August 2008. Tyndale House Publishers Carol Stream, IL. USA. http://www.thevillagechapel.net/DownloadFile.asp?FileName=TVCAug08CAT W.pdf The Baekjeong Weekly, the about section: http://www.seoulusa.org/ the blog section, http://baekjeong.com/ Tomonaga, Kenzo, "Demand for abolition of the discrimination against Paekjong", 2003, (labeled F-KOR-35), Buraku Liberation Human Rights Research Institute. Totten, George O., "Chapter 2: Emncipation", In Japan's invisible race: caste in culture and personality, De Vos, George A. and Hiroshi Wagatsuma, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1966, 33-67 Trewartha, Glenn T. and Wilbur Zelinsky, "Population Distribution and Change in Korea 1925-1949", Geographical Review, Vol. 45, No. 1 (Jan., 1955), 1-26 Published by: American Geographical Society Stable. United Nations, Report of the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination Sixty-second session (3-21 March 2003), Sixty-third session (4-22 August 2003) 38 General Assembly, Official Records, Fifty-eighth Session, Supplement No. 18 (A/58/18), p 84 and p 176 http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/category,REFERENCE,CERD,,,417676824,0.html http://www.unhchr.ch/tbs/doc.nsf/0/c90b98c071d1f3d3c12570370045eee0/$FILE/ G0344119.pdf Wagatsuma, Hiroshi, "Chapter 3: Postwar Political Militance", In Japan's invisible race: caste in culture and personality, De Vos, George A. and Hiroshi Wagatsuma, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1966, 68-87 39 Appendices Appendix (i): The Paekjong - background Origins of the Paekjong There are several theories concerning the origins of the Paekjong. Some are mythical and are not substantiated by factual evidence; One legend suggests that the Paekjong were assigned their duty to slaughter cattle by Prince Hau of Tan'gun, the founder of the Korean Kingdom in 2333 B.C. Another legend claims that Kija of the Un Dynasty, who founded Pyongyang as his capital, assigned all the criminals over to the despised classes, the chonmin, who later became the Paekjong,95. There are a few variations based on migrant origin – Tibetan, low-caste Indian, or Tartar. One theory suggests that the Paekjong originated in a roving, group of the Koryo period, known as Yangsuchuk, who did not assimilate into the general population. They wandered along the marshes of the northwest coast, providing for themselves as basket makers, slaughtering animals and hunting. This type of activity was disliked by the Buddhist Koryo people. During the time, other elements such as foreign captives and other migrants, joined this group96,97. Passin says that the earliest references to any segregated groups with specialized occupations, goes back to the late Silla period (660-935). In the annals of the Koryo dynasty for the year 1217, the Silla outcastes are referred to as Kolisuchae, which is connected to their basket-making skills, and are remnants of the Paekche tribes which had not been subdued to the rulers. These tribes lived in the 95 Soon Man, Rhim, "The Paekchong : Untouchables of Korea", 30 Soon Man, Rhim, "The Paekchong : Untouchables of Korea",30-31 97 These are only some of the legends and beliefs. 96 40 northwestern part of the country, a region which was frequented by Mongolian and Manchurian invasions This coincides with Rhim's Yangsuchuk theory98. The Kolisuchae group consisted of some sub-groups, the main two being the hwachae (suchae) and the chaein. The hwachae occupations included hunting and slaughtering, the more despised lines of work. the chaein were "entertainers" – actors, acrobats, prostitutes and so forth. Until the 13th century, the two groups were not sharply divided. The Mongol invasions changed that. Meat consuming in Korea was increased significantly as a result of those invasions. Consequently, occupations connected with meat became more in demand, and became hwachae major professions. The Mongol invasions also halted a process of settling down of the outcastes, and caused them to wander about. Attempts to recruit their members to military services proved difficult. In the 14th century, the hwachae-chaein are described as nomads, bandits and ungovernable. Attempts to disperse them among the common people failed. However later, during the Yi period, the chaein gave up the despised occupations and concentrated on entertainment99. The meaning of the term 'Paekjong' Before the Yi era, the outcastes were called by various terms. The term Paekjong actually meant 'common people', and the Chinese characters used for Paekjong are perceived in both China and Japan as 'common people'. The term Paekjong was singled for the outcastes after the attempt to assimilate them failed 100,101. 98 Herbert, Passin, "The Paekchong of Korea, 214-216 Herbert, Passin, "The Paekchong of Korea", 216-220 100 The Chinese characters are : 白丁 101 Herbert, Passin, "The Paekchong of Korea",201 99 41 Appendix (ii): The Paekjong - Population and Geographical Distribution Passin, Rhim, Neary and Kim give statistics for the first decades of the twentieth century, moving somewhere between 33 thousand and 36 thousand people, and around 7,500-7600 households, in various years in the 1920s-1930s 102 . The Hyongpyongsa pronounced a much larger figure of 400 thousand, which has no other basis. Rhim also gives the estimate of over 500 thousand during the Yi dynasty, but states that there seems to be no basis for these figures103,104. Kim reports that the Hyongpyongsa operated on a national level, starting with 80 branches in 1923 and peaking at 166 branches in 1931105. Even if one accepts the larger figure, it constitutes a 'mere' two percent of the total population, which numbered at that time around 18 million people in Korea (including what is now know as North Korea and South Korea)106. Geographically, the Paekjong resided mostly in the provinces which belong to present-day South Korea107 . Appendix (iii): The Burakumin - a short background Origins of the Burakumin The Burakumin are the descendents of outcast communities of the pre-modern Japan who were known as eta or hinin. Their occupations were associated with death like butchers, tanners and undertakers, and were considered impure and polluting in Japan. Still, it was not until the Tokugawa feudal period (1603–1868) that those people were defined as outcasts by the government, through their edicts. 102 The differences in the data given in these sources apply to both numbers and years. Joong-Seop, Kim, "The Korean Paekjong under Japanese Rule", 108-110 Herbert, Passin, "The Paekchong of Korea", 198,236, Soon Man, Rhim, "The Paekchong : Untouchables of Korea", 38, and Joong-Seop, Kim, "The Korean Paekjong under Japanese Rule,27 105 Joong-Seop, Kim, "The Korean Paekjong under Japanese Rule", 108 106 Trewartha, Glenn T. and Wilbur Zelinsky, "Population Distribution and Change in Korea 1925-1949", Geographical Review, Vol. 45, No. 1 (Jan., 1955), American Geographical Society Stable, 4 107 Joong-Seop, Kim, "The Korean Paekjong under Japanese Rule", 26 103 104 42 Buddhism and Shinto concepts mixed together to promote the idea that contact with dead humans or animals could cause pollution, prohibiting taking any life. During the Nara period (710–794 A.D.) and the Heian period (794 – 1185 A.D.) which followed, a social distinction was defined between two groups of people: The Good People, who included aristocracy and the peasantry, and the Base People, who included mostly slaves and low status people. Those two groups were forbidden to mix by marriage108. A change in this rigid structure came about after the relatively stable Kamakura Period (1185-1333 A.D.). The Ashikaga period (1336–1573 A.D.), and in particular the Sengoku Jidai (warring states) era (1482-1558 A.D.) was characterized by wars, chaos and collapse of law and order. This change enabled mobility up and down the social ladder, overthrowing of lords and emergence of people from a lowly social status to high places. The need for leather products for warriors elevated the demand for these professions. Daimyo settled their leather workers in lands on the outskirts of the towns, often being in the frontline as defense These were still considered polluting, but the contamination was time-limited and did not project onto other family members. Furthermore, once leaving the profession, there was no more pollution109. During these periods and in the early years of the Tokugawa rule, only those directly involved in the polluting activities were contaminated, and their family members were not. By the 1720s regulations and this extended to the whole family, and also mobility became very rigid, and the eta became outcastes110. 108 Ian, Neary, "Political protest and social control in pre-war Japan : the origins of Buraku liberation", Manchester : Manchester University Press, 1989, 12-14 109 Ian, Neary, "Political protest and social control in pre-war Japan", 14 110 Ian, Neary, "Political protest and social control in pre-war Japan",22 43 Appendix (iv): The Burakumin Liberation Struggle The Burakumin struggle for liberation began as soon as the Meiji government issued the Edict of Emancipation (1871). Former-eta individuals and groups made attempts to exercise their newly acquired privileges Emancipation, though, was sometimes on paper and life did not improve for Burakumin. In 1902, the Bissaku Commoners' Society was established, in a year later the Greater Japan Fraternal Conciliation Society 111 was formed. The "Reconciliation" (dōwa) movement concentrated on improvements in living standards of Buraku communities and on integration with the mainstream Japanese society; It was involved in the Rice Riots (1918) and actually managed to get some governmental financing after the riots. In 1922, the "Levelers" (Suiheisha) movement was founded, whose main agenda was addressing discrimination incidents and confront the offenders112. In 1942 the National Levelers Association was dissolved following the recruitment of leading activists into the military. In 1946, ex-members of the National Levelers Association formed the Buraku Liberation National Committee, which was renamed in 1955 'the Buraku Liberation League (BLL)113. Appendix (v): Examples of Burakumin Discrimination Issues The Buraku Liberation Human Rights Research Institute114 (henceforth: BLHRRI) has been presenting examples of both social prejudice and institutional discrimination against Burakumin for a few decades. Some examples115: 111 In Japanese: Dainippon Dōwa Yūwakai. George O., Totten,"Chapter 2: Emncipation", In Japan's invisible race: caste in culture and personality, De Vos, George A. and Hiroshi Wagatsuma, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1966, 34, 38, 42-43, 64-65 113 Hiroshi, Wagatsuma, "Postwar Political Militance", In Japan's invisible race: caste in culture and personality, De Vos, George A. and Hiroshi Wagatsuma,Berkeley: University of California Press, 1966, 67-68,73-74, 85-87 114 The Buraku Liberation Research Institute (BLRI) was established in 1968 in cooperation with the Buraku Liberation League (BLL) and with the administrative assistance of Osaka Prefecture and Osaka City. In July 1998, it changed the name to the Buraku Liberation and Human Rights Research Institute. Buraku Liberation News, http://blhrri.org/blhrri_e/blhrri/about.htm 115 Many other examples of discrimination can be found in the BLLRHI Newsletters, Buraku Liberation Human Rights Research Institute115, Buraku Liberation News, BackNumbers Nos. 1-97, January 112 44 1) Buraku lists and maps: This has been a major problem standing in the way of Burakumin freedom and equality. The lists are used to detect Burakumin ancestry for those who would not employ, marry, deal with or be associated with Burakumin. The Buraku Liberation Newsletter has published some articles about incidents over a period of years. A few examples of lists that were found or secretly kept by companies, and to maps that were published or searched for: Newsletter issue No. 14, 1982, tells the story of Shibuya Shinyo's Kinko (credit association). Credit Associations deal with depositions and loans, similar to banks, but they are organized on the basis of membership, and their operations are limited to their members116. In 1981, the Shibuya Shinyo Kinko, reported to the Ministry of Justice that it had bought "Buraku Lists" in 1970. However, in 1982 the Ministry claimed that there were no firms holding such lists117. The implications are obvious as to financial opportunities which Burakumin were denied. Newsletter issue No. 82, 1995, refers to lists that had been found twenty years earlier (around 1976) and still existed.118 A New list was found in 1996, which originated in academic research and were detailed in names, addresses and so forth. The list was found in companies and was first compiled in 1936, and then re-edited119. On the same issue, in 1996, is a story of a man who inquired about Buraku residential areas. The Buraku Liberation League discovered that he lived in a 1981- January 1997 (PDF), Nos. 95-148 March 1997- 3rd Quarterly, 2008 (links) http://blhrri.org/blhrri_e/news/news.htm 116 Tatewaki, Kazuo, "Banking and finance in Japan :an introduction to the Tokyo market", London : Routledge, 1992, 118 117 Buraku Liberation Human Rights Research Institute, "Shibuya Shinyo Kinko's Buying of "Buraku Lists" Bared", May 1983, p. 6, http://blhrri.org/blhrri_e/news/news014.pdf 118"Enlightenment needed Through Setting Up Human Rights Policy", Buraku Liberation News, 1995, No. 82 ,http://blhrri.org/blhrri_e/news/news082.pdf 119 "A new Buraku List ", Buraku Liberation News, September 1996, No. 92, http://blhrri.org/blhrri_e/news/news092.pdf, 6 45 Buraku neighborhood, although not a Burakumin himself, and suffered some discrimination as a result. He wanted to move to a non-Buraku residence120. Issue No. 141, 2006 reports of a large amount of data containing information on 430 Buraku areas in 37 prefectures which was discovered on an Internet site called 2 Channel121. In May 2009, there were a few articles about maps that appeared in Google Earth, revealing "old ghettos in 21st Century streets". The maps have since been erased, but can still be found online using a simple search on the internet. Other links announce the links inaccessible. Again, the implications are obvious. It is quite interesting to follow the talkbacks for these articles. Signed with mostly with Western pen names and positioned mostly in the USA, very few voted for the erasing the maps from Google Earth. The majority opinion spoke about free speech and believed that Japan's demand to erase the maps was an attempt to hide past or present racism. They clearly missed the point made by Toru Matsuoka, an opposition MP and member of the Buraku Liberation League, who said that publishing the locations of the ghettos with the modern street map, actually reinforces the discriminators by enabling the illegal quest to trace ancestry122. The West oriented line of thought presented in the talkback sheds yet another light on the western public's difficulty to perceive the concept of untouchability. 2) Messages on the internet in Fukuoka Prefecture: Discriminating messages were sent in a school message-board, which was initially intended to enable open discussions between students. The problem emerged in 2002- 120 'Where Are Buraku Areas?', Asked In the Computer Networks?", Buraku Liberation News, September 1996, No. 92, http://blhrri.org/blhrri_e/news/news092.pdf, 9 "Large Amount of Buraku List Data Distributed on the Internet", 3rd Quarterly, 2006 No.141, http://blhrri.org/blhrri_e/news/new141/new141-5.htm 122 Jay Alabastair published in May, 2009, three versions of an article in three local online news sites. http://www.sfgate.com/cgi-bin/article/comments/view?f=/n/a/2009/05/02/international/i070646D29.DTL http://search.japantimes.co.jp/cgi-bin/nn20090505a1.html http://www.boston.com/news/world/asia/articles/2009/05/03/anger_over_googles_japan_maps/?page=2 Please see article names in the bibliographic list. 121 46 2003 (the publication is in BLHRRI newsletter of 2006). Some student abused the message board, submitting defaming messages against students and teachers in name; They use the names eta , Buraku, hinin and a symbol of four fingers pointing upwards (an insulting gesture alluding to the four legs of an animal, associated with the historically outcaste group)123. "High school students are posing discriminatory messages such as "They are Buraku," and "They are a group of 'eta' (an old derogatory term for Buraku)" on high school discussion boards with increasing frequency. The message boards were initially intended for free discussion between students, and can be accessed anonymously. An example of a message: "Even if you are a high-achiever, that means nothing if you are from a Buraku." "BuXkumin, eXa and hiXXn are really disgusting!"124 Appendix (vi): Seoul USA125 Seoul USA is a nonprofit chartered in both the United States and Korea. Seoul USA is composed of Christians in the West who want to befriend, equip, and upsidedown the world with the Christians in the East who everyone counts out when it comes to mission and ministry: North Korean defectors, women, youth, the elderly, divorcees, the handicapped, mixed race individuals, and multi-ethnic couples. 123 Buraku Liberation Human Rights Research Institute, "Discriminatory Messages on the internet", Buraku Liberation News, 2006, No.140 http://blhrri.org/blhrri_e/news/new140/new140-7.htm 124 "Discriminatory Messages on the internet", Buraku Liberation News, 2006, No.140 http://blhrri.org/blhrri_e/news/new140/new140-7.htm 125 From the Seoul USA website, http://baekjeong.com/about/