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MIXEDMESSAGES
AND
CARPET DIPLOMACY:
OPPORTUNITIES FOR DETENTE WITH IRAN
Murray Eiland 111
Dr. Eiland is an archaeologist with an interest in textiles. The book
Oriental Rugs: A Complete Guide, co-written with Murray Eiland Jr., will
be published in late 1998.
n a CNN interview broadcast January
8, 1998, Iranian President Mohammad
Khatami spoke with surprising
warmth of the “great American
people” and suggested cultural exchanges
as a means of dissipating the mistrust
existing between Iran and the United
States. Just eight days later in a sermon at
Tehran University, Iran’s spiritual leader,
Ali Khamenei, resurrected the “Great
Satan” label for the United States,
branding this country as the enemy of the
Iranian nation and emphasizing that this
was not the time for a closer dialogue with
the government. While the appearance of
overt conflict within the Iranian
government was avoided by Khamenei,
who characterized himself as agreeing
with President Khatami, a disinterested
observer might be justified in assuming
that despite substantial differences around
attitudes toward America,’ some potential
for dialogue had arisen.
These internal differences have
existed for some years, although there has
already been a series of the kind of
cultural exchanges suggested by Khatami,
most notably the annual Grand Persian
Carpet Conferences and Exhibitions,
which were initiated by the Iranian
Ministry of Commerce in 1992. This
subject is particularly important to the
Iranians, as hand-made carpets are their
I
second largest export, after oil, and some
eight million Iranians, among a total
population of approximately sixty million,
earn their livelihood totally or partially in
the carpet industry or in related services.’
Since the oriental rug established a strong
presence in the West, well over a century
ago, the term “Persian carpet” has become
a general term for the type, whether made
in Turkey, Central Asia or India. The
industry was initially promoted by the late
nineteenth century Persian government as
a means of ensuring a “sustainable source
of finance”’ to allow the importation of
luxuries.
While oil-producing nations are often
discussed in terms of oil and agricultural
income - particularly in many economic
treatises that concern themselves with Iran
- carpet revenues far exceed income from
farm exports. The revolutionary leaders of
Iran also felt that the shah became overly
dependent upon oil revenue, which was in
turn spent upon armaments and consumer
goods. It was their goal to make Iran selfsufficient by producing basic goods for
internal consumption, while continuing to
make goods for export.‘ It is thus no
surprise that the Iranian government takes
particular care with the organization of
such an important industry which - unlike
oil - is a renewable resource.’ It is also a
sore point between the Iranians and the
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EILAND:CARPETDIPLOMACY
United States, as the American
government maintains an embargo on
Iranian handicrafts, which places the
world’s largest market off limits.
When the Export Promotion Center
of Iran decided to sponsor a series of
conferences on carpets, there was no
question that the motives ran deeper
than merely encouraging an academic
interchange on art-historical topics.
Clearly Iran wished to expand its carpet
exports, and without question the United
States is the major untapped market. Not
surprisingly, the 1992 conference, by far
the largest, began with a clear but unstated
emphasis on American participation. It
seemed at the time, and in retrospect, as
though an opening were being provided
for the American government to make a
response to an apparent act of conciliation.
As a delegate at four of the six
conferences that have occurred to date, I
have been well placed to observe the
subtle shifts in Iranian attitudes during this
period.
Participation in the conferences was
invited by advertisements in several
oriental carpet periodicals, in which there
was an offer to pay airfare to Iran and
accommodations while there for those who
had a paper accepted by the conference
academic committee. Those who went
through the process of submitting a paper
found they were well received, and a
number of invitations were issued to
delegates from nearly a dozen countries,
including a number of Americans. But the
process moved fonvard so slowly that we
had tickets delivered to us only the day
before departure, and no American had a
visa. We were reassured that we would be
allowed to board an Iranian plane in
Frankfurt without a visa, which would be
issued in Tehran. This caused trepidation
for some, but most trusted all would be
well. Yet there was a several-hour wait at
the Tehran airport for the visas to be
issued, and when asking about the delay,
we were notified, to our dismay, that there
were negotiations in progress between the
Ministry of Commerce and the Foreign
Ministry as to whether the visas should be
issued.
After we were eventually allowed to
enter, the hospitality was warm and
generous. We were taken to the city’s
most lavish hotel, the Azadi, and
throughout our stay we were treated to
excellent food. Americans who had read
of Iranian hostility in the Western press
were delighted to see how courteously we
were treated, and this continued whether
we were among the conference delegates
or went off on our own to other parts of
the city. From the beginning there was an
optimistic atmosphere. Many of the
Iranians spoke in terms of “carpet
diplomacy,” in reference to the “ping-pong
diplomacy” around the diplomatic opening
by China to the United States in the early
1970s. Among a large foreign contingent,
eight American delegates had arrived,
although several more had been selected
and had not completed travel
arrangements. More surprising was the
special attention devoted to Americans. I
was present when the chief conference
organizer, an official of the Export
Promotion Center of Iran, approached one
of the Americans and asked that he
become the only foreigner to speak in the
opening ceremonies.6 The same American
was also chosen to give the first paper of
the three-day academic conference, and
later, when the group had been taken by
bus into the Zagros mountains to meet a
small group of migrating Bakhtiari, he was
chosen to be interviewed in one of the
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MIDDLE
EASTPOLICY,VOL.Vl, No. 2, OCTOBER1998
tents and filmed for a subsequent showing
on Iranian television.
When the group was presented to the
governor of the Bakhtiari Province in a
ceremony at Shahr Kurd, his capital city,
another American, a woman, was chosen
to give a brief talk at the reception.
Clearly this attention was not accidental,
as it almost certainly is the kind of cultural
exchange suggested by Khatami, except
that it was occurring in 1992 during the
presidency of Rafsanjani. Many of the
Iranians expected some kind of
breakthrough as a result of American
participation. Several of them used soccer
metaphors to suggest the new state of
affairs. As one of our translators
explained, “The ball is on the ground, and
it’s now up to your side to kick it.”
Indeed, the atmosphere was so friendly
that one could recognize the “Down with
U.S.A.” slogan lettered above the lobby as
non-threatening. While it may be a quote
from some “hardliners” in the government,
it did not reflect the attitude of Iranians
with whom we were in constant contact.
Many of those we spoke with had visited
relatives in the United States. Some half
million of their countrymen live around
Los Angeles, which we heard described as
“lrangeles.”
It was also clear that the Iranian
government took the function seriously.
At the opening ceremony, in an
amphitheater before several hundred
Iranian dignitaries, a message was read
from then-President Rafsanjani, who
personally attended the exhibitions on one
of the following days.’ The conference
was addressed personally by Minister of
Commerce Abdulhussein Vahaji, who
gave the figure that carpets at that time
accounted for 43 percent of the non-oil
exports of the country.’
One could conclude from the time and
money spent on this event that it
represented an important gesture from the
Iranian government and that at least part
of its purpose was the. bettering of
relations with the United States,
particularly around the issue of the
handicrafts embargo. As the British carpet
magazine Huli reported after this event:
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There can be no denying that there
was a barely hidden political agenda
operating at the Grand Persian Carpet
Conference in Tehran last June. Or that it
was directly associated with the United
States’ continuing embargo on imports of
Iranian carpets. A fruitful commercial
dialogue, based on the potential benefits to
both sides of ending the ban, was there for
the taking, while at the same time barriers
were broken down at an individual level,
and stereotyped images of revolutionary
Iran were shown to be false.9
One of the conference participants told
of his visit to the Behesht-e Zahra, the
enormous cemetery south of Tehran in
which are buried tens of thousands of the
260,000 young Iranians killed in the war
with Iraq. In coming to understand that
Saddam was partially supplied by
American military equipment, it is not
difficult to imagine why there is still some
resentment. The war cost Tehran, directly
or indirectly, some $627 billion. The total
cost of the war exceeds the oil revenues of
Iran and Iraq throughout the entire
twentieth century.” During much of the
1970s Iran placed huge energies into a war
that diverted its attention from economic
and social problems at home. The country
is still in the process of defining the
impact of the revolution, the war with Iraq,
and the many technological opportunities
and problems presented by the late
EILAND:CARPETDIPLOMACY
twentieth century. Handmade carpets
may appear to be a craft with traditions
and methods firmly rooted in the past, but
it is this artistic medium that has defined
Iran for at least the last several hundred
years. It is also not coincidentally an
important economic factor.
Those of us who were present
throughout the tour of the country, which
covered the major tourist attractions of
lsfahan and Shiraz as well as the more
remote Kerman and Yazd, expected that
there would be some official American
response, and the few Western oriental
carpet periodicals described the event in
great detail.” From the government there
emerged no official recognition of a thaw,
and the mainstream press ignored
something that the Iranians intended as a
goodwill gesture. Later I learned from
several Americans who had communicated
with their congressmen that the responses
were decidedly cool and referred to
“Iranian support for acts of international
terrorism .”
Despite the failure of this first
conference to be recognized by the
American government, another one, nearly
as lavish, was held in 1993. By this time
the atmosphere had changed, although
again there was an emphasis on the
American participants. The first-several
speakers this time were Iranians, but the
first foreigner to speak was again the same
American who had done so at the previous
conference. He was also interviewed for
Iranian television while the conference
participants were touring the great
seventeenth century garden at Fin, near
Kashan. I’
The political agenda had shifted
slightly, however, as this time the opening
ceremonies included a talk by the
Ayatollah Moghtadaei, chief of the Iranian
Supreme Court of Justice, who criticized
actions of the American government,
including its intervention in Somalia.’’
Talks by the minister of commerce and
Hashemi Taba, deputy commerce minister
and director of the Export Promotion
Center of Iran, focused on business
matters.“ Americans were impressed by
the manner in which they were received,
and several later tried to get an
explanation from their elected officials as
to why our government was not moving
to improve relations between the two
countries. Again there were replies
referring to alleged Iranian terrorism.
I did not attend the third conference in
1994, but the fourth was characterized by
the same level of hospitality as before.
The proceedings began with addresses by
Yahya Ale-Eshaq, minister of commerce,
M. R. Nematzadeh, minister of industries,
and Gh. Forouzesh, minister of
reconstruction Jihad, the latter of whom
emphasizing that the General Directorate
of Handicrafts and Carpets, under his
supervision, employed over 400,000
workers.’’ He also outlined Iran’s
position in the world market, which
emphasized the need for central planning.
I n 1980 Iran captured 40 percent of the
market. In 1985, with political difficulties
at home, Iran had only a 16 percent share,
with India taking the lead. In 1992 Iran
maintained 28.6 percent of the market. It
was clear that if Iranian production falls,
there is no shortage of replacements from
other areas. Most threatening are hand
woven carpets from China. There is
serious question as to whether Iran can
compete in this context.
Persian carpets still cany substantial
prestige. The EU is the largest single
market for carpets, importing some $1.2
billion in rugs, some 62 percent from
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MIDDLE EAST POLICY, VOL. VI, NO.2, OCTOBER I998
Iran.16The current embargo prevents an
and everybody has the right to choose the
accurate assessment of how many Iranian
profession heishe desires, provided it is
carpets are imported into the United
not against Islam.”” While this issue is far
States, but rug dealers continue to sell
from being out of the public eye, it seems
new Iranian carpets. Some Iranian firms
that the grossest abuses are committed by
based both in Iran and Europe offer to ship less developed countries in factory
Iranian rugs to America with false tags
environments.” Also at this conference
that give a different country of origin. Few there was a growing recognition shown by
American dealers are willing to risk
the Iranians that the world market for
detection
carpets was
and instead
becoming
In Iran one of the government
increasingly
rely upon
Chinese or
strategies involves the carpet
competitive. Rugs
Turkish
from a number of
industry, which can help attenuate
hand-made
countries now use
the exodus to the cities by providing
rugs, some
Iranian designs.
with
suitable carpet-related employment
There was much
Iranian
in the towns and the villages.
discussion as to
designs, to
how this could be
f i l l their
prevented and how
customers’ desires. A trip to a large
the designs could evolve in a manner to
department store such as Macy’s shows
keep them ahead of their competitors.
the adaptability of modem consumers.
I was not able to attend the fifth
Many of the rugs here, even those in
conference in 1996, but in November of
Persian designs, are from China, India and that year there was an International
Pakistan. Romania is also emerging as a
Conference on Oriental Carpets in
producer. If Iran does not enter the market Philadelphia. While the conference
and adapt to the needs of the American
organizers had sought papers from
consumer, rugs from other countries may
Iranians and had invited several to the
already dominate this part of the market.
conference, those residing in Iran were not
With few exceptions, the speakers
given visas by the State Department and
presenting papers at the academic sessions thus could not attend. Quite likely this
were either American or Iranian.
was not so much a calculated snub as a
Expectations for a political breakthrough
bureaucratic oversight.
The sixth conference, in August of
were by this time greatly lessened, and yet
there was some effort to communicate a
1997,was the smallest of all and had the
positive image to the West. A pamphlet
fewest foreign participants. Only five
was circulated with a prominent editorial
papers of the total of eight were delivered
explaining that child labor was prohibited
by foreigners, and two of these were by
Americans. I was the first foreign speaker,
in Iran, as this issue had been given
and, as usual, the Iranians were extremely
particular attention in the Western press.
The pamphlet cited a number of laws
hospitable. I noticed that this year at the
stipulating that “...forcing someone to
Azadi Hotel, where the conference
participants stayed, the large “Down With
labor or to exploit him/her is forbidden
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I34
EILAND:CARPETDIPLOMACY
U.S.A.” sign in the lobby now appeared
only in Farsi, which suggested some
official softening of attitude, but there was
now no talk of a diplomatic break through.
While the conference organizers
graciously arranged for a driver to take me
and another American on a week’s tour of
the rug-weaving villages of Iranian
Azerbaijan, any sense that this conference
could result in a bettering of relations
between the two governments seemed to
have vanished.
Yet there was clearly some hope that
the American embargo of Iranian
handicrafts, which continued to have a
negative impact on Iranian exports, would
soon be lifted. Educational opportunities
for those studying for a career in the carpet
industry had been expanded. Information
from the Carpet Institute in Tehran shows
that a major education effort has been
directed toward improving the quality of
carpet production and providing serious
career opportunities. There are four
universities in Iran which offer a B.A. in
carpet studies: Kashan University,
Sahande Tabriz University, Sistan
(Zahedi) University and Pardis Isfahan
University. These carpet courses allow
specialties in design, dyeing, weaving,
finishing and other types of handmade
floor covering. For the last several years
there have been about 25 students of
carpet studies in each of these
universities.’’ In addition, the Ministry of
Jihad has established eight educational
centers in eight provinces since 1995,
including Mashad, Isfahan, Zahedan,
Tabriz, Arak, Yazd and Kerman. The
govemment-operated Iran Carpet
Company now provides throughout the
nation 20 carpet high schools, 19 of which
are allotted to women.
Clearly the Iranians intend to remain
heavily invested in the carpet business.
The educational infrastructure, with the
relatively recent addition of carpet studies,
suggests that they are serious about
expanding their share of the market at a
time when competition from China, India
and Pakistan, with the populations
involved, makes it increasingly more
difficult to regain lost market share. The
problem has become one of population
shifts analogous to those occurring in
underdeveloped countries throughout the
world. Young men, often with their
families, understand that their economic
future in the villages or as nomadic
herdsmen is severely limited. They come
to recognize, through greater
communication with the outside world,
that jobs for unskilled labor are available
in the larger cities. They drift toward the
sources of power, patronage and jobs,
depleting the countryside and swelling the
cities beyond their intended capacity. This
has occurred to a greater or lesser extent
for centuries, but it was noted to increase
particularly in the 1 9 7 0 ~ . * ~
Not only did villagers come to the
cities, but groups with many centuries of
pastoral nomadism were drawn to urban
areas, although they were often the least
prepared by education or previous
experience for the new lifestyle.” Most
governments are unable to alter the course
of such population movements; others
have adopted authoritarian means of
preventing them. In Iran one of the
government strategies involves the carpet
industry, which can help attenuate the
exodus to the cities by providing suitable
carpet-related employment in the towns
and villages. These locally employed
workers remain in contact with their
traditional roots more effectively than in
the cities, where they lose contact with the
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MIDDLEEAST POLICY,VOL.VI, No. 2, OCTOBER
1998
indigenous carpet tradition.
This becomes important when one
considers that Iran’s major competitors on
the world carpet market have shifted away
from their own traditional designs and
simply make whatever they believe will
suit the market, often borrowing Iranian
patterns. Such products no longer
represent a vibrant, indigenous art, but by
their nature they are “copies” or
“adaptations” of someone else’s art, losing
vigor and becoming little better than
machine-made products. This is all the
more important, as Western tastes have
shifted towards coarsely woven, boldly
colored “nomadic” rugs. In response,
many Iranian dealers are commissioning
coarse, “primitive” rugs, known as
gabbehs, to satisfy the demand. In fact, so
many of these are made that several
government ministers in earlier
conferences noted that there is’now
difficulty in obtaining raw wool for
making other kinds of carpets. They point
out that while coarsely woven,
inexpensive gabbehs are easily sold, they
have a low profit margin. As a result,
wool is more expensive for Iranian city
rugs, which characteristically display
curvilinear floral patterns. It is these
finely made rugs that bring the largest
profits.
Should the market be allowed to run
without control, or should the government
set standards? I n 1997 it was announced
that a new government committee was
formed to set standards on such things as
dyes and quality of weave. Since Iran may
not be able to compete with more
populous countries in production capacity,
quality must be promoted. In the
beginning this organization will concern
itself with ensuring that only the best dyes
are used to make carpets that will bear
documentation as to their quality. The
knot count will also be considered, and at
some point guidelines will be set. As
different types of rugs have varying knot
counts, this is an area that may be difficult
to define, but it seems that the production
of coarser rugs, such as gabbehs, will be
affected. The new committee will also be
responsible for collecting data on the
needs of foreign markets so that they can
direct the production of appropriate goods.
In order to regain and maintain a
dominant share of the world carpet market,
the Iranian industry recognizes that it must
not only remain close to its heritage, but
must maintain the artistic vigor while at
the same time leading the way toward
developing new approaches to design.
Innovative traditional designers are
honored in Iran, and the most prominent,
Rassam Arabzadeh ( 1914-1997), was a
speaker at the opening ceremony of the
first conference. Before his death he
donated 66 rugs to form the nucleus of a
new carpet museum, and an oversize
volume of his work has been published.22
The carpet industry has also responded
to the drop in the production of traditional
designs by instituting the production of
rugs in tribal or nomadic designs on a
“factory” basis. One firm I visited in
Tehran in 1997 provided me with a ,
hardbound color catalogue, clearly
designed to attract a Western buyer. In
appearance the rugs are good replicas of
nineteenth- century rural production.’’ But
a key to the success of these ventures
involves (1) lifting the American embargo,
which is as pressing as ever for reasons
transcending the amount of money
involved, and (2) slowing the population
drain into the cities. Joint ventures are
particularly sought, as local production
can be quickly adapted to the needs of the
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EILAND: CARPET DIPLOMACY
country of export.
In a recent discussion of the
effectiveness of the sanctions against Iran,
Jahangir Amuzegar, Iranian minister of
finance in the pre- 1979 government,
concluded that the “economic, psychological and political impact of the
American sanctions has not produced the
anticipated results or transformed the
regime.”24While credit from international
financial institutions has been more
difficult to obtain, Iranian oil has still
found its way to market. As Amuzegar
asserts, “hard currency reserves are at
record highs,” and “Tehran now has close
ties to Russia, China, India, Indonesia and
Brazil, which together account for nearly
half the world’s population.”” While Iran
might enjoy a faster rate of growth without
the sanctions, its current problems are
substantially less than those faced by
many other countries that have received
American support. There is no evidence
that continued sanctions will become more
effective in bringing the Iranian economy
to collapse or driving the current
government from power.
While the Iranian economy has shown
itself more resilient and vigorous than
many that have been receiving regular
American aid, lifting of the sanctions
could accelerate development by making
foreign capital more readily available.
That the sanctions have not had any
semblance of their intended effect,
however, is also suggested by Brzezinski
el al. in a recent description of the
“containmcnt” policy toward both Iran and
Iraq. Venturing the observation that the
sanctions against Iran have “produced no
major achievements and increasingly
isolate America rather than their target,”‘“
they conclude that “the attempt to coerce
others into following America’s lead has
been a mistake.”*’
The American attitude has remained
firm, however. In the latest version of the
sanctions, dated September 3, 1997,
President Clinton outlined his exercise of
statutory power in declaring a national
emergency in response to actions and
policies of the government of ham2’ I t
particularly prohibits American financing
and assistance regarding oil extraction
within Iran, and specifically mentions
Iran’s efforts to acquire “weapons of mass
destruction and to its continuing support
for international terrorism.”
Consequently, the president, in
appropriately legalistic language,
prohibits all trade and investment
activities between Americans and Iran.
While communication between the two
governments may lie in the future, there is
ongoing exchange between the two
peoples.
On January 29, 1998, President
Clinton made a televised statement to the
effect that he had heard the invitation from
President Khatami that a renewed dialogue
between the two countries should begin
with cultural exchanges, and he announced
that an American wrestling team would
soon be visiting Iran. This appears to be
an excellent beginning, as the Iranians
have long been intensely involved with
wrestling, and it shows some sensitivity to
their interests. There is a major
conference on oriental carpets in Denver
this coming May, and it should be hoped
that Iranian speakers will be allowed to
participate. I t appears now as though the
thaw between the two countries may have
begun. While it is difficult to gauge
official Iranian positions, as there appear
to be contesting factions, there seems to be
a strong element within Iran that would
welcome more normalized relations. Their
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I37
MIDDLEEASTPOLICY,VOL. VI, No. 2, OCTOBER1998
gains from the lifting of the sanctions,
while not of life-saving significance, will
enhance Iran’s export earnings and make
development capital more readily
available. A major goal of carpet
production today is to raise the standard of
living so that the rural poor do not migrate
to the cities. Keeping the carpet industry
healthy not only requires financial
resources, but ultimately access to the
American market.
The Iranians must remain acutely
aware of every aspect of American policy
particularly now that the Soviet Union has
collapsed. The world economy now holds
fewer barriers, though the United States is
the most powerful nation. Pragmatists in
Iran realize that there are common
interests.” Regional stability and the free
flow of oil through the Gulf are good for
both sides. The American government
looms large in Iranians’ consciousness but,
with what it sees as pressing concerns
around Iraq, Israel and the Palestinians,
Russia, China, the Balkans, the Caribbean
and other parts of the world, it remains
only peripherally aware of Iran. I t is
surely time for this level of awareness to
be heightened so that one of the lingering
diplomatic failures of the last several
decades can finally be resolved. It is
difficult to imagine what may be gained by
either country in prolonging this period of
strained relations.
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“‘The Iranian Election: Five Views,” Washington Report on Middle East Again, Vol. 16,No. 2 (AugustSeptember, 1997).pp. 10-13.See also: Stephen C. Fairbanks, “A New Era for Iran?” Middle East Policy,
Vol. 5, No. 3 (September. 1997),pp. 51-56.
’The author heard these figures quoted by Minister of Commerce Abdulhussein Vahaji in his opening
address at the I992 conference.
’A. Seyf, “The Carpet Trade and the Economy of Iran: 1870 - 1906.” Iran, Vol. 30, 1992,pp. 99-105.
‘Kamran Mofid, Development and Planning in 1ran:fiom Monarchy to Islamic Republic, (Wisbech,
Cambridgeshire: Middle East and North African Studies Press Ltd., 1987),p. 223.
’This is outlined by: Alan Richards and John Waterbury, A Polifical Economy offhe Middle East (Boulder,
CO: Westview Press,1990), p. 78. The term “Oil Industrializers” is applied to Iran. As part of a group of
countries that have sizable oil exports, abundant natural resources, and a large population, sustainable
agricultural or industrial sectors can be created. This is particularly the case with oriental carpets, where a
capital investment in space, looms, raw materials, and particularly training, is required before successful
production can begin.
*Bob Gibson, “The Tehran Conference.” Oriental Rug Review, Vol. 12,No. 6,(August-September, 1992),p.
30.
’“Grand Persian Carpet Exhibition Opens with President’s Message,” Ghafi and Kilim, Tehran, (June 14,
1992).pp. 4-7.
‘See Note 2.
*‘Carpet Diplomacy,” Huli, No. 65 (October. 1992),p. 86.
“Farhang Rajaee. “Views from Within,” Iranian Perspectives on the Iran-lraq War. (Gainesville: University
Press of Florida 1997). pp. 2-3.
“Virtually the entire August-September, 1992 issue of Oriental Rug Review. Vol. 12. No. 6,was devoted to
the Tehran conference.
11
This was witnessed by the author.
”Ghali and Kilim. Vol. 2, No.2 (August 25,1993). p. 4.
“[bid. No. 9 (August. 1993), pp. 123-25.
”“Summary of Speeches by the Ranking Iranian Officials at the Inauguration of the Fourth International
Conference on the Persian Carpet,” The Collection of Articles Presenled at the Fourth lnternafional
Confirence on Persian Carpet, Tehran, 1995,p. 8. Many of the economic figures did not appear in the
summary, but were recorded during the lecture by the author.
I‘ Murray Eiland 111. “Carpets with Kudos, The Middle East, No.252 (January 1996), pp. 38-39.See also
138
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EILAND:CARPETDIPLOMACY
Murray Eiland Ill. "The 4' International Conference on Persian Carpets: The Future of the Persian Carpet,"
Oriental Rug Review. Vol. 16, No. 1 (October-November 1995), pp. 38-41.
"Iranian Handmade Carpets, Vol. 2, No. I , Summer, 1995, Tehran, p. 5.
"In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries there was Western interest in curtailing the use of
children in producing carpets. Working conditions at that time were very primitive, with long hours and no
pay. Deformed bones arose from sitting in one place, and the damp conditions promoted lung diseases.
Women who had worked at carpet looms as children were prone to birthing problems. In the 1920s the
Iranian government began issuing regulations. See: Leonard M. Helfgott. Ties Tho1 Bind. A Social History
oJthe Iranian Carpet (Washington: The Smithsonian Institution Press, 1994). pp. 256-273.
"Fax in response to request for further information from the Carpet Institute dated 1 October, 1997.
"Jacob Black-Michaud, Sheep and Land (London: Cambridge University Press, 1977), pp. 212-217.
"While the transition between rural and urban has been going on for a long period of time (there is
archaeological evidence to support that there have been phases of urban migration in ancient times), the
process has been accelerated by recent policies. The shah actively encouraged nomads to settle. as they were
easier 10 control and more likely to pay taxes if they were sedentary. For settlement under the previous
regime see: Fredrik Barth, Nomads o/South Persia (New York: Oslo University Press, 1961). Also refer to:
S. Lloyd, Housing the Urban Poor in Iran: a l'icious Circ/e, School of Oriental and African Studies
(SOAS), 1993, p. 15. K. S. McLachlan and F. Ershad, Infernal Migration in Iran, SOAS, 1989.
F. Heshmati Razavi, Prospect of Persian Carpet: A Memorial Appreciafion ofRassam Arabzadeh,
Tehran, 1992.
"Miri Iranian Rugs, Vol. 111. Tehran, 1995.
"Jahangir Amuzegar, "Adjusting to Sanctions," Foreign Aflairs, Vol. 76. No. 3, (May-June, 1997). pp. 31-
''
41.
"lbid. p. 32.
z6Zbigniew Brzezinski, Brent Scowcroft and Richard Murphy, "Differentiated Containment," Foreign
Aflairs, Vol. 76, No. 3 (May-June, 1997), p. 24.
"lbid. p. 28.
""Additional Prohibitions on Iran: Communication from the President of the United States." September 3.
1997. (Washington. D.C.: Government Printing Office), pp. 1-7.
*'Hooshang Amirahmadi, "Iranian Economic Reconstruction Plan and Prospects for its Success." In:
Hooshang Amirahrnadi and Nader Entessar eds.. Reconstruction and Regional Diplomacy in the Persian
Cup (New York: Routledge, 1992). p. 142.
139