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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 35: Massachusetts and the compromise.—Sumner chosen senator.—1850-1851. (search)
ope that the friends of freedom in the Legislature would not on any ground of delicacy towards him hesitate to transfer their support to some other candidate, faithful to the cause, and bade them to abandon him whenever they thought best, without notice or apology. These words, repeated orally and in writing, were understood to mean what they said. But policy, and a sense of what they had a right to claim from their allies, kept his supporters firm, and they resolved to stand by him. February 17 Their stubbornness was not merely from policy; for they believed that whatever might be the merits of other eminent Free Soilers, Sumner alone could by his power of speech and is daring fill the place of the antislavery protagonist in the Senate. The election of any other would in their view be half a defeat. The feeling of the Free Soilers outside of the Legislature was the same. Charles Allen wrote, February 7, You must be the hero of this war to the end,—the conquering hero, I trust
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 38: repeal of the Missouri Compromise.—reply to Butler and Mason.—the Republican Party.—address on Granville Sharp.—friendly correspondence.—1853-1854. (search)
ity and earnestness. Boston Transcript, March 7; Springfield Republican, March 6. Whatever were the merits of the Massachusetts conservatives of those days belonging to Everett's type,—and great merits they had,—this is at least certain, that by nature and habit they were unfitted to deal with a question so radical and far-reaching as that of American slavery. It was not in such leaders to recognize the political and moral forces at work, and to meet them like men. Seward's speech, February 17, was earnest and strong in his peculiar power; but he assumed the style of philosophical disquisition, and avoided any direct issue with the promoters of the scheme, appealing to them as honorable men acting from no unworthy motives; and he treated the question largely as a stage in the eternal struggle between conservatism and progress. His part in the debate was more that of historian and prophet than antagonist. Even in his second speech at the close of the contest, after all the ins