Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3. You can also browse the collection for March 7th or search for March 7th in all documents.

Your search returned 11 results in 6 document sections:

Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 34: the compromise of 1850.—Mr. Webster. (search)
prevent slavery becoming the main political issue, and his lukewarm censures of the Mexican War, as well as his Creole letter of an earlier period, had already weakened Sumner's confidence in him. Longfellow was hardly surprised at the speech of March 7. He wrote in his journal, March 9, 1850: Yet what has there been in Webster's life to lead us to think that he would take any high moral ground on this slavery question? He was not, like Clay, the natural supporter of compromise. he wrote Ju leading cause of his change of course. Von Hoist, vol. IV. p. 140. He was called to the Cabinet of President Fillmore in July, and continued till his death, in 1852, to use his personal influence and official power in the direction of his Seventh of March speech. That speech carried the Compromise measures, but it made also a political revolution in Massachusetts. If Webster had spoken as he had hitherto always spoken, if he had spoken as Seward and Chase spoke later in the same month, he w
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 35: Massachusetts and the compromise.—Sumner chosen senator.—1850-1851. (search)
Chapter 35: Massachusetts and the compromise.—Sumner chosen senator.—1850-1851. ZZZr. Webster's speech of March 7 was received by Northern members of Congress with general disapproval, Boston Atlas, March 9, 13, 14, 1850; Courier, March 11d the existence of Southern grievances, and the expediency of yielding to Southern clamor; February 1, 8, 18, 23, 27; March 7. and its tone was manly and spirited. But immediately after the speech it took a reverse direction, and without any exptter of bargain and sale. Horace Mann, in two Letters, May 3 and June 6 (Notes, July 8) subjected Webster's speech of March 7, and his Newburyport and Kennebee letters, to a trenchant criticism, exhibiting his inconsistency, and following him cloing Whigs; and in march, 1850, he went heartily into the Webster movement. He signed the letter approving the speech of March 7, and undertook the defence of Webster's Latin quotations in articles which were understood to contain thrusts at Sumner.
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 36: first session in Congress.—welcome to Kossuth.—public lands in the West.—the Fugitive Slave Law.—1851-1852. (search)
6 Chase took the same view in an undelivered argument filed in the United States Supreme Court in the Van Zandt case, in which Seward was associated with him as counsel; and he made the same point in his speech in the Senate against the Compromise of 1850. Robert Rantoul, Jr., insisted on the want of power in Congress to legislate on the subject, in a speech at Lynn, April 3, 1851, and in Congress, June 11, 1852. As an original question this doctrine had the sanction of Webster in his Seventh of March speech, of the learned jurist Joel Parker, Professor at the Law School in Cambridge, and even of Butler of South Carolina. and the inconsistency of the Fugitive Slave Act with the Constitution, particularly in its denial of the right of trial by jury, and relieved the consciences of those who had been constrained to yield it support under a sense of constitutional obligation. Horace Mann, in his speech in Congress, Feb. 28, 1851, treated at length this unconstitutional feature of the
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 38: repeal of the Missouri Compromise.—reply to Butler and Mason.—the Republican Party.—address on Granville Sharp.—friendly correspondence.—1853-1854. (search)
s effect on one point,—the intent of the compromisers of 1850. Everett's speech was severely criticised by the antislavery papers, Boston Commonwealth, February 15; New York Evening Post. March 8, April 15. A public meeting in Northampton, Mass., formally disapproved the tone of the speech. and was thought by those naturally friendly to him to be below the tone which the occasion required, and to expose him to the suspicion of want of sincerity and earnestness. Boston Transcript, March 7; Springfield Republican, March 6. Whatever were the merits of the Massachusetts conservatives of those days belonging to Everett's type,—and great merits they had,—this is at least certain, that by nature and habit they were unfitted to deal with a question so radical and far-reaching as that of American slavery. It was not in such leaders to recognize the political and moral forces at work, and to meet them like men. Seward's speech, February 17, was earnest and strong in his peculiar <
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 40: outrages in Kansas.—speech on Kansas.—the Brooks assault.—1855-1856. (search)
arch 9, Hamlin expressed surprise that Seward should offer such a list; and Fessenden remarking upon the universal dissatisfaction of Republicans, well known to Seward, said that he was unwilling it should go to the country that the senator from New York represented him. Two days later Sumner arrived in New York, where be was for the night the guest of John Jay, and where several friends, including Mr. and Mrs. Fremont, gathered in the evening to pay their respects to him. The next day, March 7, at noon, he sailed for France in the steamship Fulton. As the vessel left the pier, a large body of personal and political friends cheered him, and the Young Men's Republican Club of the city fired in his honor a salute of thirty-one guns. New York Tribune, March 9. His last words as he parted from the country concerned the cause which lay deeply on his heart, and were contained in two letters,—one to the governor of Vermont from Mr. Jay's house, and the other to a friend of Kansas from
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 43: return to the Senate.—the barbarism of slavery.—Popular welcomes.—Lincoln's election.—1859-1860. (search)
ed hope of another slave State in the West and of dominion in the Union, were now busy with preparations for secession and armed revolt. As to the military preparations at the South, see speeches of Miles in the House, Jan. 6, 1860; Van Wyck, March 7; and Mason in the Senate, March 1. Von Hoist, vol. VII. pp. 111-114, 366 note. Nicolay and Hay's Life of Lincoln, vol. II. pp. 300, 333. Another and more eventful period was at hand. The new Capitol, with its ampler dome, and its extendewho, absent in Europe when the session began, did not take his seat till after the holiday recess, had hardly a more friendly reception. As to the military preparations at the South, see speeches of Miles in the House, Jan. 6, 1860; Van Wyck, March 7; and Mason in the Senate, March 1. Von Hoist, vol. VII. pp. 111-114, 366 note. Nicolay and Hay's Life of Lincoln, vol. II. pp. 300, 333. The bitterness of the two sections had increased since Sumner's last participation in the business of the