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sent his final message to the legislature on December 3, 1861. In that, referring to the action of the Maryland legislature at its several sessions before that when the arrest of its members prevented an organization, he wrote, This continued until the General Government had ample reason to believe it was about to go through the farce of enacting an ordinance of secession, when the treason was summarily stopped by the dispersion of the traitors. . . . After referring to the elections of June 13th and November 6th he says the people have declared, in the most emphatic tones, what I have never doubted, that Maryland has no sympathy with the rebellion, and desires to do her full share in the duty of suppressing it. It would be more easy than gracious to point out the inconsistency between his first statements and this last. The conclusion is inevitable that he kept himself in equipoise, and fell at last, as men without convictions usually do, upon the stronger side. Henceforth th
ight to exercise supreme control over her domestic affairs, and this put her in the category of a state threatened by the proceedings of the United States government. To provide for such contingency as might be anticipated, Governor Jackson on June 13th issued a call for fifty thousand volunteers, and Major General Price took the field in command. In this proclamation Governor Jackson said: A series of unprovoked and unparalleled outrages has been inflicted on the peace and dignity of thient freedom under constitutional government. For the justness and truthfulness of these allegations I appeal to the impartial and sober judgment of posterity. The volunteers who were assembled under this proclamation of Governor Jackson, of June 13th, had few arms except their squirrel rifles and shotguns, and could scarcely be said to have any military equipment. The brigadier generals who were appointed were assigned to geographical divisions, and, with such men as they could collect, r