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Historic leaves, volume 1, April, 1902 - January, 1903, The Stinted Common (search)
ohn Greene was ruling elder of the Charlestown church, and town clerk for many years. In 1681 action was again taken by the inhabitants of Charlestown regarding the division of the Stinted common. Between 1636, when the first apportionment was made among the people of the town, and 1681, there were numerous transfers of titles to rights in the common, from one owner to another, but in none of these transfers, nor in the records of 1638, and later years, or in the confirmation of titles in 1657, is there any description of lots by bounds, or any reference to rangeways or streets, or any plan mentioned covering the territory laid out and allotted. It is probable that some survey and plan of this section was made, as the people of that day were methodical in their public matters, and would hardly have attempted the granting of innumerable titles in a tract of several hundred acres of land, without some plat or plan to guide them. Why it was deemed necessary in 1681 to again revive
Charles A. Nelson , A. M., Waltham, past, present and its industries, with an historical sketch of Watertown from its settlement in 1630 to the incorporation of Waltham, January 15, 1739., March 19, 1627-8. (search)
er upon him, for they held him in the highest esteem as a Christian and a citizen, and from the Colonial Records he appears not less respected and confided in by the Court, to which he was Representative most of the time from the first (1634) till 1657. After the return of Sir Richard Saltonstall to England, there was no magistrate in Watertown, and in Sept. 1638, Mr. Browne was appointed by the Court one of the commissioners of that town, to end small causes. Nov. 4, 1646, he was empowered tor two or more. May 22, 1639, he was fined £ 5 for going to Connecticut without leave of the Court, he then being a deputy; but in Sept. £ 4 15s of the fine was remitted and the freemen of Watertown were fined £ 3, for sending Mr. Browne away. In 1657 he removed to Charlestown where he died at the age of 84 or 85 years. Nov. 5, 1634, Mr. Browne took a leading part in bringing before the Court of Assistants complaint against John Endicott of Salem, for mutilating the ensign, by cutting out wi
George Bancroft, History of the Colonization of the United States, Vol. 1, 17th edition., Chapter 5: (search)
ly of white servants became a regular business; and a class of men, nicknamed spirits, used to delude young persons, servants and idlers, into embarking for America, as to a land of spontaneous plenty. Bullock's Virginia, 1649, p. 14. White servants came to be a usual article of traffic. They were sold in England to be transported, and in Virginia were resold to the highest bidder; like negroes, they were to be purchased on shipboard, as men buy horses at a fair. Sad State of Virginia, 1657, p. 4, 5. Hammond's Leah and Rachel, 7. In 1672, the average price in the colonies, where five years of service were due, was about ten pounds; while a negro was worth twenty or twenty-five pounds. Blome's Jamaica, 84 and 16. So usual was this manner of dealing in Englishmen, that not the Scots only, who were taken in the field of Dunbar, were sent into involuntary servitude in New England, Cromwell and Cotton, in Hutchinson's Coll. 233—235. but the royalist prisoners of the battle of
George Bancroft, History of the Colonization of the United States, Vol. 1, 17th edition., Chapter VI (search)
Albany, IV. 91; IX. 57—59; IV. 96. 122. 165. 198; particularly IV. 211, where the rumor of an intended prohibition of Dutch trade in Virginia is alluded to in a letter from the W. I. Co. to Stuyvesant. That was in 1656, precisely at the time referred to in the rambling complaint in Hazard, i. 600, and still more in the very rare little volume by L. G. Public Good without Private Interest, or a Compendious Remonstrance of the Present Sad State and Condition of the English Colonie in Virginea; 1657; p. 13, 14. The prohibition alluded to is not in the Navigation Act of St. John, nor did any such go into effect. See Albany Records, IV. 236. The very rare tract of L. G., I obtained through the kindness of John Brown, of Providence. and at last a special statute of 1660 Virginia extended to every Christian nation, in amity with England, a promise of liberty to trade and equal justice. Smith, 27. Hening, i. 450. At the restoration, Virginia enjoyed freedom of commerce with the whole w
George Bancroft, History of the Colonization of the United States, Vol. 1, 17th edition., Chapter VII (search)
1656 July 10. tion of the protector, commissioned McMahon, 211. Josias Fendall to appear as his lieutenant. Fendall had, the preceding year, been engaged in exciting an insurrection, under pretence of instructions from Stone; he now appear- 1657 Sept. ed as an open but unsuccessful insurgent. Little is known of his disturbance, except that it occasioned a heavy public expenditure. Bacon, 1657, c. VIII. Yet the confidence of Lord Baltimore was continued Nov. 18. to Fendall, who re1657, c. VIII. Yet the confidence of Lord Baltimore was continued Nov. 18. to Fendall, who received anew an appointment to the government of the province. For a season, there was a divided rule; Fendall was acknowledged by the 1658 Catholic party in the city of St. Mary's; and the commissioners were sustained by the Puritans of St. Leonard's. At length, the conditions of a compromise were settled; and the government of the whole prov- Mar. 24. ince was surrendered to the agent of the proprietary. Permission to retain arms; an indemnity for arrears; relief from the oath of fealty; an
George Bancroft, History of the Colonization of the United States, Vol. 1, 17th edition., Chapter 10: (search)
Besse, II. 198—207. their persons were examined in search of signs of witchcraft; and, after five weeks close imprisonment, they were thrust out of the jurisdiction. Eight others were, during the year, sent back to England. The rebuke enlarged the ambition of Mary Fisher; she repaired alone to Adrianople, and delivered a message to the Grand Sultan. The Turks thought her crazed, and she passed through their army without hurt or scoff. Yet the next year, although a special law now pro- 1657. hibited the introduction of Quakers, Mary Dyer, an Antinomian exile, and Ann Burden, came into the colony; the former was claimed by her husband, and taken to Rhode Island; the latter was sent to England. A woman who had come all the way from London, to warn the magistrates against persecution, was whipped with twenty stripes. Some, who had been banished, came a second time; they were imprisoned, whipped, and once more sent away, under penalty of further punishment, if they returned again.
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 2, 17th edition., Chapter 15: (search)
f Ibid. XIII. 96—99; VIII. 139—142. was appointed by the governor; the two burgomasters and five schepens made a double nomination of their own successors, from which the valiant director himself elected the board. Albany Records, XIX. 33, 34. The city had privileges, not the citizens. The province gained only the municipal liberties, on which rested the commercial aristocracy of Holland. Citizenship was a commercial privilege, and not a political enfranchisement. So afterwards, in 1657. Albany Records, XV. 54—56. It was not much more than a license to trade. Ibid. XXIV. 45. Compare XX. 247, 248. The system was at war with Puritan usages; the Chap XV.} 1653. Dutch in the colony readily caught the idea of relying on themselves; and the persevering restlessness of the people led to a general assembly of two deputies from Nov. to Dec. each village in New Netherland; an assembly which Stuyvesant was unwilling to sanction, and could not prevent. As in Massachusetts, t<
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 3, 15th edition., Chapter 20: (search)
with mats for the tapestry; and there the pictures of the Savior and of Mesnard, in Relation 1656-7, p. 158. the Virgin mother were unfolded to the admiring children of the wilderness. The Oneidas also listened to the missionary; and, early in 1657, Chaumonot reached 1657. the more fertile and more densely peopled land of the Relation 1656-7, c. XVII. Senecas. The influence of France was pla1657. the more fertile and more densely peopled land of the Relation 1656-7, c. XVII. Senecas. The influence of France was planted in the beautiful valleys of Western New York. The Jesuit priests published their faith from the Mohawk to the Genesee, Onondaga remaining the central station. But the savage nature of the tri7, c. XVII. Senecas. The influence of France was planted in the beautiful valleys of Western New York. The Jesuit priests published their faith from the Mohawk to the Genesee, Onondaga remaining the central station. But the savage nature of the tribes was unchanged. At this very time, a ruthless war of extermination was waged against the nation of Erie, and in the north of Jean de Quens, 115. Ohio. The crowded hamlet became a scene of carnag Oneidas murdered three Frenchmen, and the French retaliated by seizing Iroquois. At last, when 1657. a conspiracy was framed in the tribe of the Onondagas, the French, having vainly solicited reenf
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 3, 15th edition., Chapter XXII (search)
mother's back, is borne as the topmost burden,—its dark eyes now cheerfully flashing light, now accompanying with tears the wailings which the plaintive melodies of the carrier cannot hush. Or, while the squaw toils in the field, she hangs her child, as spring does its blossoms, on the boughs of a tree, that it may be rocked by the breezes from the land of Chap. XXII.} souls, and soothed to sleep by the lullaby of the birds. Does the mother die, the nursling—such is Indian Relation 1656, 1657, p. 179. compassion-shares her grave. On quitting the cradle, the children are left nearly naked in the cabin, to grow hardy, and learn the use of their limbs. Juvenile sports are the same every where; children invent them for themselves; and the traveller, who finds every where in the wide world the same games, may rightly infer, that the Father of the Chateaubrt and. great human family himself instructs the innocence of childhood in its amusements. There is no domestic government; the
Medford Historical Society Papers, Volume 3., The roads of old Medford. (search)
and Main street and the Menotomy road (Broadway) on one made in 1637 (see Historical Register for October, 1898, pages 120 and 122). Salem street was spoken of as early as the year 1638, by the several names of Salle path, Salem path, Salem highway, The way to Mistick, and Salem path to Mistick Ford. A portion of High street was also spoken of in the same year as the Ware highway, and later as The way to the Wears. The River road (a part of Riverside avenue) was referred to in a deed dated 1657 as The common Highway leading from the Mansion House (Wellington) unto Charlestown Commons and Meadford House. It may, therefore, be confidently asserted that Salem and Main streets, and a portion of South street, were among the first, if not the first, roads used in Medford, after the settlement of the colony. Indeed, of the six great highways that existed in Medford prior to the year 1700, viz., Main, Salem, High, Grove, and Woburn streets, and a portion of Riverside avenue, it is hard
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