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G. S. Hillard, Life and Campaigns of George B. McClellan, Major-General , U. S. Army, Chapter 2: (search)
intend the construction of the military road from Walla-Walla to Steilacoom. This road was built after he had left the Pacific region; but the contracts and arrangements were made by him before his departure. He returned( home in the spring of 1854. In the summer of that year he was sent on a secret expedition to the West Indies, the object of which was to select a harbor and procure a site suitable for a coaling-station. It was a service of some danger, as it exposed him to the influencesd England, exerted through their representatives, may have prevented it. After returning home from the West Indies, Captain McClellan was stationed at Washington, employed on duties connected with the Pacific Railroad surveys. In the autumn of 1854, he drew up a very elaborate memoir on various practical points relating to the construction and management of railways, which was published in the same volume with the reports of his explorations. The Secretary of War remarks upon it as follows:
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., chapter 17 (search)
Xvii. The Nebraska-Kansas struggle. 1854-61 Pierce Atchison A. C. Dodge Douglas Archibald Dixon Salmon P. Chase Badger of N. C. English of Ind. A. H. Stephens Gov. Reeder William Philips John W. Whitfield civil War in Kansas h him into the Territory. These officers reached Kansas, and established a Territorial Government there, in the autumn of 1854. All of them were, of course, Democrats; but Gov. Reeder's soundness on the vital question was early suspected at the SouConventions; ratified by the people in the election of 1852, and rightly applied to the organization of the Territories in 1854. 3. That, by the uniform application of the Democratic principle to the organization of Territories, and the admission d almost spontaneously, assumed the designation of Republicans. As such, they carried most of the Free State elections of 1854, but were less decidedly successful in those of 1855. Their first National Convention was held at Pittsburgh, Pa., on the
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., chapter 20 (search)
ion, and gave over in despair after a brief trial; but John Brown and his sons persevered, ultimately making homes for themselves, which, though not luxurious nor inviting, their families retain. In 1851, the father returned with his family to Akron, Ohio, where he once more carried on the wool business and managed the farm of a friend; but, in 1855, on starting for Kansas, he moved his family back to their own home at North Elba, where they remain, with his grave in the midst of them. In 1854, his four elder sons — all by his first wife, and all living in Ohio — determined to migrate to Kansas. They went thither, primarily, to make that a Free State; secondly, to make homes for themselves and their families. They went unarmed, having a very inadequate idea of the nature and spirit of the fiend they were defying. They settled in Lykins County, southern Kansas, about eight miles distant from the present village of Osawatomie, and not far from the Missouri border. Here they were
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., Xxi. The Presidential canvass of 1860. (search)
y devising a platform that meant one thing at the North, and another at the South. But, we are resolved to have no more of this. We shall now succeed on a clear exhibition of our principles, or not at all. And the champions of Popular Sovereignty, who controlled most of the delegations from Free States, were nearly as frank, and quite as firm. Said a leading supporter of Senator Douglas--Mr. George E. Pugh, of Ohio Recently, U. S. Senator from that State; elected over Gov. Chase in 1853-4; succeeded by him in turn in 1859-60; since, a candidate for Lieut. Governor, under Vallandigham, in 1863.--in the Charleston Convention: Thank God that a bold and honest man [Mr. Yancey] has at last spoken, and told the whole truth with regard to the demands of the South. It is now plainly before the Convention and the country that the South does demand an advanced step from the Democratic party. [Mr. Pugh here read the resolves of the Alabama Democratic State Convention of 1856, to prov
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., Xxiv. conciliation in Congress. (search)
oubles respecting Slavery, why had they not applied it long ago? Why not adopt it under Polk or Fillmore, Pierce or Buchanan, without waiting to the last sands of their departing power? Why not unite upon it as their platform in the Presidential contest of 1860? Why call upon the Republicans to help them do, after forty years of controversy, what they might themselves have done, without help, almost any time during those forty years? Why repudiate, against the most urgent remonstrances, in 1854, a compromise which, so far as it went, was substantially identical with this, and now ask those whom they then overbore to unite with them in ratifying another and a worse, in 1861? II. The Conservatives, so called, were still able to establish this Crittenden Compromise by their own proper strength, had they been disposed so to do. The President was theirs; the Senate strongly theirs; in the House, they had a small majority, as was evinced in their defeat of John Sherman for Speaker. H
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 10 (search)
l take the rail homeward while New York rowdies and Boston abolitionists are desolating the villages of Virginia. In all ages success in war has inclined to the party which is fighting for its existence, and is consequently steeled to a sterner resolve. There is a want of this earnestness to be noticed in the conduct of the Northerners. They take things easy to a degree which astonishes an Englishman who recollects the frenzy which followed the first misfortunes of our army at the end of 1854. The whole story of the battle of Bull Run is given by the Northern papers, of course with many variations, but, we are bound to say, with entire candor. The completeness of the defeat, the courage of the enemy and the panic of their own army, are not extenuated or denied in any way. There is, of course, the usual tendency to lay the blame on the commanders, and to save the self-love of the army at the expense of its chiefs. But, making allowances for this, it is probable not only that the
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 13 (search)
anged his opinions, than I had supposed him to be. There was no dodging on his part. Mr. Douglas started with his questions. Here they are with Mr. Lincoln's answers: Question 1.--I desire to know whether Lincoln to-day stands as he did in 1854, in favor of the unconditional repeal of the Fugitive Slave law? Answer.--I do not now, nor ever did, stand in favor of the unconditional repeal of the Fugitive Slave law. Question 2.--I desire him to answer whether he stands pledged to-day, as he did in 1854, against the admission of any more slave States into the Union, even if the people want them? Answer.--I do not now, nor ever did, stand pledged against the admission of any more slave States into the Union. Question 3.--I want to know whether he stands pledged against the admission of a new State into the Union with such a Constitution as the people of that State may see fit to make? Answer.--I do not stand pledged against the admission of a State into the Union wit
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 146 (search)
o me that with many the talk about compromise and the settlement of this question is mere pretext, especially with those who understand the question. What more was done at the last session of Congress, when the North had the power? Let us tell the truth. Three territorial bills were brought forward and passed. You remember in 1847, when the agitation arose in reference to the Wilmot proviso. You remember in 1850 the contest about slavery prohibition in the Territories. You remember in 1854 the excitement in reference to the Kansas-Nebraska bill, and the power conferred on the Legislature by it. Now we have a constitutional amendment, proposed at a time when the Republicans have the power; and at the same time they come forward with three territorial bills, and in neither of those bills can be found any prohibition, so far as slavery is concerned, in the Territories. Colorado, Nevada, and Dakota are organized without any prohibition of slavery. But what do you find in these bil
Benjamnin F. Butler, Butler's Book: Autobiography and Personal Reminiscences of Major-General Benjamin Butler, Chapter 2: early political action and military training. (search)
in 1877. There were born to us four children: Paul, the eldest, who died in April, 1850, at the age of four years and ten months; a daughter, Blanche, born in 1847, and a son, Paul, born in 1852, both still living; and a son, Ben Israel, born in 1854, who departed this life on the first day of September, 1881, the day he was to have gone into partnership with me in the practice of the law in Boston. Benj. F. Butler in 1839. engraved from a Daguerreotype. Ben Israel was appointed to Wes year longer, a single provision that no one should be in sight of the voter when he deposited his envelope would have removed all possible objection; and such a provision would have been made. But the Whig party got control of the legislature in 1854, and, not daring to attempt directly to repeal the secret ballot, passed a provision making it optional with the voter to vote the secret ballot. Then the employer knew that if his laborer voted a secret ballot he desired to conceal his vote; so
William Tecumseh Sherman, Memoirs of General William T. Sherman ., volume 1, Chapter 3: Missouri, Louisiana, and California. 1850-1855. (search)
ward the foot of Broad-way and Jackson Street, because there were the deepest water and best wharves, but in this I made a mistake. Nevertheless, in the spring of 1854, the new bank was finished, and we removed to it, paying rents thereafter to our Mr. Lucas instead of to Adams & Co. A man named Wright, during the same season, buue & Co. were already established on another corner of Jackson Street, and the new Metropolitan Theatre was in progress diagonally opposite us. During the whole of 1854 our business steadily grew, our average deposits going up to half a million, and our sales of exchange and consequent shipment of bullion averaging two hundred thog two small brick-houses, on ground which he had leased of Nicholson. I bought one of these houses, subject to the ground-rent, and moved into it as soon as finished. Lieutenant T. H. Stevens, of the United States Navy, with his family, rented the other; we lived in this house throughout the year 1854, and up to April 17, 1855.
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