hide Matching Documents

Your search returned 3,438 results in 1,608 document sections:

Francis B. Carpenter, Six Months at the White House, Lxiii. (search)
in that line, than our Eastern commanders. At any rate, he shall have another trial! The result, close upon this interview, was the appointment of Fremont to the Mountain Department of Western Virginia. While Mr. Bowen was in Washington, he drove out, by invitation one evening, with one or two friends, to the Soldier's Home, where the President spent the nights of midsummer. More at leisure there than at the shop, as he was in the habit of calling his official chamber at the White House, Mr. Lincoln sat down with the party for a leisurely conversation. I know, he said to Mr. Bowen, that you are a great admirer of Mr. Chase and Mr. Seward. Now, I will tell you a circumstance that may please you. Before sunset of election-day, in 1860, I was pretty sure, from the despatches I received, that I was elected. The very first thing that I settled in my mind, after reaching this conclusion, was that these two great leaders of the party should occupy the two first places in my cabinet.
Francis B. Carpenter, Six Months at the White House, Lxviii. (search)
ly. It was short, simple, and expressive, and consisted simply of the words:-- Lord Lyons, go thou and do likewise. It is doubtful if an English ambassador was ever addressed in this manner before, and it would be interesting to learn what success he met with in putting the reply in diplomatic language when he reported it to her Majesty. The antagonism between the northern and southern sections of the Democratic party, which culminated in the nomination of two separate tickets in 1860, was a subject to draw out one of Mr. Lincoln's hardest hits. I once knew, said he, a sound churchman by the name of Brown, who was a member of a very sober and pious committee having in charge the erection of a bridge over a dangerous and rapid river. Several architects failed, and at last Brown said he had a friend named Jones, who had built several bridges and undoubtedly could build that one. So Mr. Jones was called in. Can you build this bridge? inquired the committee. Yes, repli
Francis B. Carpenter, Six Months at the White House, Lxix. (search)
hen he sportively replied that he supposed he should have been uneasy also, had any other man been President and gone there; but as it was, he felt no apprehension of danger whatever. Turning to Speaker Colfax, he said: Sumner has the gavel of the Confederate Congress, which he got at Richmond, and intended to give to the Secretary of War, but I insisted he must give it to you, and you tell him from me to hand it over. Mr. Ashmun, who was the presiding officer of the Chicago Convention in 1860, alluded to the gavel used on that occasion, saying he had preserved it as a valuable memento. Mr. Ashmun then referred to a matter of business connected with a cotton claim, preferred by a client of his, and said that he desired to have a commission appointed to examine and decide upon the merits of the case. Mr. Lincoln replied, with considerable warmth of manner, I have done with commissions. I believe they are contrivances to cheat the Government out of every pound of cotton they c
Francis B. Carpenter, Six Months at the White House, Lxxvii. (search)
Lxxvii. No reminiscence of the late President has been given to the public more thoroughly valuable and characteristic than a sketch which appeared in the New York Independent of September 1st, 1864, from the pen of the Rev. J. P. Gulliver, of Norwich, Connecticut:-- It was just after his controversy with Douglas, and some months before the meeting of the Chicago Convention of 1860, that Mr. Lincoln came to Norwich to make a political speech. It was in substance the famous speech delivered in New York, commencing with the noble words: There is but one political question before the people of this country, which is this, Is slavery right, or is it wrong? and ending with the yet nobler words: Gentlemen, it has been said of the world's history hitherto that “might makes right;” it is for us and for our times to reverse the maxim, and to show that right makes might! The next morning I met him at the railroad station, where he was conversing with our Mayor, every few minutes
Francis B. Carpenter, Six Months at the White House, Index. (search)
promised his God, &c., 90; his matured judgment upon the act of Emancipation, 90; simplicity and humility, 95; his first dollar, 96; Amnesty Proclamation, interview with Hon. Robert Dale Owen, 98; account of capture of Norfolk, 104, 240; exhausted patience illustrated; 106, 108; wounded Marylander, 109; as surveyor, 111; new clothes, 113; axes, 118, 289; never read a novel, 114; interview with Rev. Dr. Vinton, 117; telegram to friends at Chicago Convention, 120; reception of nomination, (1860.) 121; temperance principles, 125; sugar-coated, 126: the signing of public documents, 128: speech to foreign minister: 128; on office-seekers, 129, 145, 276; borrowing the army, 130; Sunday-school celebration, 130; regard for children, 132; the baby did it, 133; pardon cases, 40, 43 133, 171,172, 173, 171, 175, 176, 250, 296, 319; Five Points' Sunday-School, 133; at Henry Ward Beecher's church. 134; relations with Cabinet, 135; Secretary Cameron's Report, 136; General Patterson, 137
is, or the Democracy of Illinois, by that sort of an unnatural and unholy alliance, I think they show very little sagacity, or give the people very little credit for intelligence. It must be a contest of principle. Either the radical abolition principles of Mr. Lincoln must be maintained, or the strong, constitutional, national Democratic principles with which I am identified must be carried out. There can be but two great political parties in this country. The contest this year and in 1860 must necessarily be between the Democracy and the Republicans, if we can judge from present indications. My whole life has been identified with the Democratic party. I have devoted all of my energies to advocating its principles and sustaining its organization. In this State the party was never better united or more harmonious than at this time. The State Convention which assembled on the 2d of April, and nominated Fondey and French was regularly called by the State Central Committee, app
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., Fourth joint debate, at Charleston, September 18, 1858. (search)
ures, they repealed their nullifying resolutions and declared that the laws should be executed and the supremacy of the Constitution maintained. Let it always be recorded in history to the immortal honor of the people of Chicago, that they returned to their duty when they found that they were wrong, and did justice to those whom they had blamed and abused unjustly. When the Legislature of this State assembled that year, they proceeded to pass resolutions approving the Compromise measures of 1860. When the Whig party assembled in 1852 at Baltimore in National Convention for the last time, to nominate Scott for the Presidency, they adopted as a part of their platform the Compromise measures of 1850 as the cardinal plank upon which every Whig would stand and by which he would regulate his future conduct. When the Democratic party assembled at the same place one month after, to nominate General Pierce, we adopted the same platform so far as those Compromise measures were concerned, agr
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., Sixth joint debate, at Quincy, October 13, 1858. (search)
ject of slavery in the bills of 1850, in order to give the same meaning force, and effect to the Nebraska-Kansas bill on this subject as had been given to those of Utah and New Mexico. The Union proves the following propositions: First, that I sustained Clay's Compromise measures on the ground that they established the principle of self-government in the Territories. Secondly, that I brought in the Kansas and Nebraska bill founded upon the same principles as Clay's Compromise measures of 1860; and thirdly, that my Freeport speech is in exact accordance with those principles. And what do you think is the imputation that the Union casts upon me for all this? It says that my Freeport speech is not Democratic, and that I was not a Democrat in 1854 or in 1850! Now is not that funny? Think that the author of the Kansas and Nebraska bill was not a Democrat when he introduced it. The Union says I was not a sound Democrat in 1850, nor in 1854, nor in 1856, nor am I in 1858, because I h
ory of the family before their removal to Indiana. If he mentioned the subject at all, it was with great reluctance and significant reserve. There was something about his origin he never cared to dwell upon. His nomination for the Presidency in 1860, however, made the publication of his life a necessity, and attracted to Springfield an army of campaign biographers and newspaper men. They met him in his office, stopped him in his walks, and followed him to his house. Artists came to paint hisreality the offspring of a Hardin or a Marshall, or that he had in his veins the blood of some of the noted families who held social and intellectual sway in the western part of the State. These serious hints were the outgrowth of the campaign of 1860, which was conducted with such unrelenting prejudice in Kentucky that in the county where Lincoln was born only six persons could be found who had the courage to vote for him. R.. L. Wintersmith, of Elizabethtown, Kentucky. I remember that afte
farm, and a half interest with Samuel Hill in the leading store. He had good capacity for business, and was a valuable addition to that already pretentious village — New Salem. It was while living at James Cameron's house that this plucky and industrious young business man first saw Anne Rutledge. At that time she was attending the school of Mentor Graham, a pedagogue of local renown whose name is frequently met with in these pages, and who flourished in and around New Salem from 1829 to 1860. McNeil fell deeply in love with the school-girl — she was then only seventeen--and paid her the usual unremitting attentions young lovers of that age had done before him and are still doing today. His partner in the store, Samuel Hill, a young man of equal force of character, who afterwards amassed a comfortable fortune, and also wielded no little influence as a local politician, laid siege to the heart of this same attractive maiden, but he yielded up the contest early. Anne rejected him