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I was still in London and on intimate terms with the Minister, General Schenck, and I suppose as much in his confidence as it was proper I should be. How hard he worked to avert a war, how fertile he was in invention, how faithful to his country's interest, how dignified yet courteous in his attitude toward England, how anxious to discover some means of avoiding a rupture, nobody living knows better than I. No finer diplomatic services were ever rendered the United States; not even those of Adams during the Rebellion were more arduous or indispensable. A single false step, a maladroit expression, an ill-tempered or insufficient act, might have precipitated war. For the feeling in England ran very high. At times it was positively offensive to Americans, especially official ones. More than once at clubs and dinners I had to resent remarks that no good American could listen to in silence, and yet I, too, in my sphere was bound to be courteous and reserved. But we had our friends.
The article for the British press referred to in this letter was a comparison between the War of the Rebellion and that between Germany and France in 1870. It was written for Frazer's Magazine at the request of the editor, Mr. Froude, and of course had the sanction of the President and the Secretary of State. I have not stricken out the sentences referring to the Adams family, although Grant must have subsequently modified his opinion, for it was after this that he appointed Charles Francis Adams arbitrator for the United States at Geneva; and I know that he highly appreciated the services there rendered to the country by that distinguished statesman and diplomatist. The remarks in regard to Butler are significant. Butler was the only one of Grant's personal enemies whom he seemed to me entirely to forgive,—until his final illness. I never discussed the subject with him, but the cordiality appeared complete; all rancor was past; although he believed that Butler had said