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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3 152 0 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4 100 0 Browse Search
John G. Nicolay, A Short Life of Abraham Lincoln, condensed from Nicolay and Hayes' Abraham Lincoln: A History 92 0 Browse Search
Elias Nason, McClellan's Own Story: the war for the union, the soldiers who fought it, the civilians who directed it, and his relations to them. 79 1 Browse Search
Benjamnin F. Butler, Butler's Book: Autobiography and Personal Reminiscences of Major-General Benjamin Butler 67 1 Browse Search
John F. Hume, The abolitionists together with personal memories of the struggle for human rights 56 0 Browse Search
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874. 46 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 40 2 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 26 0 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: February 29, 1864., [Electronic resource] 25 1 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3. You can also browse the collection for Salmon P. Chase or search for Salmon P. Chase in all documents.

Your search returned 9 results in 5 document sections:

Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 2: the Irish address.—1842. (search)
k A. St. Clair. to a department in Leavitt's Emancipator. Speaking for the Liberty Party men of Ohio, in distinction from some of their brethren in the East, Salmon P. Chase wrote: We think it better to limit our political action by the political Lib. 12.177. power, explicitly and avowedly, rather than run the risk of misconlish this, slavery must die; and we may accomplish this without insisting on more than the fulfillment of the guarantees of the Constitution. In other words, Mr. Chase went for the Constitution as it was, and the Union as it was. One of his associates, writing at the same time to the Xenia (Ohio) Free Press, even more frankly dnxiously desire and zealously labor for these objects, though he may not be prepared to devote himself to the more general objects of universal emancipation. Mr. Chase's letter was appropriately addressed to the managers of a New York Liberty Party Convention in Syracuse in October, where for the first time the lines Lib. 12.1
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 5: Texas.—1845. (search)
words, words. Did they mean, asked Mr. Garrison, to act that farce over again? Charles Francis Adams objected to jeoparding united action by any such radical proposition, and both the Lovejoy and Garrison resolutions were laid on the Lib. 15.18. table. Months passed, during which inaction on the part of the North paved the way to the catastrophe, and sapped the Lib. 15.82. courage of the resistants—the political and practical resistants. William H. Seward, in a public letter to Salmon P. Chase, submitted in advance to the inevitable Lib. 15.113. annex ation of Texas, repudiating disunion. His counter measure was to enlarge the area of freedom—as if the South did not provide for that by coupling the admission of a slave State with that of a free State. Already, in February, Florida had been thus admitted into the Union, paired with Lib. 15.34, 39. Iowa, in spite of the intense Northern feeling against more slave States aroused in the case of Texas; in spite, too, of the
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 10: the Rynders Mob.—1850. (search)
sure the lasting domination of the Slave Power. They wielded a packed Senate in whose twenty-seven standing committees the South had sixteen chairmanships, to say Lib. 20.6; cf. 21.14. nothing of those which she had assigned to Northern doughfaces, while in sixteen committees she had carefully secured a majority of actual slaveholders, and from all had insolently excluded the three truly Northern Lib. 20.32. Senators, Hale, Seward, and Chase. A House, packed J. P. Hale, W. H. Seward. S. P. Chase. in like manner, completed the Congress whose destiny it was to pour oil upon the flames of the agitation it sought to extinguish. For eight months after Mr. Clay introduced his so-called Compromise Resolutions, they, Jan. 21, 1850; Lib. 20.21. and the measures to which they gave birth in an Omnibus Bill, engrossed the attention of both Houses and of the country. No appropriation bill could be passed. Lib. 20.118. Everybody was in a fever of excitement till a settlement should be arri
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 14: the Nebraska Bill.—1854. (search)
ty and disgust, threats of disunion in the free States and similar threats in the slaveholding States. Well did Gerrit Smith write to Ms. July 18, 1854. Mr. Garrison: I have acquired no new hope of the peaceful termination of slavery by coming to Washington. I go home more discouraged than ever. Mr. Smith had been elected to Congress in the fall of 1852 (Lib. 22: 163, [182]). He was now going home for good, having resigned on account of his health. Giddings, Chase, J. R. Giddings. S. P. Chase. etc. are full of hope, but I am yet to see that there is a North. Well did Lysander Spooner write to the editor Feb. 13, 1854; Lib. 24.30. of the Commonwealth, refusing to be a delegate to an Anti-Nebraska Bill Convention in Faneuil Hall: I trust you will allow me space to say, that I decline the Lib. 24.31. appointment; that I have never been a member of the Free Soil Party ; that I have never adopted its absurd and contradictory motto, Freedom National, Slavery Sectional ; tha
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 19: John Brown.—1859. (search)
ness E. D. Morgan. of that State to submit if the voice of the country should Lib. 29.6. prove to be for slavery extension. The ambitious Governor of Ohio, Salmon P. Chase, a political huckster who hopes to carry his principles to the Presidential market Lib. 29.107. (in Quincy's phraseology), was silent on the absorbing Lib. 29.6. national topic; in Massachusetts, Governor Banks, a Presidential baby at nurse, Lib. 29.107. was equally dumb. Later on, both Chase and Banks prevented their respective legislatures from passing laws such as Vermont had enacted Lib. 28.199; 29.22, 44, 122. to make the trial or rendition of slaves impossible on her soil. I. The legislators' oath to support the U. S. Constitution he offset by their oath to the State Constitution, with its Art. 1, All men are born free and equal, etc. Chase's successor, William Dennison, taking the Lib. 29.145. stump on his own behalf in the fall of 1859, declared the Republican Party a white man's party, repudiated