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Comte de Paris, History of the Civil War in America. Vol. 2. (ed. Henry Coppee , LL.D.), Book III:—Maryland. (search)
Cedar Mountain, Prince across the road, with Geary on his right. Williams' division took position still farther to the right, Crawford's brigade near Geary, and Gordon's, with the cavalry, on the extreme right. It was half-past 4 o'clock when these dispositions were completed. Precisely at this moment Jackson began the attack and being at once attacked in front by Ronald, and in flank by Campbell, who had remained on their right, they succumbed to superior numbers, and were repulsed. Gordon arrived too late to be of any assistance. In fact, the whole of Hill's corps had just appeared on the field of battle, and that general, after sending Thomas touitting his post, these troops abandoned Dunker Church and the adjoining woods, which had been so dearly won a short time before. Williams' second brigade, under Gordon, returned to the charge, and penetrated once more into these woods, under favor of a clearing off of the thick smoke which enveloped the combatants; but it soon
Comte de Paris, History of the Civil War in America. Vol. 2. (ed. Henry Coppee , LL.D.), chapter 8 (search)
gade, Stahel. 2d Division, Von Steinwehr. 1st Brigade, Bohlen. 3d Division, Schurz. 1st Brigade, Krysanowsky; 2d Brigade, Schimmelpfennig; Milroy's Brigade. 2d corps, Banks. 1st Division, Williams. 1st Brigade, Crawford; 2d Brigade, Gordon; 3d Brigade, Gorman. 2d Division, Augur. 1st Brigade, Prince; 2d Brigade, Geary; 3d Brigade, Green. 3d corps, McDowell. 1st Division, Ricketts. 1st Brigade, Tower; 2d Brigade, Hartsuff; 3d Brigade, Carroll; 4th Brigade, Duryea. 2d Drman; 2d Brigade, Dana; 3d Brigade, Howard. 3d Division, French. 1st Brigade, Max Weber; 2d Brigade, Kimball; 3d Brigade, Dwight Morris. 2d corps, Mansfield; 10,126 men strong. 1st Division, Williams. 1st Brigade, Crawford; 2d Brigade, Gordon. 3d Division, Green. 1st Brigade, Goodwich; 2d Brigade, ...... Left wing, Franklin. 6th corps, Franklin; 12,300 men strong. 1st Division, Slocum. 1st Brigade, Newton; 2d Brigade, Torbert; 3d Brigade, Bartlett. 2d Division, Smith.
f absolute obedience to all their past or future commands. But Maryland was free; Virginia governed itself. The restless colonists, almost as they landed, and even the Chap. XV.} soldiers of the garrison, fled in troops from the dominion of Amsterdam to the liberties of English colonies. The province of the city was almost deserted; the attempt to elope was punishable by death, and scarce thirty families remained. Albany Records, IV. 217, 222, 223, 237, 273, 311; XVIII. 43, 29, 400. Gordon's Pennsylvania, 23. Compare Albany Records, x. 397—468. During the absence of Stuyvesant from Manhattan, 1655. Sept. the warriors of the neighboring Algonquin tribes, never reposing confidence in the Dutch, made a desperate assault on the colony. In sixty-four canoes, they appeared before the town, and ravaged the adjacent country. The return of the expedition restored confidence. The captives were ransomed, and industry repaired its losses. The Dutch seemed to have firmly establis
edent of engaging in debate, and of proposing subjects for bills by way of conference with the governor and council. In return, by unanimous vote, a negative voice was allowed the governor The requisition was suffered to sleep on the journals. Gordon, p. 80. Now compare Votes and Proceedings, p. 10. Proposed to the voice of the house, whether the governor shall have the power of an overruling voice in the provincial council and in the assembly; as to the provincial council, it was carried in the affirmative, N. C. D. Again. The assembly required power to originate all legislative measures. This was conceded. Gordon, 79. Such was the issue; but not immediately. The petition of the house was for the privilege of conference. Votes, &c. p. 8. Com pare, too, Council Books, in Hazard's Register, i. 16, for March 15, 1683. The chamber of deputies under Louis XVIII. could petition the king to introduce a bill. Practically, the house gained the initiative, and Penn the negative voic
ew Jersey could not, as in the happier Connecticut, plead an earlier grant from the king. But when were Puritans at a loss for arguments in favor of freedom? We are the representatives of the freeholders of this province; —such was the answer of the assembly;—his majesty's patent, though under the gieat seal, we dare not grant to be our rule or joint safety; for the great charter of England, alias Magna Charta, is the only rule, privilege, and joint safety of every free-born Englishman. Gordon's New Jersey, 47. The firmness of the legislature preserved the independence of New Jersey; the decision of Sir William Jones protected its people against arbitrary taxation; its prosperity sprung from the miseries of Scotland. The trustees of Sir George Carteret, tired of the burden of colonial property, exposed their province to sale; Chap. XVII.} 1682 Feb. 1 and 2. and the unappropriated ___domain, with jurisdiction over the five thousand already planted on the soil, was pur- Leaming
of Penn to his colony were twofold; he was their sovereign, and he was the owner of the unappropriated ___domain. The members of the assembly, impelled by an interest common to every one of their constituents, were disposed to encroach on his Chap. XIX.} private rights. If some of their demands were resisted, 1701 he readily yielded every thing which could be claimed, even by inference, from his promises, or could be expected from his liberality; making his interests of less Minutes, and Gordon consideration than the satisfaction of his people; rather ??? ssc. remitting than rigorously exacting his revenues. Of political privileges, he conceded all that was desired. The council, henceforward to be appointed by the proprietary, became a branch of the executive government; the assembly assumed to itself the right of originating every act of legislation, subject only to the assent of the governor. Elections to the assembly were annual; the time of its election and the time of it
ns. In the more northern province of Pennsylvania, the subject never slumbered. In 1719, it was earnestly pressed upon the attention of the lords of trade by the governor of that colony, who counselled the establish- Keith's Ms. Memorial. ment by Virginia of a fort on Lake Erie. But after the migration of the Delawares and Shawnees, James Logan, the mild and estimable secretary of Pennsylvania, could not rest from remonstrances, demanding the at- 1728. Oct. Logan's Ms Correspondence. Gordon's Pennsylvania 213, &c. 1732 tention of the proprietary to the ambitious designs of France, which extended to the heads of all the tributaries of the Ohio. This, he rightly added, interferes with the five degrees of longitude of this province; and the attention of the council was solicited to the impending danger. Nor was this all. In the autumn of 1731, immediately after the establishment of Crown Point, Logan prepared a memorial on the state of the British plantations; and through Perr
rters were the delegates from New England; yet Connecticut feared the negative power of the governor-general. On the royalist side none opposed but Delancey. He would have reserved to the colonial governors a negative on all elections to the grand council; but it was answered, that the colonies would then be virtually taxed by a chap. V.} 1754. congress of governors. The sources of revenue suggested in debate were a duty on spirits and a general stamp-tax. Smith's New York, II. 185. Gordon's History of the American Revolution, i. At length after much debate, in which Franklin manifested consummate address, the commissioners agreed on the proposed confederacy pretty unanimously. It is not altogether to my mind, said Franklin, giving an account of the result; but it is as I could get it, Ms. Letter of Franklin. and copies were ordered, that every member might lay the plan of union before his constituents for consideration; a copy was also to be transmitted to the governor of
incessant from Halifax and the Board of Trade; I can trace no such purpose to Pitt. In the history of the American Revolution by the inquisitive but credulous Gordon, Pitt is said to have told Franklin, that, when the war closed, he should take measures of authority against the colonies. This is erroneous. Pitt at that time had not even seen Franklin, as we know from a memoir by Franklin himself. Gordon adds, that Pitt, in 1759 or 1760, wrote to Fauquier, of Virginia, that they should tax the colonies when the war was over, and that Fauquier dissuaded from it. I have seen Fauquier's correspondence; both the letters to him, and his replies; and there is nothing in either of them giving a shadow of corroboration to the statement. Gordon may have built on rumor, or carelessly substituted the name of Pitt for Halifax and the Board of Trade. The narrative in the text I could confirm by many special quotations, and still more by the uniform tendency of the correspondence at that
d not exist without the former. In these remote dominions, there should be a free legislative; otherwise strange effects are to be apprehended, for the laws of God and nature are invariable. Bradford's Massachusetts State papers, 133. The House of Representatives, having sanctioned Chap XXXI.} 1768. Jan. this Remonstrance, next addressed Shelburne, The House of Representatives to Shelburne, 15 January, 1768, Bradford's State Papers, 137. Compare the contrary opinions of Otis, in Gordon's Hist. of the Amer. Rev. i. 228, 229. Chatham, Rockingham, House to Rockingham, 22 Jan. 1768, in Bradford, 142. Conway, Camden, the Treasury Board, at which sat Grafton, Lord North, and Jenkinson, letters which contained the same sentiments, and especially enforced the impracticability of an American representation in the British Parliament. The True Sentiments of America: Contained in a Collection of Letters, &c. &c. Published at the instance of Thomas Hollis. But no memorial was s