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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 33: the national election of 1848.—the Free Soil Party.— 1848-1849. (search)
, and had been strongly opposed to Taylor's nomination; but they soon came to his support, making their decision as a choice of evils. The former lost his re-election to Congress, being defeated by Charles Allen; and the latter, who explained the reasons for his decision at considerable length in a letter to Sumner, passed two years later out of political life, being defeated as a candidate for governor by the same union of Free Soilers and Democrats which elected Sumner to the Senate. Horace Greeley, editor of the Tribune, wrote to Sumner June 25, declining to take definite action for the present, and expressing the fear that the secession of earnest Free Soil men from the old parties would leave the pro-slavery men in control, and increase the number of members of Congress who would not insist on the prohibition of slavery. While kindly to the dissenters, he wrote that he had decided not to identify himself with them, and added: I do not judge that this course is the best for you
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 35: Massachusetts and the compromise.—Sumner chosen senator.—1850-1851. (search)
New Hampshire, and the recent election of Geyer as senator in Missouri by a Whig and Calhoun—Democratic coalition, were quite forgotten. The Whig journals assured Sumner of a cool reception in the Senate, which he would enter, if he entered it at all, without authority, and with the ignominy of the coalition branded upon him. The intemperate phrases of these Whig journals did not express the sentiments of their party outside of the State. The New York Tribune, January 14, edited by Horace Greeley, commended Sumner as a person who in every way would honor the place. Their chief effort was to keep firm in their position the Democratic dissenters, whose prejudices and fears were diligently plied with the reminder that they would by voting for Sumner exclude themselves from the national organization. The Courier, exulting in his expected defeat, headed one of its leaders with The Impossible Senator. The two Democratic journals of Boston, the Post and the Times, sustained the indomi
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 37: the national election of 1852.—the Massachusetts constitutional convention.—final defeat of the coalition.— 1852-1853. (search)
st any further agitation concerning it. Strangely enough, the Massachusetts delegation, including Henry L. Dawes, since senator, voted entire for the platform. Justin S. Morrill, a delegate from Vermont, since senator from that State, voted for it. The candidates before both conventions vied with each other in volunteering abject submission to the Compromise. The party journals on both sides either insisted on a cordial support of the finality platforms or acquiesced in silence. Horace Greeley, in the New York Tribune, supported the Whig nominations, but refused to accept the Compromise platform as of binding authority. The New York Evening Post, conducted by W. C. Bryant and John Bigelow, supported the Democratic candidates while rejecting the Democratic platform. Thaddeus Stevens, in Pennsylvania, a Whig, while voting for the candidates of his party, persevered in repudiating the Compromise. Politicians, even those who had been noted for antislavery professions, assumed th
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 38: repeal of the Missouri Compromise.—reply to Butler and Mason.—the Republican Party.—address on Granville Sharp.—friendly correspondence.—1853-1854. (search)
ts hanging loosely on the old parties, would have to fight the contest for freedom alone. No one saw more clearly the calamities involved in the measure than Horace Greeley; and though sincerely a Whig, no one cared less for his party when higher interests were at stake; but he had seen the slave-power so uniformly triumphant thaof the Missouri prohibition and the advance of slavery to the Pacific Ocean. But the American people proved to be of better stuff than Douglas on the one side or Greeley on the other had thought. Public opinion was aroused, slowly indeed, but surely; and it grew in volume every day. The momentous character of the issue came to beme Republican, the origin of the national party of that name, came naturally and quickly in many Northern States, especially at the West. Favored in New York by Greeley, it was arrested there by the adverse counsels of Seward and Weed. Notwithstanding the bitterness of recent contests, public sentiment in Massachusetts pressed s
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 40: outrages in Kansas.—speech on Kansas.—the Brooks assault.—1855-1856. (search)
Thompson of New Jersey. On Cass's motion he was appointed one of the two members of the committee on enrolled bills. Greeley, writing in the Tribune, Dec. 14, 1855, of Sumner as one whose reputation as scholar, orator, and statesman is not confisepulchre. The expression, the manner, and the tone of voice with which this was uttered filled my heart with sadness. Greeley, then in Washington, wrote that softening of the brain was feared, and that Sumner would never fully recover. New York s there was more or less open condemnation of the assault. Southern feeling ran towards violence at this time. Horace (Greeley was assaulted in Washington by a Texas member, and Granger, a member from New York, by McMullin of Virginia, both assaulivate, except in two instances, when it was introduced by others under peculiar circumstances. In 1872, when supporting Greeley for President, and making his protest against any revival of sectional animosity, his attention being called to a carica
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 41: search for health.—journey to Europe.—continued disability.—1857-1858. (search)
h the Administration had an important relation to the national election of 1860. He was thus brought for a time into accidental association with the Republicans, some of whom were disposed to put the best construction on his change of front, Greeley, and also, it is stated, Seward, Wilson, and Cameron, were averse to Republican opposition to his re-election; but the Republicans of Illinois put Mr. Lincoln in nomination, who opened his campaign June 16, 1858. Greeley and Wilson in their hisGreeley and Wilson in their histories are not explicit as to their part in promoting Douglas's pretensions at this time. The American Conflict, vol. i. p. 301; Rise and Fall of the Slave Power, vol. II. pp. 567, 568. while others could not at once overcome a deep-seated distrust growing out of his twenty years subserviency to the slave power, or the suspicion that his new attitude was due to the fact that his term as senator was near its end. Chase wrote Sumner, Jan. 18, 1858, that Douglas was seeking a suspension of h
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 43: return to the Senate.—the barbarism of slavery.—Popular welcomes.—Lincoln's election.—1859-1860. (search)
iries made concerning him by the Grotes and other English friends. He declined at the time two invitations in New York city,—one to address the New England Society, dressed by Mr. Evarts; and the other to speak in the Academy of Music, given by Greeley, C. A. Dana, H. C. Bowen, and Oliver Johnson. Warned by physicians and friends to enter slowly into the excitement of debate, Among bills and resolutions offered by him, not elsewhere noted, were these: for the substitution of simple declaraities, were given by Theodore Tilton in the New York Independent, July 19, and by Mrs. Julia Ward Howe in the New York Tribune, November 16. Sumner, as usual, was more sensitive than he need to have been to the criticisms of old friends like Greeley and Bryant, and to the want of response from others; and in a letter to Gerrit Smith, June 11, he mentioned how much he missed Horace Mann, William Jay, and Theodore Parker, all recently deceased, of whose sympathy he was always assured. But t