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Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 70 (search)
tone to the secession of the State--as the entering wedge — the preliminary notice — a scheme to fire the Virginia heart and rush us out of the Union; and, so regarding them, I might inquire by what warrant it is we may retire from the confederacy? But I shall not argue this doctrine of secession. The simple history of the Constitution; its simpler and yet plainer reading; the overwhelming authority of our fathers against it; the crushing weight of opinion against it in our own State-her Jefferson declaring that even the old Confederation, a Government far weaker than the present Federal Union, possessed the power of coercion — her Madison, the very father of the Constitution, solemnly asserting that its framers never for one moment contemplated so disorganizing and ruinous a principle — her great and good Marshall decreeing more than once, from the bench of the Supreme Judiciary, that the Federal Constitution did not constitute a mere compact or treaty, but a government of the who
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 72 (search)
rred such benefits on both them and us should not be broken up. Whoever in any section proposes to abandon such a Government would do well to consider in deference to what principle it is that he does it. What better he is likely to get in its stead, whether the substitute will give, or be intended to give so much of good to the people. There are some foreshadowings on this subject. Our adversaries have adopted some declarations of independence in which, unlike the good old one penned by Jefferson, they omit the words, all men are created equal. Why? They have adopted a temporary National Constitution, in the preamble of which, unlike our good old one signed by Washington, they omit We, the people, and substitute We, the deputies of the sovereign and independent States. Why? Why this deliberate pressing out of view the rights of men and the authority of the people? This is essentially a people's contest. On the side of the Union it is a struggle for maintaining in the world that
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 80 (search)
made by the Legislature of the same State, the 22d of April, 1776. Virginia was the next, and on the 15th of May, unanimously instructed her delegates in Congress to propose the declaration without waiting for the joint declaration. Virginia assumed her own sovereignty, and at once proceeded to provide for a constitution and bill of rights for her own people. The mover in Congress for a declaration of independence, was Richard Henry Lee, of Virginia. The Declaration was written by Thomas Jefferson, of Virginia, and the General whose wisdom and whose sword won the battles which established it, was George Washington, a Virginian. North Carolina and Virginia, and their Southern associate States, peopled by the descendants and kindred of these great southerners, are in arms for the same independence for which the treachery and tyranny of the North have demanded from them a new declaration, and the dedication anew of life, fortune, and honor to the same glorious cause. It is impos
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 99 (search)
ldren, no years of toil, of sacrifice, and of battle even, if need be, to give, to save it from absolute destruction at the hands of men who, steeped in guilt, are perpetrating against us and humanity a crime, for which I verily believe the blackest page of the history of the world's darkest period furnishes no parallel! Can it be possible that in the history of the American people we have already reached a point of degeneracy so low, that the work of Washington and Franklin, of Adams and Jefferson, of Hancock and Henry, is to be overthrown by the morally begrimed and pig-mied conspirators who are now tugging at its foundation? It would be the overturning of the Andes by the miserable reptiles that are crawling in the sands at their base. But our neutral fellow-citizens in the tenderness of their hearts say: This effusion of blood sickens us. Then do all in your power to bring it to an end. Let the whole strength of this commonwealth be put forth in support of the Government, in
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 103 (search)
monarch dare not perform. It needs no legal argument to show that the President dare not, cannot, suspend the writ of habeas corpus. I content myself with referring to the fact, that it is classed among the legislative powers by the Constitution. And that article conferring powers on the President touches not the question. I may add that upon no occasion has it ever been asserted in Congress, so far as I recollect, that this power exists on the part of the executive. On one occasion Mr. Jefferson thought the time had arrived when the writ might be suspended, but he did not undertake to do it himself, and did not even recommend it. He submitted it to Congress, and, in the long debates which followed, there was not the least intimation that the power belonged to the executive. I then point to the Constitution and ask Senators from what clause they deduce the right, by any fair construction of the instrument itself, what part confers the power on the President? Surely not that cla
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 105 (search)
for the Union of our States, in respect and attachment to our glorious flag, and in fealty and willing obedience to the Constitution and laws of the United States, we nevertheless protest against the attempt to subjugate the people of any State, to bayonet them into a love for our Union, or sabre them into brotherhood. 2. Resolved, That our government was based upon the cardinal principal that all governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed, as proclaimed by Thomas Jefferson, the great Apostle of Democracy — a principle sacredly held and maintained by every eminent statesman and jurist in our land from the time of the Declaration of Independence until the accession of the present Administration to power. 3. Resolved, That we believe that war is final and eternal disunion, as declared by the late lamented Douglas; that a continuance of the present war must surely eventuate in a perpetual separation and division of our once happy and glorious Union. 4.
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 146 (search)
s of Washington and Jackson, we should have rising up in our midst another Peter the Hermit, in a much more righteous cause — for ours is true, while his was a delusion — who would appeal to the American people, and point to the tombs of Washington and Jackson, in the possession of those who are worse than the infidel and the Turk who held the Holy Sepulchre. I believe the American people would start of their own accord, when appealed to, to redeem the graves of Washington and Jackson and Jefferson, and all the other patriots who are lying within the limits of the Southern Confederacy. I do not believe they would stop the march until again the flag of this Union would be placed over the graves of those distinguished men. There will be an uprising. Do not talk about Republicans now; do not talk about Democrats now; do not talk about Whigs or Americans now: talk about your country and the Constitution and the Union. Save that; preserve the integrity of the Government; once more plac
Benjamnin F. Butler, Butler's Book: Autobiography and Personal Reminiscences of Major-General Benjamin Butler, Chapter 2: early political action and military training. (search)
t the postal service and the least degree possible of judicial control of legal questions by the Supreme Court, that as Jefferson proposed, the general government should be what he wished it named, The Department of Foreign Affairs of the United Stathe condition and welfare of the citizen. From my earliest youth I had been taught to believe in democracy, of which Jefferson was the apostle, and to abhor federalism, of which Hamilton was the exponent. While I had been dazzled with the brilliional affairs, I early had sense enough to see that it conflicted, in a very considerable degree, with the teachings of Jefferson. I may as well state here as anywhere the conclusions to which I have been brought by a lifetime of the closest studlton, whose great genius and clear reasoning formulated a system of government; while the philosophical lucubrations of Jefferson are the best instructions as to the mutual relations of its citizens in all conditions of life. In a word, the gover
Benjamnin F. Butler, Butler's Book: Autobiography and Personal Reminiscences of Major-General Benjamin Butler, Chapter 11: military operations. (search)
t it would be impossible, and, from the manner of his answer, I believed he thought: Neither could any French fleet. We had a good dinner and returned to New Orleans. From that hour I had no fear of any attack on the city by the French. I desired to organize a special brigade to capture and occupy all the western part of Louisiana and other places east of the Red River, and to control the mines of salt deposit in New Iberia. These mines could be approached by water, an advantage which Jefferson put forth as one of the reasons for the purchase of Louisiana. I could get no reply from Washington that I could have any reinforcements whatever. I had gone as far as I could get in enlisting the former soldiers of the rebel army to strengthen the regiments I then had. Accordingly I sent a confidential message to Washington saying that if they could not do anything for me by sending troops, I would call on Africa for assistance,--i. e., I would enlist all the colored troops I could fr
Benjamnin F. Butler, Butler's Book: Autobiography and Personal Reminiscences of Major-General Benjamin Butler, Index. (search)
The, of U. S. Navy, at Fort Fisher, 798. Isham, Governor, reference to, 765. Isthmus of Darien, Butler's scheme for canal across, 904. J Jackson, Andrew, 42, 85, 90. Jackson Musketeers, 124; division less Ransom's and Gracie's brigades, 704. Jackson, Andrew, incident of, 976, 981; reference to, 1007. James, Capt., Wm. H., on Butler's staff, 899. James River, position of Union forces on, 617; Butler ordered to move up, 639; movements of forces around, 639, 694. Jefferson, Thos., 85-86. Jeffers, reference to, 806; quoted upon Porter's report, 808. Johnson, Andrew, defence of by Judge Curtis, 97. Johnson, Maj.-Gen., Edward, reported capture of, 651. Johnson, President, objects to the convention between Sherman and Johnston, 876; Butler confers with, 908; views in regard to the Rebellion, 908; action in regard to Johnson's surrender, 909; fears Sherman's obstinacy, 913; action justified, 914; consults Butler in regard to Davis, 915-916; Butler's suggest
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