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Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, Publisher's Advertisement. (search)
into a volume, if you think it worth while. Four or five of them ( Idols, The election, Mobs and education, Disunion, Progress, ) were delivered in such circumstances as made it proper I should set down beforehand, substantially, what I had to say. The preservation of the rest you owe to phonography; and most of them to the unequalled skill and accuracy, which almost every New England speaker living can attest, of my friend, J. M. W. Yerrinton. The first speech, relating to the murder of Lovejoy, was reported by B. F. Hallett, Esq. As these reports were made for some daily or weekly paper, I had little time for correction. Giving them such verbal revision as the interval allowed, I left the substance and shape unchanged. They will serve, therefore, at least, as a contribution to the history of our Antislavery struggle, and especially as a specimen of the method and spirit of that movement which takes its name from my illustrious friend, William Lloyd Garrison. The only liber
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, Biographical sketch of Wendell Phillips. (search)
streets of Boston; the young man follows, while respect for law, peace tenets, and personal rights, are rioting in his brain. Pregnant liberty is heaving in the qualms. The mob, incited by the cries to violence, lay hands on Garrison, put a rope around his waist, and drag him to imprisonment! What a memorable day for the Puritan city! The abolitionist Wendell Phillips is born. At the age of twenty-six, Mr. Phillips found himself a leader among the devotees of freedom. The murder of Lovejoy in Kansas, in 1837, brought Phillips into Faneuil Hall, where, in words that held his vast audience spell-bound, he laid the foundation of a reputation for oratory which has never been surpassed in England or America. Until the opening of the war between the States, in 1861, Mr. Phillips advocated disunion as the only road to abolition. To his mind, the Union was but a covenant between good and evil; and the Constitution, being at the bottom of the alliance, was specially odious in his
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, The murder of Lovejoy. (search)
rder of Lovejoy. On November 7, 1887, Rev. E. P. Lovejoy was shot by a mob at Alton, Illinois, whrd the mob at Alton, the drunken murderers of Lovejoy, compared to those patriot fathers who threw the events at Alton. It has been asked why Lovejoy and his friends did not appeal to the executi Men are continually asking each other, Had Lovejoy a right to resist? Sir, I protest against thn more than half that number; among these was Lovejoy. It was, therefore, you perceive, Sir, the pdid not settle down on that devoted city till Lovejoy breathed his last. Till then the law, repres has been stated, perhaps inadvertently, that Lovejoy or his comrades fired first. This is denied reet on the 5th of March, 1770, did more than Lovejoy is charged with. They were the first assailaence, and to arm in vain. The gentleman says Lovejoy was presumptuous and imprudent,--he died as tountry? It is this very thing which entitles Lovejoy to greater praise. The disputed right which [8 more...]
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 8 (search)
s, have all been watched and used with sagacity and effect as means to produce a change in public opinion. Dr. Channing has thanked the Abolition party, in the name of all the lovers of free thought and free speech, for having vindicated that right, when all others seemed ready to surrender it,--vindicated it at the cost of reputation, ease, property, even life itself. The only blood that has ever been shed, on this side the ocean, in defence of the freedom of the press, was the blood of Lovejoy, one of their number. In December, 1836, Dr. Channing spoke of their position in these terms:-- Whilst, in obedience to conscience, they have refrained from opposing force to force, they have still persevered, amidst menace and insult, in bearing their testimony against wrong, in giving utterance to their deep convictions. Of such men, I do not hesitate to say, that they have rendered to freedom a more essential service than any body of men among us. The defenders of freedom are not
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 11 (search)
e it always. Old Putnam stood upon it at Bunker Hill, when he said to the Yankee boys, Don't fire till you see the whites of their eyes. Ingraham had it for ballast when he put his little sloop between two Austrian frigates, and threatened to blow them out of the water, if they did not respect the broad eagle of the United States, in the case of Koszta. Jefferson had it for a writing-desk when he drafted the Declaration of Independence and the Statute of religious liberty for Virginia. Lovejoy rested his musket upon it when they would not let him print at Alton, and he said, Death or free speech! I recognized the clink of it to-day, when the apostle of the Higher law came to lay his garland of everlasting — none has better right than he-upon the monument of the Pilgrims. [Enthusiastic cheering.] He says he is not a descendant of the Pilgrims. That is a mistake. There is a pedigree of the body and a pedigree of the mind. [Applause.] He knows so much about the Mayflower, that,
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 18 (search)
tory so well as Richard Hildreth. The last thirty years have been the flowering out of this lesson. The Democratic principle, crumbling classes into men, has been working down from pulpits and judges' seats, through shop-boards and shoe-benches, to Irish hodmen, and reached the negro at last. The long toil of a century cries out, Eureka!-I have found it! -the diamond of an immortal soul and an equal manhood under a black skin as truly as under a white one. For this, Leggett labored and Lovejoy died. For this, the bravest soul of the century went up to God from a Virginia scaffold. [Hisses and applause.] For this, young men gave up their May of youth, and old men the honors and ease of age. It went through the land writing history afresh, setting up and pulling down parties, riving sects, mowing down colossal reputations, making us veil our faces in shame at the baseness of our youth's idols, sending bankrupt statesmen to dishonored graves. We stand to-day just as Hancock and
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 19 (search)
re-pullers, and the Seaboard. But even now, if Seward and the rest had stood firm, as Lincoln, Sumner, Chase, Wade, and Lovejoy, and the Tribune have hitherto done, I believe you might have polled the North, and had a response, three to one: Let thle to justice and right. But you will tell me of dark clouds, mobs in every Northern city. Grant it, and more. When Lovejoy was shot at Alton, Illinois, while defending his press, and his friends were refused the use of Faneuil Hall, William El raise your eyes from the disgraced pavements of Boston, and look out broader. That same soil which drank the blood of Lovejoy now sends his brother to lead Congress in its fiercest hour; that same prairie lifts his soul's son to crush the Union a waters of Charleston, and tolled the knell of the Union, was the rebound of the bullet that pierced your heart. When Lovejoy died, men used to ask, tauntingly, what good has the antislavery cause done? what changes has it wrought? As well stan