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Aeschines, On the Embassy, section 72 (search)
and instead of respect and the hegemony of Hellas, Athens had a name that stank like a nest of Myonnesian*muonnh/sos, “Mouse-island”, was a little island off the coast of Thessaly, notorious as a nest of pirates. pirates. And Philip from his base in Macedonia was no longer contending with us for Amphipolis, but already for Lemnos, Imbros, and Scyros, our own possessions, while our citizens were abandoning the Chersonese, the undisputed property of Athens. And the special meetings of the assembly which you were forced to hold, in fear and tumult, were more in number than the regular meeti
Aeschines, Against Ctesiphon, section 54 (search)
But concerning the crimes of his public life I will try to speak more explicitly. For I understand that when the defence are given opportunity to speak, Demosthenes will enumerate to you four periods in the history of the city as the periods of his own political activity.In fact, Demosthenes made no such division. One of them, and the first, as I hear, he reckons as the time of our war with Philip over Amphipolis. He marks this off by the peace and alliance that were made on motion of Philocrates of Hagnus, and with the cooperation of Demosthenes himself, as I shall show.
Apollodorus, Library (ed. Sir James George Frazer), book 2 (search)
oti malignitate 13; Ptolemy Hephaest., Nauck 2nd ed., Nov. Hist. iii. in Westermann's Mythographi Graeci, p. 186; Pollux viii.91; Scholiast on Eur. Ph. 274. The corresponding nouns qusi/ai and e)nagi/smata are similarly opposed to each other. See Aristot. Ath. Pol. 58. Another word which is used only of sacrificing to heroes or the dead is e)nte/mnein See, for example, Thuc. 5.11, w)s h(/rwi/+ te e)nte/mnousi （of the sacrifices offered at Amphipolis to Brasidas）. Sometimes the verbs e)nagi/zein and e)nte/mnein are coupled in this sense. See Philostratus, Her. xx.27, 28. For more evidence as to the use of these words, see Fr. Pfister, Der Reliquienkult im Altertum (Giessen, 1909-1912), pp. 466ff. Compare P. Foucart, Le culte des héros chez les Grecs （Paris, 1918）, pp. 96, 98 （from the Memoires de l' Académie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres, vol. xlii）. And having
Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics (ed. H. Rackham), Book 5, chapter 7 (search)
erywhere, and does not depend on our accepting it or not. A rule is conventional that in the first instance may be settled in one way or the other indifferently, though having once been settled it is not indifferent: for example, that the ransom for a prisoner shall be a mina, that a sacrifice shall consist of a goat and not of two sheep; and any regulations enacted for particular cases, for instance the sacrifice in honor of Brasidas,The Spartan Brasidas detached Amphipolis from the Athenian empire 424 B.C., and fell defending it against Cleon 422. He was worshipped as a hero by the city, ‘with games and yearly sacrifices’ （Thuc. 5.11）. and ordinances in the nature of special decrees. Some people think that all rules of justice are merely conventional, because whereas a law of nature is immutable and has the same validity everywhere, as fire burns both here and in Persia, rules of justice are seen to vary. That rules of justice var
Aristotle, Politics, Book 5, section 1303b (search)
conferred citizenship on their foreign troops and mercenaries and then faction set in and they came to battle; and the Amphipolitans having received settlers from Chalcis were most of them driven out by them.Cf. 1306a 2. The exact circumstances are unknown; Amphipolis was colonized from Athens 437 B.C. （And in oligarchies civil strife is raised by the many, on the ground that they are treated unjustly because they are not admitted to an equal share although they are equal, as has been said before, but in democracies it begins with the notables, because they have an equal share although they are not equal.）This sentence is out of place here, and would fit in better if placed （as it is by Newman） above at 1301a 39, after stasia/zousi, or （with other editors） 1301b 26. Also states sometimes enter on faction for geographical reasons, when the nature of the country is not suited for there being a sing
Aristotle, Politics, Book 5, section 1306a (search)
（as Hipparinus put forward DionysiusSee 1259a 29 n. at Syracuse, and at AmphipolisSee 1303b 2 n. a man named Cleotimus led the additional settlers that came from Chalcis and on their arrival stirred them up to sedition against the wealthy, and in Aegina the man who carried out the transactions with Chares attempted to cause a revolution in the constitution for a reason of this sorti.e. he had squandered his fortune in riotous living; this deal with the Athenian general may have been in 367 B.C.）; so sometimes they attempt at once to introduce some reform, at other times they rob the public funds and in consequence either they or those who fight against them in their peculations stir up faction against the government, as happened at Apollonia on the Black Sea. On the other hand, harmonious oligarchy does not easily cause its own destruction; and an indication of this is the constitutional government at Pharsalus, for th
Demosthenes, Olynthiac 1, section 8 (search)
e blunder you have so often made before. When we returned from the Euboean expeditionThe Athenians took Euboea from the Thebans in 357. and Hierax and Stratocles, the envoys of Amphipolis, mounted this platform and bade you sail and take over their city, if we had shown the same earnestness in our own cause as in defence of the safety of Euboea, Amphipolis would have been yours at once andEuboean expeditionThe Athenians took Euboea from the Thebans in 357. and Hierax and Stratocles, the envoys of Amphipolis, mounted this platform and bade you sail and take over their city, if we had shown the same earnestness in our own cause as in defence of the safety of Euboea, Amphipolis would have been yours at once and you would have been relieved of all your subsequent difficulties.
Demosthenes, Olynthiac 1, section 10 (search)
Men of Athens, let anyone fairly reckon up the blessings we have received of the gods, and though much is amiss, none the less his gratitude will be great—and rightly so: for our many losses in the wari.e. the war about the possession of Amphipolis. may be justly imputed to our own supineness; that we did not suffer these losses long ago and that this opportunity of alliance affords us some compensation, if we choose to accept it, this I for my part should put down as a signal instance of the favor of the gods
Demosthenes, Olynthiac 1, section 12 (search)
But if we leave these men too in the lurch, Athenians, and then Olynthus is crushed by Philip, tell me what is to prevent him from marching henceforward just where he pleases. I wonder if any one of you in this audience watches and notes the steps by which Philip, weak at first, has grown so powerful. First he seized Amphipolis, next Pydna, then Potidaea, after that Methone, lastly he invaded Thessaly.
Demosthenes, Olynthiac 1, section 27 (search)
But indeed I think you want no speech to prove how vast is the difference between a war here and a war yonder. Why, if you were obliged to take the field yourselves for a bare month, drawing from Attica the necessary supplies—I am assuming that there is no enemy in this country—I suppose your farmers would lose more than the sum spent upon the whole of the previous war.The war about Amphipolis. Demosthenes reckons its cost at 1500 talents （Dem. 2.28）. But if war comes within our borders, at what figure must we assess our losses? And you must add the insolence of the enemy and the ignominy of our position, greater than any loss in a wise man's esti
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