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Frank Preston Stearns, Cambridge Sketches 6 0 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3 6 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 11. (ed. Frank Moore) 1 1 Browse Search
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ents with the rebels, and destroying and capturing over three hundred thousand dollars' worth of property, a large proportion of which belonged to the rebel government. The expedition consisted of both land and naval forces, the former under the command of Acting Brigadier-General Draper, commanding this post, accompanied by the following Staff: Captain P. H. Gibbs, Fourth Rhode Island, Assistant Adjutant General; Captain N. C. Goodwin, Quartermaster; Lieutenant A. Jenks, Aid-de-Camp; Lieutenant Scudder, Commissary of Subsistence; Lieutenant Jonley, Assistant Quartermaster; E. W. Walton, Surgeon. The land forces were conveyed on board the transports Georgia, Long Branch, Charleston, and Governor Hicks. The naval forces were under command of Commander Hooker, United States Navy, whose flagship was the Commodore Reed, together with the gunboats Fuchsia, Captain Street; Freeborn, Captain Arthurs, and the Teaser, Resolute, and Eureka. The land forces consisted of six hundred infantry,
Frank Preston Stearns, Cambridge Sketches, Lowell (search)
rary venture of Lowell and his friends in 1843, to found a first-rate literary magazine, proved a failure; and it is to be feared that he lost money by it. See Scudder's Life of Lowell, III.109. However the world might use him he was sure of comfort and happiness at his own fireside, where he read Shelley, and Keats, and Lese rather among such tributaries as Virgil, Moliere, Chaucer, Keats, and Lessing. It may have been better for him that he began in this manner; but a remark that Scudder attributes to him in regard to Lessing gives us an insight into the deeper mechanism of his mind. Shelley's poetry, he said, was like the transient radiance of real bouquet of life, I advise you to procure yourself a grandson, whether by adoption or theft. . . . Get one, and the Nation will no longer offend anybody. Scudder's biography, II., 186. This was a pretty broad hint, but E. L. Godkin was not the man to pay much attention to the advice of Lowell or anybody. In fact, he s
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 35: Massachusetts and the compromise.—Sumner chosen senator.—1850-1851. (search)
ti-Compromise Cabinet. July 15, 16, and 17, 1850. It threatened the withdrawal of Whig support from public men who persevered in opposing the Compromise, and in insisting on the repeal of the Fugitive Slave law,—singling out Mann, Fowler, and Scudder, then Whig members of Congress. It viewed with composure and indifference every advance of slavery, and treated the barbarities of the slave system, and the seizure of alleged slaves at the North, without the suggestion of any sympathy for the a committee of vigilance was appointed; but Boston Whigs were conspicuous by their absence. The Webster Whigs undertook to exclude from public life all who continued their protests against the Compromise. They were unable to reach Fowler and Scudder, whose districts were remote from Boston; but they defeated Mann's renomination in a district contiguous to the city. With the support of the Free Soilers, and of Whig friends led by George R. Russell, he was re-elected. In Boston, as in other
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 37: the national election of 1852.—the Massachusetts constitutional convention.—final defeat of the coalition.— 1852-1853. (search)
or a renewal of agitation upon the subject of slavery. Ante, p. 194. At the beginning of the next session, in December, 1851, the caucus of Whig members affirmed, almost unanimously, the Compromise Acts to be a final settlement, in principle and substance, of the dangerous and exciting subjects which they embrace. The Whig members from Massachusetts were reported to have voted in caucus as follows: for the Compromise, G. T. Davis, Duncan, and Thompson; against it, Fowler, Goodrich, and Scudder. The House, April 5, 1852, by a vote of one hundred to sixty-five, declared the Compromise—laying emphasis on the Fugitive Slave Act—to be a final adjustment and permanent settlement. In June, 1852, in conventions held in Baltimore, the Democrats nominated Franklin Pierce for President, whose only conspicuous merit was subserviency to slavery; and the Whigs, General Winfield Scott. The Whig convention, controlled by considerations of availability, set aside Fillmore, who better than any o