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Washington (search for this): chapter 37
t a, the lines of the Federal armies and told it would serve us as a passport to Washington City. The letters of appointment for the Commissioners, and I believe the treasure with which our expenses was to be borne were delivered to me by Mr. Washington, of the State Department of the Confederate States, at night, after our interview with the Executive. I noticed to Mr. Washington the letter of appointment did not correspond to the letter of Mr. Lincoln to Mr. Blair, and that it might make Mr. Washington the letter of appointment did not correspond to the letter of Mr. Lincoln to Mr. Blair, and that it might make difficulty. I learnt from him there had been a discussion and a difference between Mr. Davis and Mr. Benjamin on the subject, and it had been so settled. We left the morning after, and I gave to Mr. Stephens and to yourself the papers on the way to Petersburg. There was detention at Petersburg. The Federal officers did not understand our passport, if I may so call it, and had to apply to Washington City. While awaiting instructions, and within two or three days after our departure Gen
James Breckenridge (search for this): chapter 37
on I did not understand, until on our way to City Point Judge Campbell gave me the substance of his recent letter to Mr. Breckenridge on that subject, stating our utter destitution. I never supposed that we were authorized to treat for peace when sestances betraying the utmost destitution he repeated with a melancholy air and tone which I shall never forget. Gen. Breckenridge came to me not long after this and repeated Lee's advice in so nearly the same words that I begun almost to suspect But how came it that we were in the terrible state of destitution described by Judge Campbell in his letter to General Breckenridge, dated March 5th, 1865. At present, he says, these embarrassments have become so much accumulated that the late Cos an impracticable measure, and incapable of execution from the beginning. Judge Campbell, in the same letter to General Breckenridge from which I have been quoting, says: I do not regard the slave population as a source from which an addition to t
R. M. T. Hunter (search for this): chapter 37
is, perhaps, better that these things should be ventilated by living actors than left to the uncertainties of future discussion. We have published, therefore, Mr. Hunter's first. paper on the Peace Commission and Mr. Davis' letter in reply, and we now publish, without note or comment of our own, Mr. Hunter's rejoinder.] ToMr. Hunter's rejoinder.] To Rev. J. William Jones, D. D., Secretary Southern Historical Society: Dear Sir: In your last issue I observe a letter from the Hon. Jefferson Davis, from which it appears that he takes offence at my letter to the Philadelphia Times, giving an account of the conference at Hampton Roads between Messrs. Lincoln and Seward and the y for peace a little more urgent than he had ever done before? He seems, too, to have taken umbrage at my describing this desire of peace as new. He says: When Mr. Hunter penned these statements he must have known that the inaugural address .of President Davis under the, Provisional Government, delivered four years prior to the p
A. Barron Holmes (search for this): chapter 37
h an addition to the army can be successfully derived. If the use of slaves had been resorted to in the beginning of the war for service in the engineer corps, and as teamsters and laborers, it might have been judicious. Their employment since 1862 has been difficult, and latterly almost impracticable. The attempt to collect 20,000 has been obstructed and nearly abortive. The enemy have raised almost as many from the fugitives occasioned by the draft as ourselves from its execution. General Holmes reports 1,500 fugitives in one week from North Carolina. Colonel Blount reported a desertion of 1,210 last summer in Mobile; and Governor Clarke of Mississippi entreats the suspension of a call for them in that state. As a practicable measure I cannot see how a slave force can be collected, armed, and equipped at the present time. I find in an abstract of some remarks I made on this bill in March, 1865, reported in the Examinor, that I said: The commandant of conscripts, with authority
Francis P. Blair (search for this): chapter 37
t imputed their sudden wish to the effect of Mr. Blair's mission, or because it implied that it hadthink a little more seriously of peace after Mr. Blair's representations of the dangers of a furthewas told by a senator who had conversed with Mr. Blair, (I never conversed with him upon this subje If I ever knew of that assurance through Mr. Blair I had forgotten it when I wrote the article great as it was, began about the time of Mir. Blair's visit to Richmond. I was not so far wrong, cause of a message from AMr. Lincoln through Mr. Blair, and he thinks no true-hearted Confederate wountries by President Davis in his letter to Mr. Blair did throw difficulties in the way of the recre furnished with a letter addressed to Mr. Francis P. Blair by President Lincoln, wherein the lattet correspond to the letter of Mr. Lincoln to Mr. Blair, and that it might make difficulty. I lecopy of the letter from President Lincoln to Mr. Blair. With General Grant he came to us, and enq
Seward (search for this): chapter 37
erefore, Mr. Hunter's first. paper on the Peace Commission and Mr. Davis' letter in reply, and we now publish, without note or comment of our own, Mr. Hunter's rejoinder.] To Rev. J. William Jones, D. D., Secretary Southern Historical Society: Dear Sir: In your last issue I observe a letter from the Hon. Jefferson Davis, from which it appears that he takes offence at my letter to the Philadelphia Times, giving an account of the conference at Hampton Roads between Messrs. Lincoln and Seward and the Confederate Commissioners. No offence was intended and no good cause of offence was given by that account when fairly construed, in my opinion. The chief point of offence seems to have been that I said, Even President Davis and his friends began to feel that it was expedient that the Confederate Government should show some desire for peace upon fair terms. Whether it was offensive because it imputed their sudden wish to the effect of Mr. Blair's mission, or because it implied that
J. William Jones (search for this): chapter 37
e for Southern independence, and sincerely deprecate any personal feeling which may creep into the discussion of these differences; but, on the whole, it is, perhaps, better that these things should be ventilated by living actors than left to the uncertainties of future discussion. We have published, therefore, Mr. Hunter's first. paper on the Peace Commission and Mr. Davis' letter in reply, and we now publish, without note or comment of our own, Mr. Hunter's rejoinder.] To Rev. J. William Jones, D. D., Secretary Southern Historical Society: Dear Sir: In your last issue I observe a letter from the Hon. Jefferson Davis, from which it appears that he takes offence at my letter to the Philadelphia Times, giving an account of the conference at Hampton Roads between Messrs. Lincoln and Seward and the Confederate Commissioners. No offence was intended and no good cause of offence was given by that account when fairly construed, in my opinion. The chief point of offence seems to h
Robert M. T. Hunter (search for this): chapter 37
The peace Commission-Hon. R. M. T. Hunter's reply to President Davis' letter. [We deeply regret that there should be serious differences of opinion among distinguished leaders in our great struggle for Southern independence, and sincerely depre the responsibility, in my opinion, rests not upon me, but upon him who made the attack. Very respectfully, R. M. T. Hunter. note.-Mr. Davis says, in his letter: The truth is that the phraseology of the instructions constituted no embarruch help his character for historical accuracy. House of Representatives, Washington, D. C., 3d November, 1877. Hon. Robert M. T. Hunter, Richmond, Va.: my dear Sir: Your letter of a few days ago was duly received. I think you were entirely corr States and the abandonment of resistance to it. I confess that these answers did not surprise me, and that any other would have filled me with amazement. Very truly, your friend, John A. Campbell. Hon . R. M. T. Hunter, Richmond, Va.
1862 AD (search for this): chapter 37
n enemies; but it was an impracticable measure, and incapable of execution from the beginning. Judge Campbell, in the same letter to General Breckenridge from which I have been quoting, says: I do not regard the slave population as a source from which an addition to the army can be successfully derived. If the use of slaves had been resorted to in the beginning of the war for service in the engineer corps, and as teamsters and laborers, it might have been judicious. Their employment since 1862 has been difficult, and latterly almost impracticable. The attempt to collect 20,000 has been obstructed and nearly abortive. The enemy have raised almost as many from the fugitives occasioned by the draft as ourselves from its execution. General Holmes reports 1,500 fugitives in one week from North Carolina. Colonel Blount reported a desertion of 1,210 last summer in Mobile; and Governor Clarke of Mississippi entreats the suspension of a call for them in that state. As a practicable meas
28th (search for this): chapter 37
the object for which it was sought, except in the reception of the Confederate Commissioners. It was upon this point mainly our delay at City Point hinged. But upon all these questions and matters my views have been very fully as well as minutely given in The war between the States. &c., vol. 2, page 576, et seq., to which I refer you for details. Yours very truly, Alexander H. Stephens. 169 St. Paul street, Baltimore, 31st October, 1877. my dear Sir: Your letter of the 28th instant has been received and I proceed to comply with your request. The Commissioners appointed in 1865 to confer with the President of the United States concerning peace were furnished with a letter addressed to Mr. Francis P. Blair by President Lincoln, wherein the latter consented to receive persons coming from those in authority in the Southern States who desired to make peace on the basis of one common country. This letter we were to exhibit a, the lines of the Federal armies and told it
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