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United States (United States) (search for this): entry calhoun-john-caldwell
its members, called the government of the United States. The former preceded the latter, which wat, that the Convention, by the expression, United States, meant the States united in a federal Unyle of this confederacy shall be, The United States of America ; and the second, in order to leave nthe following words: We, the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union, esain who are meant by We, the people of the United States ; for, by their authority, it was done. Ttitution meant the same thing by the terms United States and federal, when applied to the Constitut was ordained and established for The United States of America, adding America, in comformity to thed establish this Constitution for the United States of America, used in its conclusion. Taken togetf this, the simple use of the general term United States. However plausible this may appear, an it the enumeration, and to insert the United States of America in its place. And yet, an omission, [37 more...]
New Hampshire (New Hampshire, United States) (search for this): entry calhoun-john-caldwell
sh this Constitution for the United States of America, used in its conclusion. Taken together, they insist, in the first place, that we, the people, mean the people in their individual character, as forming a single community; and that the United States of America designates them in their aggregate character as the American people. In maintaining this construction, they rely on the omission to enumerate the States by name, after the word people (so as to make it read, We, the people of New Hampshire, Massachusetts, &c., as was done in the articles of the confederation, and, also, in signing the Declaration of Independence); and, instead of this, the simple use of the general term United States. However plausible this may appear, an explanation perfectly satisfactory may be given, why the expression, as it now stands, was used by the framers of the Constitution, and why it should not receive the meaning attempted to be placed upon it. It is conceded that, if the enumeration of th
North Carolina (North Carolina, United States) (search for this): entry calhoun-john-caldwell
e sufficient for the establishment of this Constitution between the States so ratifying the same. If additional proof be needed to show that it was only binding between the States that ratified it, it may be found in the fact that two States—North Carolina and Rhode Island—refused, at first, to ratify; and were, in consequence, regarded in the interval as foreign States, without obligation, on their parts, to respect it, or, on the part of their citizens, to obey it. Thus far, there can be no dning and effect. The usual form of expression used for the former is: We, the delegates of the State (naming the State), do, in behalf of the people of the State, assent to, and ratify the said Constitution. All use ratify, and all, except North Carolina, use assent to. The delegates of that State use adopt instead of assent to, a variance merely in the form of expression, without, in any degree, affecting the meaning. Ratification was, then, the act of the several States in their separate
Massachusetts (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): entry calhoun-john-caldwell
ution for the United States of America, used in its conclusion. Taken together, they insist, in the first place, that we, the people, mean the people in their individual character, as forming a single community; and that the United States of America designates them in their aggregate character as the American people. In maintaining this construction, they rely on the omission to enumerate the States by name, after the word people (so as to make it read, We, the people of New Hampshire, Massachusetts, &c., as was done in the articles of the confederation, and, also, in signing the Declaration of Independence); and, instead of this, the simple use of the general term United States. However plausible this may appear, an explanation perfectly satisfactory may be given, why the expression, as it now stands, was used by the framers of the Constitution, and why it should not receive the meaning attempted to be placed upon it. It is conceded that, if the enumeration of the States after
Charleston (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): entry calhoun-john-caldwell
of all action on the part of others, was held by Mr. Calhoun nearly all his life. His influence in his own State was very great; and his political tenets, practically carried out by acts of nullification, brought South Carolina to the verge of civil war in 1832; and it made that State foremost and most conspicuous in inaugurating the Civil War. He died in Washington, D. C., March 31, 1850. His remains John Caldwell Calhoun. lie under a neat monument in St. Philip's church-yard at Charleston, S. C. His writings and a biography have been published in 6 volumes. See Webster, Daniel. Government of the United States. The following is Senator Calhoun's conception ` of the national government, from his discourse on The Constitution : Ours is a system of government, compounded of the separate governments of the several States composing the Union, and of one common government of all its members, called the government of the United States. The former preceded the latter, wh
Rhode Island (Rhode Island, United States) (search for this): entry calhoun-john-caldwell
hat not less than nine of the then thirteen States should concur in the ratification—as is expressly provided by its seventh and last article. It is in the following words: The ratification of the conventions of nine States shall be sufficient for the establishment of this Constitution between the States so ratifying the same. If additional proof be needed to show that it was only binding between the States that ratified it, it may be found in the fact that two States—North Carolina and Rhode Island—refused, at first, to ratify; and were, in consequence, regarded in the interval as foreign States, without obligation, on their parts, to respect it, or, on the part of their citizens, to obey it. Thus far, there can be no difference of opinion. The facts are too recent and too well established, and the provision of the Constitution too explicit, to admit of doubt. That the States, then, retained, after the ratification of the Constitution, the distinct, independent, and sovereign ch<
England (United Kingdom) (search for this): entry calhoun-john-caldwell
ool in Litchfield, Conn. In 1807 he began the practice of the profession in his native district. Thoughtful, ardent, and persevering, he soon took high rank in his profession, and gained a very lucrative practice. Fond of politics, he early entered its arena, and in 1808-10 was a member of the State legislature. He was sent to Congress in 1811, where he remained, by successive elections, until 1817. Mr. Calhoun was very influential in pressing Madison to make a declaration of war with Great Britain in 1812. President Monroe called him to his cabinet as Secretary of War (Dec. 16, 1817), and he served as such during the President's double term of office. In 1824 he was chosen Vice-President of the United States, and was reelected with Andrew Jackson in 1828. In 1831 he was elected United States Senator by the legislature of South Carolina. He was Secretary of State in 1844-45, and from 1845 till 1850 he was again a member of the United States Senate. The doctrine of State soverei
Washington (United States) (search for this): entry calhoun-john-caldwell
and supremacy, and that the Union was a compact of States that might be dissolved by the secession of any one of them, independent of all action on the part of others, was held by Mr. Calhoun nearly all his life. His influence in his own State was very great; and his political tenets, practically carried out by acts of nullification, brought South Carolina to the verge of civil war in 1832; and it made that State foremost and most conspicuous in inaugurating the Civil War. He died in Washington, D. C., March 31, 1850. His remains John Caldwell Calhoun. lie under a neat monument in St. Philip's church-yard at Charleston, S. C. His writings and a biography have been published in 6 volumes. See Webster, Daniel. Government of the United States. The following is Senator Calhoun's conception ` of the national government, from his discourse on The Constitution : Ours is a system of government, compounded of the separate governments of the several States composing the Union
South Carolina (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): entry calhoun-john-caldwell
e was Secretary of State in 1844-45, and from 1845 till 1850 he was again a member of the United States Senate. The doctrine of State sovereignty and supremacy, and that the Union was a compact of States that might be dissolved by the secession of any one of them, independent of all action on the part of others, was held by Mr. Calhoun nearly all his life. His influence in his own State was very great; and his political tenets, practically carried out by acts of nullification, brought South Carolina to the verge of civil war in 1832; and it made that State foremost and most conspicuous in inaugurating the Civil War. He died in Washington, D. C., March 31, 1850. His remains John Caldwell Calhoun. lie under a neat monument in St. Philip's church-yard at Charleston, S. C. His writings and a biography have been published in 6 volumes. See Webster, Daniel. Government of the United States. The following is Senator Calhoun's conception ` of the national government, from his dis
Scotia (search for this): entry calhoun-john-caldwell
Calhoun, John Caldwell 1782-1850 Statesman; born in Abbeville District, S. C., March 18, 1782. His father was a native of Ireland; his mother, formerly Miss Caldwell, was of Scotch-Irish descent. The son was graduated, with all the honors, at Yale College, in 1804, and studied law in the famous law-school in Litchfield, Conn. In 1807 he began the practice of the profession in his native district. Thoughtful, ardent, and persevering, he soon took high rank in his profession, and gained a very lucrative practice. Fond of politics, he early entered its arena, and in 1808-10 was a member of the State legislature. He was sent to Congress in 1811, where he remained, by successive elections, until 1817. Mr. Calhoun was very influential in pressing Madison to make a declaration of war with Great Britain in 1812. President Monroe called him to his cabinet as Secretary of War (Dec. 16, 1817), and he served as such during the President's double term of office. In 1824 he was chosen Vi
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