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McClellan (search for this): chapter 11
k between Greeley and his managing editor. They continued on good, if not cordial terms, each doing his regular work to the end. They had concurred in praising McClellan's conduct in West Virginia, and in hailing his appointment to command and lead the Army of the Potomac. They apparently began to lose faith in him, to doubt his1862) as Secretary of War. They concurred in predicting that his successor would organize victory. Finally, if they did not join in recommending the removal of McClellan from the command of all the Union armies, they agreed that it was proper, when his campaign actually began, to limit him to the sole command of the Army of the Pent of the superannuated lieutenant-general, the resignation of Simon Cameron, the appointment of Edwin M. Stanton as Secretary of War, and the assignment of General McClellan to the command of the army had all followed rapidly. Dana's acquaintance with the leading men in all sections of the country was both intimate and extensive
William H. Seward (search for this): chapter 11
ey in resenting the treatment of the latter by Seward and Weed. It is now known that Greeley, notwiis fact seems never to have occurred to either Seward or Weed. Greeley finally became frank enough lved forever the political partnership between Seward, Weed, and himself. Dana naturally favored hi certain that it did not at any time feel that Seward was the strongest man in the party. It is als might be, they were willing that it should be Seward only in case it became reasonably certain thate candidates, in the order of preference, were Seward, Chase, and Bates. No one in the East had yetn said as to the relations of the Tribune with Seward, still by far the most conspicuous leader of he had never been a thick and thin supporter of Seward. They had met at Albany and elsewhere, and thlliam H. Seward. In view of the fact that Seward remained to the date of the inauguration the a and important friend in the cabinet than even Seward. I refer, of course, to Stanton, the new Secr[3 more...]
Bates (search for this): chapter 11
arty. It is also certain that neither of its editors was primarily for him, unless it should become apparent before the convention was held that no Republican could be elected. In other words, while they could not do otherwise than support the candidate of the party, whoever he might be, they were willing that it should be Seward only in case it became reasonably certain that any Republican would be beaten. And yet its three candidates, in the order of preference, were Seward, Chase, and Bates. No one in the East had yet thought of Lincoln. His first serious mention in the Tribune occurred in the announcement of his forthcoming speech at Cooper Union. This indorsed him: As emphatically a man of the people, a champion of free labor, of diversified and prosperous industry, and of that policy which leads through peaceful progress to universal intelligence, virtue, and freedom. The distinguishing characteristics of his political addresses are clearness and candor of statemen
Edgar A. Poe (search for this): chapter 11
s naturally regarded as prejudiced against everything Southern. It has already been pointed out in this narrative that Dana was slow to recognize the merit of Edgar A. Poe, and as he did not include either of that brilliant but erratic writer's poems in his first edition, that fact was regarded as conclusive evidence of a sectional bias even in literature. Inasmuch, however, as Poe was born in Boston, and received much of his fragmentary education at West Point, the criticism did but little harm to Dana or the book. It must be confessed, however, that a sharp review in one of the magazines had the merit of calling Dana's attention anew to the whole list of American poets, which resulted in the selection of Poe's Annabel Lee, The Bells, and The Raven, as well as many others from both native and foreign authors, for the next and subsequent editions of the work. The Household Book has been frequently imitated under one name or another. It was thoroughly revised by Dana in 1884, has
George Ripley (search for this): chapter 11
properly be said that Dana was already fully employed as managing editor of the Tribune, and, as has been shown, he was also devoted heart and soul to the war against the spread of slavery; but he did not hesitate to take on this new task. With Ripley to give personal attention to the editorial and administrative bureau, he grappled with the work, and by giving to it all the time he could spare from the Tribune, from his family, and from rest, he did his full share to the satisfaction of his a came and reported it was true, and that H. G. was immovable. On Friday, March 28th, I resigned, and the trustees at once accepted it, passing highly complimentary resolutions, and voting me six months salary after the date of my resignation. Mr. Ripley opposed the proceeding in the trustees, and above all insisted on delay, in order that the facts might be ascertained; but all in vain. On Saturday, March 29th, Mr. Greeley came down, called another meeting of the trustees, said he had never
Robert Carter (search for this): chapter 11
d they inflame his resentment against those who had joined in his deposition. He was too much of a philosopher for that. Apparently without ill-feeling against any one, he went to Washington shortly afterwards, and in reply to a letter from Robert Carter, he wrote from there, April 18, 1862, as follows: I have no idea that I shall ever go back to the Tribune in any manner. I have sold all my interest in the property, and shall be slow to connect myself again with any establishment wherative. They show the most watchful care over the business of the paper, the cost of telegraphing, the subjects on which information was required, and the necessity of not being beaten by rivals. They also show the high esteem in which he held Mr. Carter as a correspondent, as a desirable contributor to the Cyclopaedia, and as a personal friend for whose son he had secured an appointment to West Point, but they throw no light on public affairs. The fact is that Dana was for the most part of
Horace Greeley (search for this): chapter 11
at the former reflected the personal views of Greeley, and for a time became the policy of the Tribter by Seward and Weed. It is now known that Greeley, notwithstanding his modesty, his personal pe That the first of the above paragraphs is Greeley's, and the last Dana's, is evident from their, and yet there was no positive break between Greeley and his managing editor. They continued on gal explanation, that the differences between Greeley and himself were not personal, but temperamenerating the cry of Forward to Richmond, which Greeley formally repudiated immediately after the batd too active to travel longer in harmony with Greeley. Their divergent natures, not less than thein Thursday, March 27th, I was notified that Mr. Greeley had given the stockholders notice that I muut all in vain. On Saturday, March 29th, Mr. Greeley came down, called another meeting of the trifferentiated with distinctness from those of Greeley and the other New York editors. He was gener[15 more...]
May, 1861 AD (search for this): chapter 11
a noble heritage of peace and prosperity to our country and our children. Through the Red Sea, not around it, lies the appointed way to the Land of Promise, and it will be steadfastly trodden by a brave and loyal people. That Greeley approved this patriotic programme, there is no reason to doubt, but that he penned it can hardly be conceived. It is as certain as any unproven thing can be that it was Dana's brain which conceived it and Dana's hand that wrote it. About the middle of May, 1861, the Tribune began to discuss the feasibility of a movement on Richmond; by the first of June it had begun to cry, Onward, and by the end of that month its columns bristled with: The Nation's war-cry-Forward to Richmond! Forward to Richmond! The Rebel Congress must not be allowed to meet there on July 20th! By that date the place must be held by the National army! And this was kept up with but little variation till the defeat of McDowell's army at Bull Run put a violent end to
August 6th (search for this): chapter 11
e States that hate the Union-mean to destroy the Union, were resolved to make war on the Union-had been willing to depart peaceably, and to arrange quietly and decently the terms of separation, we alone among the people of the free States expressed a willingness to let them go. But they would not go in that way. They set themselves to stealing arsenals, fortifications, and custom-houses, that were the property of the Nation. From that hour it has never been possible to let them go. On August 6th the Tribune declared: The only hope of the South, did they but know it, is in their defeat. For the North, defeat, even though only the qualified disaster that comes through compromise and diplomacy, is remediless destruction preceded by years of the bitterest shame, and this we must acknowledge without shrinking, avoid with the forethought of the wise, strive against with the valor of the brave. That the first of the above paragraphs is Greeley's, and the last Dana's, is eviden
January 13th, 1862 AD (search for this): chapter 11
ss at Fort Henry and Fort Donelson, and might have consoled each other with the assurance that the policy of onward to victory was fully vindicated in the West, notwithstanding its failure in the East--that it was a question of leaders, rather than of theories — of relative readiness and resources, rather than of perfect organization and correct strategy. So far as can be ascertained, they had no differences as to the wisdom of removing Simon Cameron, or of appointing Edwin M. Stanton (January 13, 1862) as Secretary of War. They concurred in predicting that his successor would organize victory. Finally, if they did not join in recommending the removal of McClellan from the command of all the Union armies, they agreed that it was proper, when his campaign actually began, to limit him to the sole command of the Army of the Potomac. If they were not the first actually to warn him against political activities, they were among the first to suspect him of political ambitions. But ther
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