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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3. Search the whole document.

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Augusta (Georgia, United States) (search for this): chapter 9
9. again to this honored and dear sir, with profuse apology Lib. 20.15. for not knowing he was a high and mighty judge and so addressing him before. He renewed his solemn declaration [to Mr. Garrison] of being firmly resolved not to interfere, in any the slightest degree, with the institutions of this mighty Republic. More, he pleaded, should not be asked of him in this emphatically free country. And thus placating Georgia, he earned the torchlight procession afterwards tendered him in Augusta. Lib. 20.24. The Apostle had not performed his last act of servility in this direction when he arrived in Washington in December and (even on the very day he was dining at the Dec. 20, 1849; Lib. 19.207. White House) a motion to invite him to a seat on the floor of the Senate was offered by a Northern member. The Lumpkin exposure and the luckless Address were alleged against the proposed courtesy by an Alabamian Lib. 19.206. fire-eater; but Clay nimbly came to the rescue, repaying t
Nevada (Nevada, United States) (search for this): chapter 9
es Follen Garrison. Garrison vindicates free discussion of the Bible in the Liberator. The historian of the anti-slavery cause—or of the country—for the year we have now reached, must tell of the two great tides of feeling and passion surging from North to South and from South to North, over the question of the Federal Territories. Should the Wilmot Proviso secure to California and New Mexico Not merely the area we now know by that name, but nearly the whole of Arizona, with parts of Nevada and Colorado. See Map XV., Statistical Atlas U. S. Census, 1880. the freedom decreed them by the country from which they had been torn; should the Missouri Compromise line of 1820 be extended to the Pacific; or should the contention of the Southern extremists prevail, viz., that slave property had, equally with all other kinds of property, a right to be taken into any part of the national ___domain not definitively organized and admitted as one of the States of the Union? Should, again, the r
Watertown (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 9
y morning, July 27th, Dr. H. I. Bowditch and Lib. 19.126. myself went to the Adams House, in order to obtain an introduction to Father Mathew, and to be sure that the letter of the Committee, inviting him to participate in the celebration of that great and glorious event, the entire abolition of British West India slavery, failed not to be put into his hands. Fortunately, we found him disengaged, and were introduced to each other by our esteemed friend, William A. White of Ante, p. 101. Watertown. The host of Father Mathew on the eve of his entry into Boston (Lib. 19.119). What transpired during the interview (which was a very brief one, as we felt unwilling to trespass upon his time, and as we immediately perceived that the object of our visit was not particularly agreeable to him), was substantially as follows: Turning to me, Father Mathew said—Mr. Garrison, your name is very familiar to me. Yes, I said, smiling, I am somewhat notorious, though not as yet very popular. He
Arizona (Arizona, United States) (search for this): chapter 9
icult. Death of Charles Follen Garrison. Garrison vindicates free discussion of the Bible in the Liberator. The historian of the anti-slavery cause—or of the country—for the year we have now reached, must tell of the two great tides of feeling and passion surging from North to South and from South to North, over the question of the Federal Territories. Should the Wilmot Proviso secure to California and New Mexico Not merely the area we now know by that name, but nearly the whole of Arizona, with parts of Nevada and Colorado. See Map XV., Statistical Atlas U. S. Census, 1880. the freedom decreed them by the country from which they had been torn; should the Missouri Compromise line of 1820 be extended to the Pacific; or should the contention of the Southern extremists prevail, viz., that slave property had, equally with all other kinds of property, a right to be taken into any part of the national ___domain not definitively organized and admitted as one of the States of the Union
Maryland (Maryland, United States) (search for this): chapter 9
proportions, and recovery was blocked by the personal liberty laws whose passage, at the instance of Ante, pp. 59, 92, 216; Lib. 18.23. the abolitionists, has been noticed in the several States. This was particularly felt along the border, in Maryland, Lib. 19.1, 153. Virginia, and in the Ohio Valley. In the Virginia Legislature, Pennsylvania's withdrawal of State aid to kidnappers Lib. 19.1. was declared occasion for war between independent nations, and new guarantees were demanded of Ccable, saying he would exclude all abolitionists, foreign and domestic, from the chamber. John P. Hale proposed to vote for the resolution, but should be opposed to it as a sanction of the Apostle's course on the subject of slavery. Pearce, of Maryland, thought the precedent a James A. Pearce. bad one: to-day it was Clay's Irish patriot, to-morrow it might be the Hungarian Kossuth. So the debate was prolonged, with much heat evolved; but the Southern Senators and their doughface allies were
Missouri (Missouri, United States) (search for this): chapter 9
Ante, pp. 59, 92, 216; Lib. 18.23. the abolitionists, has been noticed in the several States. This was particularly felt along the border, in Maryland, Lib. 19.1, 153. Virginia, and in the Ohio Valley. In the Virginia Legislature, Pennsylvania's withdrawal of State aid to kidnappers Lib. 19.1. was declared occasion for war between independent nations, and new guarantees were demanded of Congress Lib. 19.10. and unsuccessfully attempted to be procured. From the same source and from Missouri, appeal was next made to Lib. 19.113. the legislatures of the several States for cooperation in obtaining a new fugitive-slave law, investing any Federal postmaster or collector of customs with the authority of the Federal courts in the matter of apprehension, custody, conviction, and rendition of the unhappy victims. This Southern grievance had been fully ventilated in the U. S. Senate during the exciting debates growing out Ante, p. 237. of the Drayton and Sayres case; and, on the co
Columbia (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 9
suffrage would follow in the train of emancipation, and the white race then become subject. The closing of the Thirtieth Congress, with the prayer of California for a free constitution unheeded, but also Lib. 19.2. with no legislation to the contrary, leaving the situation Lib. 19.41. unchanged, was not calculated to allay the excitement at the South. Armed immigration to that Territory was Lib. 19.77. set on foot. In May a practical disunion convention was May 14, 15. held at Columbia, S. C., and gave its approval to Calhoun's Lib. 19.86. Address. In November a similar body assembled at Nov. 1, 1849; Lib. 19.185. Jackson, Miss.; and, in advance of the opening of the Thirtyfirst Congress, the Governors of Tennessee, Georgia, and Lib. 19.181, 193. Alabama took, in their messages, corresponding ground as representatives of Southern sentiment. A little later, joint committees of the legislatures of Georgia and South Lib. 20.5. Carolina applied the secession screw to North
Massachusetts (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 9
ebster and Winthrop D. Webster. R. C. Winthrop. swore should find no shelter on the soil of Massachusetts —we say that they may make their little motions, and pass their little laws, in Washington, but that Faneuil Hall Repeals them, in the name of the humanity of Massachusetts. All this, with much more, as we have said, belongs to the general historian of the cause. Our main concern must b with reference to abolition lecturers by the Congregational Associations of Connecticut and Massachusetts a decade earlier (ante, 2.130, 131, 135). True, you would not, I replied, for, in that capacHim see by de Times correspondent at New York, dat Lib. 19.158. some gentmen, members ob de Massachusetts Anti-Slabery See also. 19.177. Society, wait on Fader Mathew in Boston, and ask him to tendo for the Rights of Woman to their utmost extent, Ante, 2.204. by signing and circulating in Massachusetts the Lib. 19.46; Hist. Woman Suffrage, 3.284. earliest petitions for woman suffrage—a moveme
Providence, R. I. (Rhode Island, United States) (search for this): chapter 9
dy and diffusion of the Ideas and Tendencies proper to the Nineteenth Century; and to concert measures, if deemed desirable, for promoting the ends of good fellowship. Emerson's name stood first, followed by those of Garrison, Theodore Parker, W. H. Channing, Alcott, Wendell Phillips, etc. He would have attended the adjourned Anti-Sabbath Convention on April 4, having led the call, but for a grievous Lib. 19.30, 59. domestic affliction in which superstition might easily see the hand of Providence. At the end of March, 1849, he removed his family from Pine Street to 65 Suffolk Street (afterwards Shawmut Avenue), and in the course of this change of abode at a dangerous season the boy, Charles Follen, fell sick and died. A cold brought on brain fever, the nature and Apr. 8, 1849. gravity of the case were not realized, domestic medication was attempted, and in a defective steam-bath the unfortunate child was fatally scalded. The stroke to the parents was the more tremendous not
Jackson (Mississippi, United States) (search for this): chapter 9
e prayer of California for a free constitution unheeded, but also Lib. 19.2. with no legislation to the contrary, leaving the situation Lib. 19.41. unchanged, was not calculated to allay the excitement at the South. Armed immigration to that Territory was Lib. 19.77. set on foot. In May a practical disunion convention was May 14, 15. held at Columbia, S. C., and gave its approval to Calhoun's Lib. 19.86. Address. In November a similar body assembled at Nov. 1, 1849; Lib. 19.185. Jackson, Miss.; and, in advance of the opening of the Thirtyfirst Congress, the Governors of Tennessee, Georgia, and Lib. 19.181, 193. Alabama took, in their messages, corresponding ground as representatives of Southern sentiment. A little later, joint committees of the legislatures of Georgia and South Lib. 20.5. Carolina applied the secession screw to Northern doughfaces, in resolutions fit to precipitate a crisis if the new Congress should not prove more subservient than the last. Another caus
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