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Browsing named entities in Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 4.

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January (search for this): chapter 1
on, the respectable classes fell to mobbing again, being made desperate by the quick adhesion of the Gulf States, during January, to South Carolina in rebellion. Their fury was directed afresh against Wendell Phillips, whose lineage made him a sortower—for a time—as it has not yet done. Mr. Garrison's illness confined him to the house through the entire month of January, so that he was unable to attend the annual meeting of the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society, which began its sessions this critical period, and never more searching, faithful, and discriminating. Even from his sick room he sent forth, in January, a vigorous editorial in criticism of Mr. Seward's compromise speech in the Senate. After Jan. 12. referring to the sieming to symbolize the cause of impartial freedom. Lib. 31.66. Some of the very men who had hissed and hooted at him in January, were now ready to applaud him to the echo, and the scene was in every way thrilling and inspiring. The text of his dis
1827 AD (search for this): chapter 1
piring, than seek to control them. There must be no needless turning of popular violence upon ourselves, by any false step of our own. The Superintendent of Police in New York (John A. Kennedy), who had promised ample protection to the meetings of the Society in case they should be held and any violence attempted, on the pretext of suppressing disunionism, had formerly been secretary of an anti-slavery society in Baltimore, and a partner of Benjamin Lundy in publishing the Genius prior to 1827, when he removed to New York (Ms. April 13, 1861, Oliver Johnson to W. L. G.). The omission of the annual meeting called forth private protests and expressions of regret from a few anti-slavery friends, who deemed it a sacrifice of principle and dereliction from duty, and thought the outlook for the slave never more depressing than then. It was with these in mind, no less than the New Haven correspondent to whom he was more directly replying, that Mr. Garrison wrote: There seems t
October (search for this): chapter 1
on to that policy of emancipation which each day made more inevitable, could have pointed not only to the bitter opposition of the Border States, but to the timidity of the Republicans of Massachusetts, who declined, at their State Convention in October, to respond to Mr. Oct. 1. Sumner's eloquent address to them and to pass resolutions approving his utterances in favor of emancipation. The Republican press of Boston, too, poured contempt on the Advertiser, Journal. great Senator for these u: To refuse to deliver those captive millions who are now legally in your power, is tantamount to the crime of their original enslavement; and their blood shall a righteous God require at your hands. Put the trump of jubilee to your lips! In October Mr. Garrison visited Pennsylvania to attend the annual meeting of the State Anti-Slavery Society at Oct. 24, 25. West Chester, and wrote the Statement of Principles Lib. 34.175. there adopted—a succinct exposition of the position held by the S
John Quincy Adams (search for this): chapter 1
a memorial to that body, praying for an abolition enactment with compensation to loyal slave-holders. He enforces John Quincy Adams's doctrine of the war powers of the Government over slavery, and, among his Liberator mottoes, substitutes for theongress were invoked to use their war-power to proclaim emancipation, in accordance with the doctrine laid down by John Quincy Adams twenty-five years before, and the North was Ante, 2.75; Lib. 31.74, 90. warned that peace without freedom would bear with England! Mss. G. S., Dec. 23, 1861; C. S., Dec. 22. In the Liberator for December 13, the passage from John Quincy Adams on the iniquity of the three-fifths representation clause in the Constitution, which had so long stood at the head of the first page (replaced for a time by a corresponding extract from Dr. Channing) was supplanted by Adams's declaration of the war-powers of the Government with respect to slavery; and the shibboleth, The United States Constitution is a covenant
John Brown (search for this): chapter 1
w, triumphantly elected in spite of Lib. 30.178. his having presided over a meeting in aid of John Brown's Nov. 19, 1859; Lib. 30.141. family, gave immediate notice in his message to the Legislatureague (Dr. George Blagden) was the reverse, had courageously spoken at the meeting in behalf of John Brown's family, held in Tremont Temple, in November, 1859, and was among the speakers invited to parany Northern State; and those who rush to the rescue of the enslaved millions at the South, as John Brown and his associates did, he is for hanging as felons under that same Constitution. It is time nder what pretext, as the greatest of Crimes ! This is a cruel stigma cast upon the memory of John Brown and his martyr-associates at Harper's Ferry. What has the South to fear from such a party as , and the conflagration rages, will have their part to play, and will enact it! The spirit of John Brown walks abroad! Being dead, he yet speaketh, and points with shadowy finger to Harper's Ferry a
William H. Seward (search for this): chapter 1
actively against the compromising cowardice of Seward and other Republican leaders. He sides with t Rise and Fall of the Slave Power, 3: 106). Mr. Seward, speaking in the U. S. Senate, Jan. 12, 186 the Lib. 31.10. statesmanlike qualities of Mr. Seward, and were ready to believe, in consequence outely best, becomes the doctrine of devils. Mr. Seward means just this: a compromise of principle tvered at Madison, Wisconsin, not long since, Mr. Seward solemnly declares: By no word, no act, nl we think of the consistency or veracity of Mr. Seward in this matter of freedom? He knows, he con whatever free institutions are yet visible,—Mr. Seward, with the eyes of expectant millions fastener! And this is all the statesmanship of William H. Seward, in a crisis unparalleled in our nationans give him. . . . The incurable weakness of Mr. Seward's position is, that he is ever halting betweston harbor was to rouse. Disappointed by Mr. Seward's penny-whistle, Mr. Garrison anxiously watc[2 more...]
Horace Greeley (search for this): chapter 1
ld have given slavery a fresh lease of life and power. They included the admission of slavery Greeley's American Conflict, 1.376, 377, 399-402. to the Territories south of latitude 36° 30′; forbade all responsibility for your evil course! A somewhat similar attitude was assumed by other Greeley's American Conflict, 1.358-9. leaders of public opinion, who shrank from the horrors of a civil played so infamous a part in Maryland, and slaves have been driven from Fort Pickens, and even Greeley has talked with bated breath on the subject of slavery, in recent articles in the Tribune. No! h—full of good feeling, full of high hopes, full of trust in God. Dr. George B. Cheever and Horace Greeley also participated in the occasion. W. L. Garrison to his Wife. New York, Oct. 21, 18reeable hour with the two female poets, Alice and Phoebe Cary, whose house is much visited. Horace Greeley was one of the company. We had some little discussion together on the peace question. He t
Jefferson Davis (search for this): chapter 1
] and place itself openly and unequivocally on the side of freedom, we can give it no support or countenance in its effort to maintain its authority over the seceded States, but must continue to labor, as we have hitherto done, to heap upon it that obloquy which naturally attaches to all who are guilty of the crime of enslaving their fellow-men (Lib. 31: 111). offered by Stephen S. Foster, he said: I cannot say that I do not sympathize with the Government, Lib. 31.111. as against Jefferson Davis and his piratical associates. There is not a drop of blood in my veins, both as an abolitionist and a peace man, that does not flow with the Northern tide of sentiment; for I see, in this grand uprising of the manhood of the North, which has been so long grovelling in the dust, a growing appreciation of the value of liberty and of free institutions, and a willingness to make any sacrifice in their defence against the barbaric and tyrannical power which avows its purpose, if it can, to
Abraham Lincoln (search for this): chapter 1
n, on Nov. 23, 1860; Lib. 30.198. hearing of Lincoln's election, it seems that the triumph jon of war —with the murderous avowal that Abraham Lincoln shall never be inaugurated President of tust be, whether by President Buchanan or President Lincoln, if the Union is to be preserved. The Fhis utterance. It is much to the credit of Mr. Lincoln, he wrote in Lib. 31.26. February, that hed fairness. Admitting the manly courage of Mr. Lincoln, and the rare self-possession and equanimit open hostility to the Union? See what Mr. Lincoln says in his address—an address, remember! accomplice in man-stealing. To this extent Mr. Lincoln and the Republican party are guilty. We arotion. It is no time for minute criticism of Lincoln, Republicanism, or even the other parties, noered their tone to one of fulsome praise of Mr. Lincoln, whom they now hoped to commit to a settledolitionists at large, with a final word for Mr. Lincoln again. On his way to West Chester, he tarr[15 more...]<
July 4th (search for this): chapter 1
remaining the chief editorial writer, might be relieved of the drudgery, both editorial and mechanical, which consumed so much of his time. But he would not listen to the project, and the necessary funds to support the Standard were raised by private subscriptions. It was a matter of doubt how long the Liberator could be kept alive, but the editor was resolved to float or sink in his own craft. He was in the best of spirits when he spoke at the anti-slavery picnic at Framingham on the 4th of July, and confident that the abolition of slavery would ere long be decreed. Objecting to a resolution That, until the Government shall take this step [of emancipation] and place itself openly and unequivocally on the side of freedom, we can give it no support or countenance in its effort to maintain its authority over the seceded States, but must continue to labor, as we have hitherto done, to heap upon it that obloquy which naturally attaches to all who are guilty of the crime of enslaving
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