hide Sorting

You can sort these results in two ways:

By entity
Chronological order for dates, alphabetical order for places and people.
By position (current method)
As the entities appear in the document.

You are currently sorting in ascending order. Sort in descending order.

hide Most Frequent Entities

The entities that appear most frequently in this document are shown below.

Entity Max. Freq Min. Freq
Lib 556 0 Browse Search
William Lloyd Garrison 547 1 Browse Search
W. L. Garrison 410 0 Browse Search
Abraham Lincoln 302 0 Browse Search
Wendell Phillips 214 0 Browse Search
George Thompson 202 0 Browse Search
United States (United States) 152 0 Browse Search
Oliver Johnson 92 2 Browse Search
W. P. Garrison 76 0 Browse Search
Edmund Quincy 68 0 Browse Search
View all entities in this document...

Browsing named entities in Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 4.

Found 6,164 total hits in 2,242 results.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 ...
Buchanan (search for this): chapter 1
e punishment of the leading traitors, are fully authorized by the Federal Government; and when that Government ceases to maintain its rightful sovereignty, the American Union ceases to exist. Under these circumstances, what is the true course to be Lib. 31.27. pursued by the people of the North? Is it to vindicate this sovereignty by the sword till the treason is quelled and allegiance restored? Constitutionally, the sword may be wielded to this extent, and must be, whether by President Buchanan or President Lincoln, if the Union is to be preserved. The Federal Government must not pretend to be in actual operation, embracing thirty-four States, and then allow the seceding States to trample upon its flag, steal its property, and defy its authority with impunity; for it would then be (as it is at this moment) a mockery and a laughing-stock. Nevertheless, to think of whipping the South (for she will be a unit on the question of slavery) into subjection, and extorting allegiance
Halleck (search for this): chapter 1
he loyal press generally expressed disappointment and regret at the President's course, while the pro-slavery and semi-disloyal papers were jubilant, and altered their tone to one of fulsome praise of Mr. Lincoln, whom they now hoped to commit to a settled policy of non-interference with slavery; and there seemed much in the events of the next three months to justify their expectations. A period of reaction set in, during which the President permitted without protest the Order No. 3 of General Halleck (who succeeded Fremont as Commander of the Missouri department), forbidding his officers to receive fugitive slaves within the lines, and modified that portion of Secretary Cameron's annual report which advocated the confiscation and arming of the slaves of rebel masters. In his message to Congress, on its assembling in December, Mr. Lincoln proposed colonization as a scheme for disposing of the freed people who, under the name of contrabands, flocked to the camps of the Union armies,
6th (search for this): chapter 1
se, we should have been just as much disposed to do all in our power to support slavery, and to put down freedom, by the same atrocious acts, as themselves. The tree bears its natural fruit—like causes will produce like effects. But let us return them good for evil, by seizing this opportunity to deliver them from their deadliest curse—that is Christian. In August, the Secretary of War, Simon Cameron, in a letter to General Butler, cited the Act of Congress Lib. 31.131. approved on the 6th of that month, by which slaves Wilson's Anti-Slavery Measures in Congress, pp. 14-16. employed in the military and naval service of the rebellion were declared free, and authorized him further to receive and employ slaves escaping from loyal masters as well, keeping a careful record of such, that Congress might remunerate the masters after the return of peace. Mr. Garrison read this with delight, and wrote: It goes quite as far as we could expect, and is almost tantamount to a proclamation
June 7th, 1861 AD (search for this): chapter 1
airs from that distance. His replies to Dr. Guthrie of Edinburgh and the London Lib. 31.86, 98, 102. Herald of Peace were especially effective. But there was one man who needed no instruction on the points at issue. George Thompson was already preparing himself for the task of enlightening his fellow-countrymen, and enlisting their sympathies in behalf of the American Government in its struggle with slavery in arms. George Thompson to W. L. Garrison. Tynemouth, Northumberland, June 7, 1861. Lib. 31.102. My dear Garrison: Yours of the 21st ultimo has within the present hour reached me at this place, where I am staying for a few days, going almost daily into Newcastle to consult with my anti-slavery friends there on the progress of the cause in America, and the means we may legitimately employ to promote it. . . . I have been a deeply interested observer of late events on your side of the ocean, and have studied them with all the powers of reflection I can command. My t
January 24th (search for this): chapter 1
e satanic than ever, as far as they speak out against Abolitionism, and the Republican Party constantly shivering in the wind, I am not sure but the whole country is to come under the bloody sway of the Slave Power—for a time—as it has not yet done. Mr. Garrison's illness confined him to the house through the entire month of January, so that he was unable to attend the annual meeting of the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society, which began its sessions at Tremont Temple on the morning of January 24, and missed being an active participant in that memorable occasion. At his request the 94th Psalm was read at the opening of the meeting by the Rev. Samuel May, Jr. The following letter was also read by Mr. Quincy: W. L. Garrison to Edmund Quincy. Boston, Jan. 24, 1861. Ms. and Lib. 31.17. My dear coadjutor: . . . I am still not sufficiently strong to justify me, as a matter of common prudence, in being present at our annual State gathering to-day. The spirit is willing, and
February 21st (search for this): chapter 1
ted by the Peace Congress having been also dismissed, the following amendment to the Constitution, proposed by Thomas Corwin, was adopted by the requisite two-thirds majority in both houses of Congress, a large number of Republicans voting in its favor: Senators Sumner, Wilson, Wade, and others in both houses of Congress were firm in resisting every step towards compromise; but even Senator Wilson spoke so apologetically concerning the Massachusetts Personal Liberty Law, in his speech of Feb. 21, in the U. S. Senate, that Mr. Garrison was compelled to criticise him sharply (Lib. 31: 46). No amendment shall be made to the Constitution which will authorize or give to Congress the power to abolish or interfere, within any State, with the domestic institutions thereof, including that of persons held to labor or service by the laws of said State. Wilson's Rise and Fall of Slave Power, 3.104. The answer of the South to this last act of cowardice was the bombardment of Sumter, a
March 4th (search for this): chapter 1
nd is strong in the faith of Justice, Right, Liberty, Man, and God. He has told me, not only once, but often and often, that rather than back down—rather than concede to traitors, his soul might go back to God from the wings of the Capitol. I believe it. He and I have been partners in law for thirteen years, and I know him (Ms. copy, Feb. 1). That his inauguration would be permitted in peace seemed hardly possible, and when the telegraph announced to the country on the afternoon of the 4th of March that the Buchanan Administration had ended, and the first Republican President had actually assumed office and delivered his inaugural address without interruption or disturbance, a day of feverish anxiety was succeeded, as Mr. Garrison wrote, by a night of profoundest satisfaction and repose, . . . as though not a cloud rested upon the future. Lib. 31.38. It was not without a little surprise, after the election of Mr. Lincoln and Gov. Andrew, that Mr. Garrison found himself frequentl
April 19th (search for this): chapter 1
as, in direct conflict with that haughty and perfidious Slave Power which has so long ruled the republic with a rod of iron for its own base and satanic purposes. The annual meeting of the Society stands postponed until further notice. For the same weighty considerations the usual May meetings in Boston were also omitted (Lib. 31: 70). This conclusion was the result of a correspondence Mss. W. L. G. to O. Johnson; E. M. Davis, J. M. McKim, J. S. Gibbons, O. Johnson to W. L. G., April 19-25. between the leading members of the Society in Boston, New York, and Philadelphia, who were united in the opinion that it would be folly to attempt to arrest the public ear at such a moment. As Mr. Garrison wrote to Oliver Johnson: Now that civil war has begun, and a whirlwind of violence Ms. April 19, 1861. and excitement is to sweep through the country, every day increasing in intensity until its bloodiest culmination, it is for the abolitionists to stand still, and see the salva
Atlas (search for this): chapter 1
broke forth in loud applause! The peroration of the discourse, eloquent in its prophecy, fitly expressed the instinct of the abolitionists as to the certain result of the war now inaugurated. As a manifestation of their antipathy to Mr. Phillips, and with a lack of enterprise amazing in these days of competition in journalism, the Boston dailies, with the exception of the Advertiser, refrained by common consent from reporting or making any allusion to this discourse. Even the Republican Atlas and Daily Bee, which usually gave full reports of Mr. Phillips's speeches, and had secured one of this, was induced to suppress it. The result was a sale of sixteen thousand copies of the Liberator Extra containing it. The same number of the Liberator in which Mr. Phillips's discourse appeared contained the following announcement, written and signed by Mr. Garrison as President of the American Anti-Slavery Society: In view of the unparalleled excitement now existing Lib. 31.66. th
Jefferson (search for this): chapter 1
aint his philosophy of action, and prevent him from rising to a higher level than that of an expedientist and compromiser. The key to his public life is contained in this very speech. Here it is: If, in the expression of these views, I have not proposed what is desired or expected by many others, they will do me the justice to believe that I am as far from having suggested what, in many respects, would have been in harmony with cherished convictions of my own. I learned early from Jefferson that, in political affairs, we cannot always do what seems to be absolutely best. Those with whom we must necessarily act, entertaining different views, have the power and right of carrying them into practice. We must be content to lead when we can, and to follow when we cannot lead; and if we cannot at any time do for our country all the good that we would wish, we must be satisfied with doing for her all the good that we can. Now, a declaration like this, expressed in such carefu
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 ...