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Mexico (Mexico) (search for this): chapter 4
me war bills providing men and money, and against others of like tenor. He avowed his readiness to vote for reasonable supplies, not merely for the withdrawal of our troops, but for the prosecution of the war vigorously and successfully on Mexican territory, with the view of achieving an honorable peace. He insisted that in voting such supplies lie was relying on the pledges of President Polk that he was not carrying on the war for the purposes of aggression and conquest, though from the beginning the acquisition of Mexican territory was well known to be the principal object of the Administration. The design to acquire California had been openly avowed from the beginning of the war, and had even been disclosed before it began. Von Hoist, vol. III. pp. 109, 253, 267, 268. He rejected as a model of conduct the example of the English statesmen who refused support to the British ministry in our Revolution, for the reason that a hostile vote of Congress does not, as in England, eff
Fort Niagara (New York, United States) (search for this): chapter 4
ve. Boston Courier and Boston Whig, Sept. 25, 1846. Early in the month the brig Ottoman, owned by John H. Pearson, a Boston merchant, arrived in the harbor, having the negro on board, whom the captain had discovered some days after sailing from New Orleans. The negro showed no ordinary enterprise and alertness, and succeeded in escaping to the mainland; but the captain, after a pursuit of two miles, retook him in the streets of Boston, charged him with theft, and forced him on board the Niagara, a barque bound for New Orleans, which, though kept in the harbor for some days by a storm, eluded a steamer which had been despatched with a State officer to serve a process for the rescue of the negro. The capture was unlawful; the pursuing captain was a volunteer in a service which was odious to all men of honorable sentiments; and the jurisdiction and process of the State had been treated with contempt. The circumstances certainly invited an expression of public indignation. John A.
California (California, United States) (search for this): chapter 4
nquest, though from the beginning the acquisition of Mexican territory was well known to be the principal object of the Administration. The design to acquire California had been openly avowed from the beginning of the war, and had even been disclosed before it began. Von Hoist, vol. III. pp. 109, 253, 267, 268. He rejected asre unjust and cowardly war, with superadded falsehood, in the cause of slavery. Through You they are made partakers in the blockade of Vera Cruz, the seizure of California, the capture of Santa Fe, the bloodshed of Monterey. It were idle to suppose that the soldier or officer only is stained by this guilt. It reaches far back, aat Corwin's instance by a Whig convention in Warren County, Ohio.:— It cannot be doubted that territory will be acquired. The iron hand which is now upon California will never be removed. Mr. Webster's efforts, when Secretary of State, to obtain a port there are too well known; so that even if a large fraction of eastern
Corpus Christi (Texas, United States) (search for this): chapter 4
exico during the proceedings for the acquisition of Texas was continued after the act of annexation took effect. Though Texas asserted the Rio Grande as her western boundary, her dominion and her title did not extend beyond the Nueces. Nevertheless, President Polk, having already advanced our army to the Nueces and stationed our fleet in the Gulf, directed General Taylor, Jan. 13, 1846, to move the army to the left bank of the Rio Grande; and two months later that officer marched from Corpus Christi, with Mexicans armed and unarmed fleeing before him, to the river, and turned his guns on the public square of the Mexican town of Matamoras, which lay on its western side. At the same time the fleet blockaded the mouth of the river. These acts were war, and aggressive war, on the part of the United States. General Grant, who served in the war, regarded it as one of the most unjust ever waged by a stronger against a weaker power. (Personal Memoirs, p. 53.) He says that it was a pol
Beaconsfield (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 4
f the war; and further wrote:— All this misery has the sanction of your vote, Mr. Winthrop. Every soldier is nerved partly by you. Away beyond the current of the Rio Grande, on a foreign soil, your name will be invoked as a supporter of the war. Surely this is no common act. It cannot be forgotten on earth; it must be remebered in heaven. Blood! blood! is on the hands of the representative from Boston. Not all great Neptune's ocean can wash them clean. Gladstone's speeches on Beaconsfield's Eastern policy abound in denunciations as strong as any applied by Sumner to Winthrop's vote, and provoked the retort that he was a sophistical rhetorician inebriated with the exuberance of his own verbosity. Nevertheless, Gladstone moved in Parliament a national monument to Beaconsfield. Mr. Winthrop replied, August 17, in a letter which ended the correspondence. In his view, Sumner's articles not only arraigned his acts, but were full of insinuations as to his motives and imputa
Massachusetts (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 4
ould soil the hem of the white garments of Massachusetts! He wrote to Lieber, Nov. 17, 1845:— e vote. Of the only two Whig members from Massachusetts who voted for it,—one was Abbott, of the E, among the Whig members some—as Hudson of Massachusetts, Corwin of Ohio, Severance of Maine, and Ghat the time has arrived when the Whigs of Massachusetts, the party of freedom, owe it to their decs can stand alone if need be. The Whigs of Massachusetts can stand alone. Their motto should not bhe resolutions, one of which affirmed that Massachusetts would never consent on the conclusion of ainadequately represented the sentiments of Massachusetts on the slavery question, as declared in thhood, as a sacrifice of the old pledges of Massachusetts, and as showing an ambiguous and trimming or than ever on the antislavery leaders of Massachusetts, and treated them sharply on different occns of his veteran colleague, Mr. Adams, to Massachusetts. During the whole of 1847 and until the n[39 more...
Providence, R. I. (Rhode Island, United States) (search for this): chapter 4
l supremacy, he pleaded in the name of patriotism, humanity, and religion for the union of men of all parties in resisting the extension and perpetuation of slavery. Works, vol. i. pp. 149-159. Certain passages show that he did not anticipate immediate success, and that he faced the possibility that Massachusetts by her steadfast resistance might be left to stand in noble isolation. He said:— But we cannot fail to accomplish great good. It is in obedience to a prevailing law of Providence that no act of self-sacrifice, of devotion to duty, of humanity, can fail. It stands forever as a landmark, from which at least to make a new effort. Future champions of equal rights and human brotherhood will derive new strength from these exertions. In his appeal to the people he said:— God forbid that the votes and voices of Northern freemen should help to bind anew the fetters of the slave! God forbid that the lash of the slave-dealer should descend by any sanction from Ne
New Hampshire (New Hampshire, United States) (search for this): chapter 4
Democrats—some from pro-slavery sympathies, and others from servile fear—voted for the measure in Congress, In the House, Hannibal Hamlin of Maine, Democrat, voted for the resolution; but another Democrat from New England, John P. Hale of New Hampshire, revolted from his party. With the latter also stood Preston King of New York. In the Senate, John A. Dix of New York, an unstable politician, voted for it. joined by a sufficient number of Whigs in the Senate to carry it through. It is pa there is no principle of cohesion but that of public plunder. The antislavery sentiment will be the basis of a new organization. To Whittier, Jan. 5, 1848:— Thank God! at last we have a voice in the Senate. Hale John P. Hale of New Hampshire. has opened well. His short speeches have been proper premonitions of what is to come. I wish to see him discuss the war in its relations to slavery. Then I hope he will find occasion to open the whole subject of slavery, constitutionally,<
Warren (Ohio, United States) (search for this): chapter 4
y oration. It was the opposition to Winthrop that aroused personal feelings against me. No development not calculated to bear immediately upon politics seriously disturbs people; but the cotton lords, whose nominee winthrop was, were vexed with me for that just and righteous opposition. It has cost me friendships which I value much. To Thomas Corwin, September 7 Reply to Corwin, who requested Sumner's opinion on resolutions adopted at Corwin's instance by a Whig convention in Warren County, Ohio.:— It cannot be doubted that territory will be acquired. The iron hand which is now upon California will never be removed. Mr. Webster's efforts, when Secretary of State, to obtain a port there are too well known; so that even if a large fraction of eastern Mexico should not become ours, still there will be territory acquired on which the Will not Proviso must operate. It is, then, of vast importance that we should be prepared for this alternative, and not be cajoled into th
Camden, Ark. (Arkansas, United States) (search for this): chapter 4
ry; Winthrop's Addresses and Speeches, vol. i. p. 634. and his subsequent action was in harmony with this declaration. The Whigs had before them, as an example for an opposition to an unjust war, the conduct of the English Whigs,—Chatham, Camden, Burke, Fox, and Barre,—in their denunciation of the American war and their refusal to vote supplies. In this connection, the action of Cobden at the time of the Crimean war, and Bright's withdrawal from the Cabinet after the bombardment of Alstion on which he had failed to meet the exigencies of the times, and commented upon his vote for the Mexican war bill. The noteworthy feature of the speech was a review of the opinions and action of eminent English patriots—Chatham, Burke, Fox, Camden, the Duke of Grafton, Barre, and others who resolutely opposed the war of our Revolution, refusing to vote supplies for its prosecution, or even a tribute of praise to the officers and troops engaged in it; and it concluded with a demand for the <
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