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Worcester (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 4
me in substance as the committee's report, which sufficiently covered the ground. Child was a delegate from Lowell, to which city he had recently removed from Worcester to become the manager of some mills. While living at Worcester and representing that county in the State Senate he had taken very radical ground against the annWorcester and representing that county in the State Senate he had taken very radical ground against the annexation of Texas, maintaining that if Texas were annexed by legislation, it should be excluded by legislation. Judge Allen referred to this change of position as connected with a change of residence, and Child defended himself with considerable warmth. C. F. Adams, whose speech was heartily cheered, expressed his earnest desire boThe country is right on this subject; and Mr. Allen pointedly expressed the unhappy antagonism which now prevails, when he referred to the opposing influences of Worcester and Lowell.— the heart of the Commonwealth on one side, and the spindles on the other. Sumner found a difficulty at this time in getting access to the public
New York State (New York, United States) (search for this): chapter 4
e meeting yielded to pressure from Andrew. In the course of his remarks, he said:— And now, Mr. President, what is the duty of Massachusetts? It has been stated that that government is best where an injury to the humblest individual is resented as an injury to the Commonwealth; and he who has lately been returned to slavery was as much entitled to all the privileges of citizenship in this State as you, Mr. President, covered with honors as you are. Some twenty years ago, in the State of New York, an individual, not a colored person, was kidnapped, carried away, and killed. That outrage caused an immense excitement where it took place, which finally spread to New England. The abduction of William Morgan—of that single citizen!—by the Free Masons of his own State aroused the Northern States. and even called into existence a political party. Now an individual has been stolen,—we have not heard that he has been slain,—but he has been carried back to suffer all the wrongs w
United States (United States) (search for this): chapter 4
Von Holst, Constitutional History of the United States, vol. II. chap. VII. gives an excellentar, and aggressive war, on the part of the United States. General Grant, who served in the war, war exists between that government and the United States; and shutting off debate at every stage, ptitutionally begun by the President of the United States. The apology which they generally made for days in the constitutional history of the United States. The sixteen who voted against the bill dnference, or festive entertainment, at the United States Hotel, where Mr. Lawrence expressed his deoad enough to include all the Whigs of the United States,—by which he was understood to mean one whude and uphold the whole Whig party of the United States. He, however, avowed his opposition to ac friends of the conservative type from the United States (probably the Bancrofts) thought him far-gs, spoke of Sumner as the first man in the United States to proclaim, and to argue at length, the d[3 more...]
South Carolina (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 4
votes from Winthrop left him without a majority; but on the third ballot his election was effected by the refusal of two Southern members to vote,— Holmes of South Carolina, a Democrat of the Calhoun school, and Tompkins of Mississippi, a Whig, both of whom had previously voted for members who were not candidates. Holmes soon ahe District of Columbia, and the promotion of constitutional measures for remedying the grievances of citizens of Massachusetts (colored seamen) sojourning in South Carolina. Palfrey's Letter to a Friend. After the first or second ballot J. Q. Adams sent Rockwell and Ashmun with a message to Palfrey requesting him to vote for oombs, who had supported Winthrop two years before, now voted for an independent candidate of their own kind. In the interval they had been drawing nearer to South Carolina disunionism. Stephens had, perhaps, a personal reason, not having been assigned to the place on committees which he desired. A. H. Stephens's Life, by Johns
Vera Cruz (Veracruz, Mexico) (search for this): chapter 4
showed profound indignation, and was intended to inspire others with the same sentiment. The style was highly rhetorical, and its form quite as much as its substance made it offensive to Winthrop. Sumner said:— Such, sir, is the Act of Congress to which by your affirmative vote the people of Boston are made parties. Through you they are made to declare unjust and cowardly war, with superadded falsehood, in the cause of slavery. Through You they are made partakers in the blockade of Vera Cruz, the seizure of California, the capture of Santa Fe, the bloodshed of Monterey. It were idle to suppose that the soldier or officer only is stained by this guilt. It reaches far back, and incarnadines the halls of Congress; nay, more, through you it reddens the hands of your constituents in Boston. . . . . Let me ask you to remember in your public course the rules of right which you obey in private life. The principles of morals are the same for nations as for individuals. Pardon me, i
New England (United States) (search for this): chapter 4
ouse, Hannibal Hamlin of Maine, Democrat, voted for the resolution; but another Democrat from New England, John P. Hale of New Hampshire, revolted from his party. With the latter also stood Preston onfronted by material sacrifices or a breach in the party. In this majority, particularly in New England, the influence of manufacturers and capitalists was dominant. With them the protective tarif the slave! God forbid that the lash of the slave-dealer should descend by any sanction from New England! God forbid that the blood which spurts from the lacerated, quivering flesh of the slave shou To George Sumner, November 30:— The spirit of Antislavery promises soon to absorb all New England. Massachusetts will never give her vote for another slaveholder. The cotton lords will interlled. That outrage caused an immense excitement where it took place, which finally spread to New England. The abduction of William Morgan—of that single citizen!—by the Free Masons of his own State<
Dedham (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 4
ed for the withholding of supplies and the withdrawal of our troops from Mexico, and briefly urged strenuous and combined efforts for the restraint and overthrow of the slave-power. The four resolutions which accompanied the report summarized its conclusions. The majority of the committee, of which Hayden, editor of the Atlas, was chairman, had been dilatory in taking any action, and finally agreed upon a report which was thought to be wanting in spirit and directness. Edward L. Keyes, of Dedham, from the minority of the committee, submitted the report and resolutions which Sumner had drawn. There was a contest in the House, attended with considerable excitement, and lasting for several days. Boston Whig, April 17, 21, 23, 24, 26, 27, 28. The resolutions reported by Keyes were on the motion of C. R. Train substituted for the majority report by a considerable majority, and were then passed by a vote of more than two to one. With a slight amendment, they then passed the Senate wi
Paris, Ky. (Kentucky, United States) (search for this): chapter 4
promise to overthrow all political speculations. He has fastened himself upon the public mind, so that he can probably be President almost—without party aid. . . . Indeed, it is evident that after his election there must be a new formation of parties, probably hinging on slavery. June 1. You will be received most kindly. I have offended many persons much by my opposition to Winthrop; but they will all be glad to see you, even Winthrop himself. Perhaps you have seen him. He was to be in Paris about this time. He is cold and formal, and for a politician honest; but he measures his course by the doctrines of expediency and the tactics of party. But I suppose he cannot do otherwise. I am disposed to believe that there is a necessity which controls our course, though I will not undertake to reconcile this with the seeming freedom of will which we enjoy. June 30. You and I must stick together against slavery. Come home,— perhaps to devote your genius and energies to that cause
Warrington, Fla. (Florida, United States) (search for this): chapter 4
stand as the candidate. He was the natural leader of the bolt, and he had done the most to bring it about. His disclaimer of a desire for public office, though entirely sincere, was hardly in place; for he was by nature, and already in action, more a politician than he thought. W. S. Robinson took exception, in the Courier, in October, 1846, to Sumner's expression, I am no politician, in his open letter to Winthrop, and insisted that it was the duty of men like him to be politicians. Warrington's Pen Portraits, p. 30. He was at that time too careful in guarding his position or the cause itself from the charge of his own personal self-seeking; but he soon grew wiser in such matters. Dr. Howe was then substituted as the candidate, and a meeting was held in Tremont Temple, November 5, to support the nomination. Andrew was made chairman, and Sumner and Adams spoke. Sumner began with a tribute to Dr. Howe's character, and then, disclaiming any sentiment except of kindness towards
Mexico (Mexico, Mexico) (search for this): chapter 4
he Constitution, in disregard of the rights of Mexico, and in contempt of Northern sentiment. When ality of our government in the contest between Mexico and Texas,—its pretences of offended dignity ahe offensive conduct of our government towards Mexico during the proceedings for the acquisition of ll,—of prosecuting the war of invasion against Mexico to a successful termination. But whatever miguted the commencement of the war to the act of Mexico; and added, no earthly consideration would hav At one moment they denounced the invasion of Mexico; at another they supplied the means to carry ihe private claims of American citizens against Mexico; Jan. 8, 1847. Addresses and Speeches, vol.throp had sanctioned a war of invasion against Mexico. Those who had come to treat the slavery quesery in territory which should be acquired from Mexico. Works, vol. II. p. 55. They were supporteth an incipient rebellion. A brief mission to Mexico closed his public life; and resuming the pract[16 more...]<
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