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February 16th, 1848 AD (search for this): chapter 4
factory, and therefore voted for another member. He put the interrogatories without any promptings from his political friends at home, and conferred only with Giddings after arriving at Washington. Giddings and Palfrey were severely censured for their votes by Whig journals of Ohio and Massachusetts. Giddings immediately by a letter to his constituents, Cleveland Herald, Dec. 25, 1847; Boston Whig, Jan. 15, 1848. See letter of E. L. S., Ohio True Democrat, reprinted in Boston Whig Feb. 16, 1848. later by speeches in Congress, June 30, 1848; Feb. 17, and Dec. 27, 1849; and March 15, 1850. Speeches in Congress, pp. 322, 350, 351, 364, 367-377. Of his sincerity in his position and statements there can be no question; this appears in a letter to Sumner, Dec. 17, 1847, in manuscript. In the debates, Schenck of Ohio took the lead in winthrop's defence. and through life, Giddings's History of the Rebellion, pp. 263, 281, 300. defended his vote,—maintaining that it was justifie
October 13th (search for this): chapter 4
t alone conducted the opposition to Palfrey's resolution, John C. Gray, of Boston, supported him in debate. rising twice to speak against it, and by interruptions of Sumner and Adams obtaining two more hearings. He maintained that the resolution would unwisely fetter the action of delegates to the national convention, make a fatal breach between Northern and Southern Whigs, and aid the election of a Democratic President who would be more obnoxious than a Southern Whig. Boston whig. October 13. He received hearty cheers from the Boston delegates who had expressed dissent when Palfrey was speaking. At a late hour, when many delegates had left, and the dim light interfered with a certain count, the vote was taken, and the resolution declared to be lost. Some of its friends thought that it received a majority. (Palfrey's Letter to a Friend, p. 9.) The defeated resolution passed afterwards in seven county conventions. Boston Whig, Nov. 13, 1847. Winthrop had thus in two succes
e course, sought by frightening the South to bring about a peaceful settlement of the Oregon question. Julian's Life of Giddings, pp. 185-189. Perhaps this accounts partly for the unanimity with which they have declared in favor of peace. Calhoun has won what Adams has lost; and I have been not a little pained to be obliged to withdraw my sympathies from the revered champion of freedom, and give them to the unhesitating advocate of slavery. Calhoun's course has been wise and able. In December, Texas, with a constitution establishing slavery and guarding against emancipation by extreme provisions, was admitted as a State without serious opposition. Massachusetts was, however, heard at the final stage, in brief but weighty words from Webster in the Senate, and in a speech from Julius Rockwell in the House, where the latter succeeded in getting the floor in spite of a resolute effort to suppress debate. In the session of the Massachusetts Legislature which followed shortly afte
third article Boston Courier, August 13,—Mr. Winthrop's Vote on the War Bill. Sumner, in a reply to Nathan Appleton, August 11, treated at some length the latter's justification of Winthrop's vote on the war bill, contained in a letter to Sumner, August 10. The relations of the two correspondents were shortly to end. on Winthrop's vote, more pointed and rhetorical than the two which had preceded, and similar in substance and style to the open letter which he published in the following October. He affirmed that Winthrop had by his vote given his sanction to one of the most important acts, as it is unquestionably the most wicked act, in our history, and a sanction to all the desolation and the bloodshed of the war; and further wrote:— All this misery has the sanction of your vote, Mr. Winthrop. Every soldier is nerved partly by you. Away beyond the current of the Rio Grande, on a foreign soil, your name will be invoked as a supporter of the war. Surely this is no common a
September 29th, 1847 AD (search for this): chapter 4
hey have been. May 13. And again: The two Houses of Congress have given the seal and sanction of their authority to a false principle and a false fact; and it ascribed the error to a dread of the people, whose intelligence they undervalued. May 16. Even the Boston Advertiser, which became the chief apologist of the two Massachusetts members who voted for the bill, said before the controversy arose that it was passed in a panic. May 18. Webster said in his speech at Springfield, Sept. 29, 1847, that Congress was surprised into the Act of 13th May, 1846. The war bill was at the time disapproved by the moral sentiment of the people of Massachusetts; and the main body of their delegation in Congress, in voting against it, acted in accordance with the current of opinion in the Whig party of the State. No one of them, at this or any later period, lost favor or encountered criticism among his constituents on account of his negative vote. Of the only two Whig members from Massa
September (search for this): chapter 4
nt, and lasting for several days. Boston Whig, April 17, 21, 23, 24, 26, 27, 28. The resolutions reported by Keyes were on the motion of C. R. Train substituted for the majority report by a considerable majority, and were then passed by a vote of more than two to one. With a slight amendment, they then passed the Senate with no serious opposition. Sumner's resolutions thus became the declared opinions of the State. The antislavery Whigs, after their defeat at the State convention in September, took great satisfaction in this result, which, as they felt, put Massachusetts again right on the record. Sumner wrote to J. R. Giddings, February 25:— Our first point should be our principles; and if Corwin does not stand firm on those, much as we admire his present position, we could not support him. I am afraid of a convention; we should be beaten there. The machinery of the party, or of a majority, is in the hands of the Old Whigs. It would be desirable to prevent a convent
December 3rd, 1849 AD (search for this): chapter 4
r prohibiting slavery in the territories, because untimely, in his opinion; giving his adhesion to President Taylor's policy of non-interference; Feb. 21 and May 8, 1850. Addresses and speeches, vol. i. pp. 630-647, 654-692. Wilson considered this a new policy and new departure. ( Rise and Fall of the Slave power, vol. II. p. 230.) See Theodore Parker on The Slave power in America, May 29, 1850. Parker's Works, vol. v. (Trubner's ed.) pp. 123, 124. Winthrop was criticised by Root, Dec. 3, 1849, and by Cleveland, April 19, 1850. and even sanctioning the view that an expansion of slave territory, as it does not increase the number of slaves, does not of itself strengthen the institution. Addresses and Speeches, vol. i. pp. 686-688. The unsoundness of this view has been often shown. Von Hoist, vol. III. p. 480; Sumner's Speech on the Nebraska Bill, Feb. 21, 1854; Works, vol. III. p. 294; J. E. Cairnes on The Slave power. The controversy of a year and a half, in which th
October 10th (search for this): chapter 4
ree, and that the insertion would involve a sacrifice which Sumner as a friend could not ask him to make. Sleeper of the Journal rejected it on the ground that it would widen the breach in the party, and prevent harmony of feeling and unity of action among the Whigs. Adams cheerfully admitted it to the Whig, saying, in an introduction, that it had taken refuge with us from the system of exclusion which is now rigidly pursued in the rest of the Whig press of our good city. Boston Whig, October 10. On the day after the convention, a meeting was held at Faneuil Hall to deliberate upon the recent abduction from the city of a colored man who had been claimed as a fugitive slave. Boston Courier and Boston Whig, Sept. 25, 1846. Early in the month the brig Ottoman, owned by John H. Pearson, a Boston merchant, arrived in the harbor, having the negro on board, whom the captain had discovered some days after sailing from New Orleans. The negro showed no ordinary enterprise and alertn
l men as set forth in the Declaration of Independence, which he always, from beginning to end, made the foundation of his arguments, appeals, and aspirations. Works, vol. i. p. 149. His speech was his first public address since his oration in July, and his first public participation in the political contests against slavery. The speech, one of his briefest, as well as the resolutions, are an earnest plea against the admission of Texas as a slave State; and reserving any argument based on phis was written Sumner had not taken his pen, and nothing which he afterwards wrote exceeded in substance the measure of Adams's severe condemnation of the vote. The Advertiser then broke the silence it had maintained, and replied to the Whig. July 27, August 3. Withholding a decision between the opposing votes of Winthrop and his colleagues, it treated the question as a difficult and embarrassing one, on which his vote ought not to be the subject of criticism among Whigs. It regarded the b
September 25th, 1846 AD (search for this): chapter 4
d unity of action among the Whigs. Adams cheerfully admitted it to the Whig, saying, in an introduction, that it had taken refuge with us from the system of exclusion which is now rigidly pursued in the rest of the Whig press of our good city. Boston Whig, October 10. On the day after the convention, a meeting was held at Faneuil Hall to deliberate upon the recent abduction from the city of a colored man who had been claimed as a fugitive slave. Boston Courier and Boston Whig, Sept. 25, 1846. Early in the month the brig Ottoman, owned by John H. Pearson, a Boston merchant, arrived in the harbor, having the negro on board, whom the captain had discovered some days after sailing from New Orleans. The negro showed no ordinary enterprise and alertness, and succeeded in escaping to the mainland; but the captain, after a pursuit of two miles, retook him in the streets of Boston, charged him with theft, and forced him on board the Niagara, a barque bound for New Orleans, which, th
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