hide Sorting

You can sort these results in two ways:

By entity
Chronological order for dates, alphabetical order for places and people.
By position (current method)
As the entities appear in the document.

You are currently sorting in ascending order. Sort in descending order.

hide Most Frequent Entities

The entities that appear most frequently in this document are shown below.

Entity Max. Freq Min. Freq
Sterling Price 305 9 Browse Search
Missouri (Missouri, United States) 294 0 Browse Search
John Sappington Marmaduke 260 4 Browse Search
Nathaniel Lyon 184 2 Browse Search
Carthage Shelby 146 0 Browse Search
Arkansas (Arkansas, United States) 120 0 Browse Search
Joseph O. Shelby 115 3 Browse Search
E. W. Price 108 0 Browse Search
Springfield, Mo. (Missouri, United States) 102 0 Browse Search
Frederick Steele 99 1 Browse Search
View all entities in this document...

Browsing named entities in a specific section of Col. John C. Moore, Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 9.2, Missouri (ed. Clement Anselm Evans). Search the whole document.

Found 106 total hits in 37 results.

1 2 3 4
William H. Bell (search for this): chapter 2
ral assembly of Missouri met at Jefferson City on the 2d of January, 1861, and the Southern element organized both houses with scarcely a show of opposition. There was but one Republican in the senate, and in the house there were 83 Democrats, 37 Bell men and 12 Republicans. It was conceded that the Secessionists controlled the legislative branch of the government. All that was required to put the State in line with the other Southern States was prompt and decisive action. The people of the has been said, if it were not in favor of the immediate secession of the State. But it was slow in getting to work, and in a short time there were signs of disaffection in the house. It was composed of Douglas Democrats, Breckinridge Democrats, Bell men and Republicans. The Republicans, an insignificant minority, stood alone and were content to pursue an aggravating policy of obstruction. The other elements did not work together in harmony. Out of the exigencies of the times new party alig
Thomas A. Harris (search for this): chapter 2
would end in civil war and forever destroy the hope of reconstructing the Federal Union. So believing, we deem it our duty to declare that if there is any invasion of the slaveholding States for the purpose of carrying such doctrine into effect, it is the opinion of this general assembly that the people of Missouri will constantly rally on the side of their Southern brethren to resist the invader at all hazards and to the last extremity. The resolution was supported by Geo. G. Vest, Thomas A. Harris and J. F. Cunningham in impassioned speeches, and opposed by Geo. Partridge and James Peckham, Unconditional Union men, with equal fervor. It was adopted in the house by a vote of 89 to 14, and in the senate with only one dissenting vote. The Secessionists were jubilant, for they considered that the State was solemnly pledged, as far as the legislature could pledge it, to resist coercion and stand with the South to the last extremity. The act calling a State convention provided tha
George Partridge (search for this): chapter 2
deral Union. So believing, we deem it our duty to declare that if there is any invasion of the slaveholding States for the purpose of carrying such doctrine into effect, it is the opinion of this general assembly that the people of Missouri will constantly rally on the side of their Southern brethren to resist the invader at all hazards and to the last extremity. The resolution was supported by Geo. G. Vest, Thomas A. Harris and J. F. Cunningham in impassioned speeches, and opposed by Geo. Partridge and James Peckham, Unconditional Union men, with equal fervor. It was adopted in the house by a vote of 89 to 14, and in the senate with only one dissenting vote. The Secessionists were jubilant, for they considered that the State was solemnly pledged, as far as the legislature could pledge it, to resist coercion and stand with the South to the last extremity. The act calling a State convention provided that the delegates should be elected on the 18th of February, and that the conve
J. F. Cunningham (search for this): chapter 2
ar and forever destroy the hope of reconstructing the Federal Union. So believing, we deem it our duty to declare that if there is any invasion of the slaveholding States for the purpose of carrying such doctrine into effect, it is the opinion of this general assembly that the people of Missouri will constantly rally on the side of their Southern brethren to resist the invader at all hazards and to the last extremity. The resolution was supported by Geo. G. Vest, Thomas A. Harris and J. F. Cunningham in impassioned speeches, and opposed by Geo. Partridge and James Peckham, Unconditional Union men, with equal fervor. It was adopted in the house by a vote of 89 to 14, and in the senate with only one dissenting vote. The Secessionists were jubilant, for they considered that the State was solemnly pledged, as far as the legislature could pledge it, to resist coercion and stand with the South to the last extremity. The act calling a State convention provided that the delegates shoul
Stewart (search for this): chapter 2
Chapter 2: The legislature Meets Governor Stewart's farewell message Governor Jackson's inaugural bills to call a State convention and to organize the State militia the convention bill passed Vest's resolution election of delegates to the State convention fate of the bill to arm the State. The general assembly of Missouri met at Jefferson City on the 2d of January, 1861, and the Southern element organized both houses with scarcely a show of opposition. There was but one R decisive action. The people of the State expected such action would be taken and were prepared to uphold the legislature in taking it. The message of the retiring governor, Robert M. Stew. art, was sent to the two houses on January 3d. Governor Stewart was a Northern man—a native of New York—and a fair type of a Northern Democrat. He sympathized with the South but held to the Union. No one, therefore, was surprised that, while he admitted the wrongs the South had suffered at the hands of
Claiborne (search for this): chapter 2
s in St. Louis were rapidly augmented in numbers—Eastern men supplying Blair with money to organize and arm them—and assumed such an arrogant and threatening demeanor that Governor Jackson was appealed to by quiet citizens for protection. He had no authority to call out the militia when the legislature was in session, and referred the matter to that body. The senate promptly, by a vote of 18 to 4, authorized him to call out the militia, but the house, notwithstanding the appeals of Vest, Claiborne and Freeman, refused to concur, and St. Louis was terrorized into giving the combined Unconditional and Constitutional Union ticket a majority of 5,000. Through the policy of violence and fraud in the larger towns, and of promises and false pretenses in the country districts, the State declared against secession by a majority of 80,oo. Nor was this all. The showing made by the unholy combination overthrew the secession majority in the lower house of the legislature, and blocked all leg
James Peckham (search for this): chapter 2
lieving, we deem it our duty to declare that if there is any invasion of the slaveholding States for the purpose of carrying such doctrine into effect, it is the opinion of this general assembly that the people of Missouri will constantly rally on the side of their Southern brethren to resist the invader at all hazards and to the last extremity. The resolution was supported by Geo. G. Vest, Thomas A. Harris and J. F. Cunningham in impassioned speeches, and opposed by Geo. Partridge and James Peckham, Unconditional Union men, with equal fervor. It was adopted in the house by a vote of 89 to 14, and in the senate with only one dissenting vote. The Secessionists were jubilant, for they considered that the State was solemnly pledged, as far as the legislature could pledge it, to resist coercion and stand with the South to the last extremity. The act calling a State convention provided that the delegates should be elected on the 18th of February, and that the convention should meet
Thomas R. Freeman (search for this): chapter 2
s were rapidly augmented in numbers—Eastern men supplying Blair with money to organize and arm them—and assumed such an arrogant and threatening demeanor that Governor Jackson was appealed to by quiet citizens for protection. He had no authority to call out the militia when the legislature was in session, and referred the matter to that body. The senate promptly, by a vote of 18 to 4, authorized him to call out the militia, but the house, notwithstanding the appeals of Vest, Claiborne and Freeman, refused to concur, and St. Louis was terrorized into giving the combined Unconditional and Constitutional Union ticket a majority of 5,000. Through the policy of violence and fraud in the larger towns, and of promises and false pretenses in the country districts, the State declared against secession by a majority of 80,oo. Nor was this all. The showing made by the unholy combination overthrew the secession majority in the lower house of the legislature, and blocked all legislation for
Claiborne F. Jackson (search for this): chapter 2
Chapter 2: The legislature Meets Governor Stewart's farewell message Governor Jackson's inaugural bills to call a State convention and to organize the State militia the convention bill rights. The same day the newly elected State officers took the oath of office, and Gov. Claiborne F. Jackson sent his inaugural address to the two houses. Governor Jackson was a Kentuckian of ViGovernor Jackson was a Kentuckian of Virginian descent. He was a middle-aged man of dignified and impressive bearing, a farmer of independent fortune, and had been a citizen of the State for forty years. He was a forcible speaker, a debatme recognized as one of the most positive and active of Southern leaders. In his address Governor Jackson traced the origin and growth of the anti-slavery party, and showed that it was in violationh money to organize and arm them—and assumed such an arrogant and threatening demeanor that Governor Jackson was appealed to by quiet citizens for protection. He had no authority to call out the mili
William M. Moore (search for this): chapter 2
with opposition and was not passed until the State was plunged into war. In the meantime, the Southern and least exposed States were going out of the Union and taking possession of the forts and arsenals within their limits as they went—some of them, indeed, before they had formally withdrawn from the Union. Governor Brown, of Georgia, set the example in prompt action by seizing Fort pulaski and garrisoning it with State troops before his State had adopted an ordinance of secession. Governor Moore, of Alabama, seized the arsenal at Mount Vernon, and Forts Morgan and Gaines, which commanded the approach to Mobile. The governor of Florida seized the arsenal at Apalachicola, and Fort Marion at St. Augustine. The governor of Louisiana took possession of Fort St. Philip and Fort Jackson, which commanded the entrance to the Mississippi river, and seized the arsenal at Baton Rouge. President Buchanan officially informed Congress of these things, and declared that the country was in t
1 2 3 4