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Joseph H. Barrett (search for this): chapter 1.41
and by these provisions prohibited the negro all entrance into the State? The answer is obvious. What politics could reside in such intrusion? But did he who, in one decade, threw his mantle over the killing of Lovejoy, acquire in the next a right to corroborate his wrath by that of the Almighty? Nor had he not been of counsel for a Kentucky master, seeking to recover fugitive slaves? If slavery was malum per se, how did that master's sin surpass his own? Lincoln's biographer, Mr. Joseph H. Barrett, is much comforted to have such good proof, after all that has been said to the contrary, that he had no objection to a good client with a bad cause. What! Philanthropy could turn coat for a fee! No man has a right to be indifferent to the transgression going on around him. But the transgression which concerns him most nearly is his own. For indifference here, he does not quite compound by bloody instructions for the rest of mankind. Prophecy is relieved of much that were afflicti
Robert Y. Conrad (search for this): chapter 1.41
hidden out of sight. The majesty of a broken life, which yet was master of the breaking pain, drew up in moral squares of battle. If force abounded, faith more abounded. There could be no better proof of the moral sceptre of the South than that it has held such sway in the heart of the Southern woman. She has built the monument to Hector, though as yet none to Andromache. A force of grandeur dared to turn the battle to the gate. It must have been the feeling of this which caused Mr. Robert Y. Conrad to say of his stricken Commonwealth, with a son's emotion: She is lovelier in her weeds and woe than in her queenliest days. Yet lovelier, with that divine face of sorrows, whose halo comes from suffering for the sins of others—without sin. For them who stood beneath what seemed the blows of an almighty malice a voice out of thick darkness said, or seemed to say: Flung as you are, by iron-hearted fate, into the vortex of this foulness, by beating back the baseness of the torrent w
of peace, the free States of the North with such contumelious scorn had rejected for themselves-this, the South, when worn by attrition to the bone, like Prussia after the battle of Jena, a bleeding and lacerated mass, was blithely called on to perform. How are we to explain votes for this enfranchisement on the part of States which, so long as their own interests only were involved so unreservedly had voted otherwise? It was a change sudden as that which, on the road to Damascus changed Saul into Paul. The fabalist Aesop——whose sententious wisdom outweighs whole volumes vast called history just because the so-called fable condenses into single instances the experience of all. so as to be co-operant with all—tells of two men, let us call them and B, to whom Jupiter agreed to grant whatever wish they might prefer, on the following terms: A was to have first wish, and whatever A received was to be doubled to B. A promptly wished for the loss of one eye. Are our slaves, wrote Jeffe<
Marcus J. Wright (search for this): chapter 1.41
tives from freedom, encountering every peril to escape therefrom, by some fugitive freedom laws are pursued, overtaken, loaded with irons and threatened with worse if they make further efforts to free themselves from freedom. It may be, in cold iron outline, is imaged something of deeper import—the name of freedom graven on a heavier chain. In the State where I live, said John Sherman, on April 2, 1862 we do not like negroes. We do not disguise our dislike. As my friend from Indiana (Mr. Wright) said yesterday, The whole people of the Northwestern States, are, for reasons, whether correct or not, opposed to having many negroes among them, and that principle or prejudice has been engraved in the legislation of nearly all the Northwestern States. The Bill of Rights of Oregon (published by authority of an act approved February 25, 1901) prohibits the free negro, or mulatto, from coming within the State; from holding real estate, making contracts or maintaining suit therein; and
Morse Earle (search for this): chapter 1.41
ken, but by what is given. The slaves had been taught in the school and out of the book of good example. They were pupils of the old masters. From them the slave had acquired that which is the secret of all growth; the trait of truly perceiving and then of truly revering a higher than himself. They had been taught the military lesson of well-disciplined duty; and taught so well that, when the master was fighting in the field, fidelity to discipline, devotion to duty, were unabated. Mrs. Morse Earle, herself a descendant of the pilgrims, writing of Boston at a time when this humane city was still a slave mart, says: Negro children were advertised to be sold by the pound as other merchandise, citing proof. We have, she adds, a few records of worthy black servants who remind us of the faithful black house servants of old Southern families. These are the men, said Wilson, of Massachusetts, of the freedmen after the war, who have been elevated from chattelhood to manhood. Yes, but i
Davis Jefferson (search for this): chapter 1.41
s not one of profound slumber when danger is abroad, but of fearless onset on the foe against whatever odds. Surely there must have been as much environment for Jefferson. The hero is brave in his own environment, not in some other man's far-off environment. Whether girt by friend or foes, the flame that warms his heart burns onn the following terms: A was to have first wish, and whatever A received was to be doubled to B. A promptly wished for the loss of one eye. Are our slaves, wrote Jefferson to John Adams, to be presented with freedom and a dagger? The so-called freedom had been bestowed and the dagger had not been drawn. The real reason. D. Hstle; pulled down the castle to provide stones for the wall. In order to secure the black man's rights the white man's must be taken from him. Was the negro, as Jefferson surmised, simply a flail in the hands of enemies of a republic to accomplish results which otherwise were foiled? Was slavery the flail wherewith to beat down
h, as he explained, malice toward none, charity toward all —suggested a possible prolongation of the war, until all the wealth piled up by the bondsman's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk and until every drop of blood drawn by the lash shall be paid by another drawn with the sword. As it was said three thousand years ago, so still it must be said: The judgments of the Lord are true, and righteous altogether. The epitome of Reconstruction was in these words. Mr. Labouchere said of an English statesman that he did not find fault with him for being found occasionally with an ace up his sleeve. What he did find fault with was the claim that the ace had been put there by the Providence of God. Banded by Illinois. In 1862 as part of the work of a constitutional convention held at Springfield, Illinois, were the following sections of Article XVIII, of a proposed constitution: (1) No negro or mulatto shall migrate to or settle in this State after the adop
R. M. T. Hunter (search for this): chapter 1.41
intended honor that the vigilance of a strong picket of white soldiers was necessary to prevent the escape of the slave to his master. With their Enfield rifles and other military equipments, one-third of this nucleus did, in fact, decamp. General Hunter's force succeeded in recovering at least five of these fugitives from freedom. Taken when fleeing toward the mainland, occupied by rebels, they were placed in irons and confined at the Rip Raps. Fugitives from freedom, encountering every peak wild beasts have that. Because they can rise no higher they are wild beasts. Predatory wealth has been built up by predatory laws. Tax Eaters and tax-payers. With a simple dignity befitting senates, on the 11th of January, 1861, Mr. R. M. T. Hunter, of Virginia, spoke as follows: I have often heard Mr. Calhoun say that most of the conflicts in every government would be found at last to result in the contests between two parties, which he denominated the tax consuming and the ta
Frank Blair (search for this): chapter 1.41
who made Underwood a Federal judge did not carry love of justice to a fanatical extreme. Is not justice a human right? It is the one inalienable right of man. The great abolition was the abolition of justice. To put the white South under the heel of the black South! Nothing devised by Weiler in his worst estate; nor by Alva; nor by Attila, promised such hideous doom, as the calculated cruelty of the design to make the black man in the South the white man's master. Have we, inquired Frank Blair in the senate of the United States on February 5, 1871, a Federal union of free States. We have not, he answed. The senator (Morton) has gone somewhat into the history of the fifteenth amendment, the rightful adoption of which is controverted by his State in the concurrent resolutions passed by the legislature of Indiana. * * * In Kansas, in the election preceding, negro suffrage had been defeated by fifteen thousand majority. In the State of Ohio the majority against negro suffrage w
this broad continent, not a single man of your race is made the equal of a single man of ours. Go where you are treated the best, and the ban is still upon you. From an early period in Illinois there had existed a system of indenture and registration, whereby the services of negroes were bought and sold. At December term, 1828, it was held that registered servants are goods and chattels and can be sold on execution. The system had a strong opponent in Edward Coles, who, in the words of Nicolay, though a Virginian, waged relentless war against it, beginning his reform in his own slaves. Where are the paeans of praise to him? The paeans are reserved for another who begins and continues his reforms in some other man's house. On the 12th of February, 1853, an act was passed, making it a crime for a negro to come, or be brought, into the State, providing that any such negro who remained therein ten days should be fined fifty dollars, and in case of inability to pay the fine should
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