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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 36. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones). Search the whole document.

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Lazarus (search for this): chapter 1.41
a; of distant thunder; or it may be of volcanic insurgence against a rule which presents the antithesis of wealth to Commonwealth. There are signs of dissatisfaction with spoilation as a means of grace; a dumb consciousness of feeling rather than perception that the prosperity of plunder is the adversity of the plundered. The center of gravity has been shifted from moral to material power. As climax to a war for human rights, the one inalienable right, which seems secure is the right of Lazarus to be taxed for the table of Dives. What means this antithesis; this accumulation pari passu of material wealth and moral poverty; this material almightiness seated on the throne? It means that the South as the conservative force of the union was struck down by reconstruction. It means that war for the Union, and reconstruction in pursuance thereof, tore up by the roots the civilization of the South, and laid the axe to every best element in that of the North. It means that carpet bag g
Fitz Lee (search for this): chapter 1.41
hought. He was no demagogue, nor did he bow to that material wealth, which is the mimic counterfeit of greatness. He had not flattered its rank breath. Yet had he so willed, the highest honors in his Commonwealth were within his grasp. General Fitz Lee and Major John W. Daniel bore testimony to this. To a friend he wrote: My aversion to public life is genuine, and, I confess I exult in the freedom of speaking, thinking and acting without one enslaved thought. In this subordination of sely worshipped bigness or was so wholly innocent of greatness. O, my fellow Virginians, for long absent from you, I am one of you; spurn from you these ideals; leave to the idolators their idols. To wallow in their worship is to break the sword of Lee. Payne as a lawyer. When the stress of Reconstruction had subsided, Payne gave his mind to law with a fair share of the concentration which had pervaded him in war. In the forum, as in the field, he maintained his cause frankly, firmly, fear
Nehemiah Adams (search for this): chapter 1.41
exchange the old timbers of tradition for a new fabric, having more of the power of pageantry. The assaults were stayed. The ship of state was suffered to sail on; and upon sufferance sailed. Three decades would hardly pass before this ship would be given to the god of storms—with none to prevent; none to relent. No lyric storm would pour to countervail that crash. While the hysterical surface thus quivered, the tremble of the real earthquake beneath the surface was ignored. The Rev. Nehemiah Adams (whose last act, before leaving Boston to seek softer skies for a sick daughter, had been to assist in framing the remonstrance of New England clergymen against the extension of slavery into Kansas and Nebraska) wrote: The South was just on the eye of abolishing slavery. The abolitionists arose and put it back within its innermost entrenchments. As it was on December 11, 1845, an article appeared in the Richmond Whig advocating the abolition of slavery and saying that but for the
William H. Herndon (search for this): chapter 1.41
was too pure—for slaves? No—for free negroes—to breathe. In those days, where was the citizen of Illinois so renowned for the wish to put slavery in the course of ultimate extinction? Where the thunders against the Black Code of Illinois? Herndon says: The sentiment of the majority of Springfield tended in the opposite direction, and, thus environed, Lincoln lay down like a sleeping lion! The lion heart, the couer de lion of romance, is not one of profound slumber when danger is abroad,ngress to call for an investigation? Who grew hysterical over that? The misery before their eyes, said Randolph; they cannot see—their philanthrophy acts only at a distance. In the Taylor and Cass campaign of 1848, Lincoln spoke in Boston. Herndon says: Referring to the anti-slavery men, he said they were better treated in Massachusetts than in the West, and, turning to William S. Lincoln, of Worchester, who had lived in Illinois, he remarked, that in the State they had recently killed o
Ernest Crosby (search for this): chapter 1.41
Almighty scorn. The fabric of fraud and falsehood crumbled at a touch. The rubbish lies behind us; image of the facts of false appearance before firm reality. Constitutions of freedom worthy the name spring from hearts that will break rather than forsake them. They who mistake the hue and cry of the moment for the voice of ages, find it easy to put fanatical hyperbole into statutes; not so easy to obtain obedience thereto or respect therefor. Fiction will not do the work of fact. Ernest Crosby, in his life of Garrison writes: The slaves were finally freed, as a war measure to assist the armies in the field. The war was not desired to help emancipation, but emancipation to help the war. * * * The practical element in the union spirit was the desire to preserve the size of the country: it was devotion to the idea of bigness, and the belief that bigness is a matter of latitude and longitude. * * * Money was needed to pay the enormous expenses of destruction and the tariff began
Edward Coles (search for this): chapter 1.41
nk of for them. For, he said; on this broad continent, not a single man of your race is made the equal of a single man of ours. Go where you are treated the best, and the ban is still upon you. From an early period in Illinois there had existed a system of indenture and registration, whereby the services of negroes were bought and sold. At December term, 1828, it was held that registered servants are goods and chattels and can be sold on execution. The system had a strong opponent in Edward Coles, who, in the words of Nicolay, though a Virginian, waged relentless war against it, beginning his reform in his own slaves. Where are the paeans of praise to him? The paeans are reserved for another who begins and continues his reforms in some other man's house. On the 12th of February, 1853, an act was passed, making it a crime for a negro to come, or be brought, into the State, providing that any such negro who remained therein ten days should be fined fifty dollars, and in case of i
January 1st, 1863 AD (search for this): chapter 1.41
e ability to resist is lacking. Laws for one community imposed by another foreign in sympathy, opposed in interest, was not current with our forefathers as the idea of self-government. Emancipation. As incident to the war of 1861, and as a fit and necessary war measure, in September, 1862, was issued a paper which (with the sequel 100 days later) is called proclamation of emancipation. By this in portions of the country called rebellious, slaves were made free, unless by the 1st of January, 1863, said communities ceased to rebel. Slave ownership was to be the reward of loyalty; slave abolition the penalty of rebellion. This might be translated; negroes shall continue to be slaves to their masters if only their masters will be slaves to us. Let us have in peace the jobs which are in sight and your slaves may reap in peace your harvests, taxed only by our tariffs. We will let you have your slaves if you will let us have your freedom. After this offer had been made and rejec
October, 1787 AD (search for this): chapter 1.41
casion, or else the government would eventuate in a despotism. The danger signal was that the bond or union for the tax-consuming party was geographical. The dominion of the North would move on with the invariable sequence of the processes of nature. The natural result would be a government of the South by the North and for the North; a government under which the South would have no rights which the North would be bound to respect. The old, old struggle. Richard Henry Lee, in October, 1787, wrote to Edmund Randolph, The representatives of the seven Northern States, as they have a majority, can by law create a most oppressive monopoly upon the five Southern States, whose circumstances and productions are essentially different; although not a single man of these voters is representative of, or amenable to, the people of the Southern States. Can such a set of men be, with the least semblance of truth, called representatives of those they make laws for? George Mason said: A
March 29th, 1834 AD (search for this): chapter 1.41
ing and failure to depart, it shall be made to appear that the said person has thus continued within the Commonwealth, contrary to the tenor of this act, he or she shall be whipped, not exceeding ten stripes, and ordered to depart, and if he shall not so depart, the same process shall be had and inflicted, and so toties quoties. In March, 1788, this was one of the perpetual laws of the Commonwealth. It passed out of existence (subsilentio), in the general repealing section of an act of March 29, 1834. When in his reply to Hayne, Webster said: The past at least is secure; this was part of that past still under the lock and key of statute. Among the kindly affectioned slaves of my first recollections, remmebered by me with a kind affection, I am satisfied there was not one who wouid have sought, or could have found solace, in the hospitable hand extended from 1788 to 1834. They who bestowed this liberty of the lash became our angry judge. Liberty to be whipped at each recurring ses
August 14th, 1906 AD (search for this): chapter 1.41
to accomplish the reality. This creates the ruling class, whose reason for existence is, in place of reciprocal welfare, to ordain a reciprocal rapine; of which the ultimate promise is the Asiatic system, whereunder the tax-payer shall have no rights which the tax consumer will be bound to respect. It is the old eternal conflict between government as a trust and government as a spoil. Magnitude has taken root as magnanimity. As conclusion of the whole matter, the Washington Post of August 14, 1906, has this to say: Let us be frank about it. The day the people of the North responded to Abraham Lincoln's call for troops to coerce sovereign States, the republic died, and the nation was born. Purified or putrified suffrage. Are these the fruits of a purified or of a putrified suffrage? Where is the moral regeneration for which such sacrifices of ravage and slaughter were laid upon the altar? Does a great movement for righteousness win out in this fashion? Were moral ideas
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