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Browsing named entities in The writings of John Greenleaf Whittier, Volume 7. (ed. John Greenleaf Whittier).

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1833 AD (search for this): chapter 1
The conflict with slavery Justice and expediency: or, slavery considered with A view to its rightful and effectual remedy, abolition. [1833] There is a law above all the enactments of human codes, the same throughout the world, the same in all time,—such as it was before the daring genius of Columbus pierced the night of ages, and opened to one world the sources of wealth and power and knowledge, to another all unutterable woes; such as it is at this day: it is the law written by the finger of God upon the heart of man; and by that law, unchangeable and eternal while men despise fraud, and loathe rapine, and abhor blood, they shall reject with indignation the wild and guilty fantasy that man can hold property in man. Lord Brougham. It may be inquired of me why I seek to agitate the subject of Slavery in New England, where we all acknowledge it to be an evil. Because such an acknowledgment is not enough on our part. It is doing no more than the slave-master and the slave-tr
1790 AD (search for this): chapter 1
e states. Again, in the latter states the slave population has increased twice as fast as the white. Let us take, for example, the period of twenty years, from 1790 to 1810, and compare the increase of the two classes in three of the Southern states. Per cent. of whites.Per cent. of blacks. Maryland1331 Virginia2438 Nofound wanting. It has been in operation in our slave states ever since the Declaration of Independence, and its results are before the nation. Let us see. In 1790 there were in the slave states south of the Potomac and the Ohio 20,415 free blacks. Their increase for the ten years following was at the rate of sixty per cent. per cent., about one half of what it was in the ten years from 1800 to 1810. And this is the practical result of the much-lauded plan of gradual abolition. In 1790, in the states above mentioned, there were only 550,604 slaves, but in 1830 there were 1,874,098 And this, too, is gradual abolition. What, then! perhaps you w
Saxon (search for this): chapter 1
y of cherishing in one common course of national legislation the opposite interests of republican equality and feudal aristocracy and servitude. The truth is, we have undertaken a moral impossibility. These interests are from their nature irreconcilable. The one is based upon the pure principles of rational liberty; the other, under the name of freedom, revives the ancient European system of barons and villains, nobles and serfs. Indeed, the state of society which existed among our Anglo-Saxon ancestors was far more tolerable than that of many portions of our republican confederacy. For the Anglo—Saxon slaves had it in their power to purchase their freedom; and the laws of the realm recognized their liberation and placed them under legal protection. The, diffusion of Christianity in Great Britain was moreover followed by a general manumission; for it would seem that the priests and missionaries of religion in that early and benighted age were more faithful in the performance o
Thomas Jefferson (search for this): chapter 1
on doctrines of the Northern enthusiasts, as you are pleased to term the doctrines of your own Jefferson, furnish, in your opinion, a sufficient reason for poising the Ancient Dominion on its soverei life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. Declaration of Independence, from the pen of Thomas Jefferson. In this general and unqualified declaration, on the 4th of July, 1776, all the people t say the souls, of their victims is daily and hourly abused. Will the evidence of your own Jefferson, on this point, be admissible The whole commerce between master and slave is a perpetual exn her innocence and beauty, and childhood, and hoary age! The hour of emancipation, said Thomas Jefferson, is advancing in the march of time. It will come. If not brought on by the generous energy robbery and wrong? All wars are horrible, wicked, inexcusable, and truly and solemnly has Jefferson himself said that, in a contest of this kind, between the slave and the master, the Almighty h
John Quincy Adams (search for this): chapter 1
ar. Slavery is protected by the constitutional compact, by the standing army, by the militia of the free states. J. Q. Adams is the only member of Congress who has ventured to speak plainly of this protection. See also his very able Report fring our testimony and lifting our warning voices to the last, leave the event in the hands of a righteous God. John Quincy Adams. In 1837 Isaac Knapp printed Letters from John Quincy Adams to his Constituents of the Twelfth Congressional DiJohn Quincy Adams to his Constituents of the Twelfth Congressional District in Massachusetts, to which is added his Speech in Congress, delivered February 9, 1837, and the following stood as an introduction to the pamphlet. the following letters have been published, within a few weeks, in the Quincy (Mass.) Patrioe limits of the constituency to whom they are particularly addressed. The reason of this is sufficiently obvious. John Quincy Adams belongs to neither of the prominent political parties, fights no partisan battles, and cannot be prevailed upon to
1819 AD (search for this): chapter 1
No tumult followed this wide and instantaneous emancipation. It cost not one drop of blood; it abated not one tittle of the wealth or the industry of the island. Colonel Malenfant, a slave proprietor residing at the time on the island, states that after the public act of abolition, the negroes remained perfectly quiet; they had obtained all they asked for, liberty, and they continued to work upon all the plantations. Malenfant in Memoirs for a History of St. Domingo by General Lecroix, 1819. There were estates, he says, which had neither owners nor managers resident upon them, yet upon these estates, though abandoned, the negroes continued their labors where there were any, even inferior, agents to guide them; and on those estates where no white men were left to direct them, they betook themselves to the planting of provisions; but upon all the plantations where the whites resided the blacks continued to labor as quietly as before. Colonel Malenfant says that when many of h
1831 AD (search for this): chapter 1
opulation. A negro, if he worked for himself, could no doubt do double work. By an improvement, then, in the mode of labor, the work in the islands could be doubled. 4. In coffee districts it is usual for the master to hire his people after they have done the regular task for the day, at a rate varying from 10d. to 15.8d. for every extra bushel which they pluck from the trees; and many, almost all, are found eager to earn their wages. Christian Record for Jamaica, quoted by C. Stewart, 1831. 5. In a report made by the commandant of Castries for the government of St. Lucia, in 1822, it is stated, in proof of the intimacy between the slaves and the free blacks, that many small plantations of the latter, and occupied by only one man and his wife, are better cultivated and have more land in cultivation than those of the proprietors of many slaves, and that the labor on them is performed by runaway slaves; thus clearly proving that even runaway slaves, under the alldepress-ing fe
Virginians (search for this): chapter 1
rd a reasonable pretext for your fierce denunciations of your Northern brethren? Do they furnish occasion for your newspaper chivalry, your stereotyped demonstrations of Southern magnanimity and Yankee meanness— things, let me say, unworthy of Virginians, degrading to yourselves, insulting to us. Gentlemen, it is too late for Virginia, with all her lofty intellect and nobility of feeling, to defend and advocate the principle of slavery. The deathlike silence which for nearly two centuries bentlemen; light is spreading from the hills of Western Virginia to the extremest East. You cannot arrest its progress. It is searching the consciences; it is exercising the reason; it is appealing to the noblest characteristics of intelligent Virginians. It is no foreign influence. From every abandoned plantation where the profitless fern and thistle have sprung up under the heel of slavery; from every falling mansion of the master, through whose windows the fox may look out securely, and ov
Ripley (search for this): chapter 1
New England has no participation in slavery, and is not responsible for its wickedness. Why are we thus willing to believe a lie! New England not responsible! Bound by the United States constitution to protect the slave-holder in his sins, and yet not responsible! Joining hands with crime, covenanting with oppression, leaguing with pollution, and yet not responsible! Palliating the evil, hiding the evil, voting for the evil, Messrs. Harvey of New Hampshire, Mallary of Vermont, and Ripley of Maine, voted in the Congress of 1829 against the consideration of a Resolution for inquiring into the expediency of abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia. do we not participate in it? Members of one confederacy, children of one family, the curse and the shame, the sin against our brother, and the sin against our God,—all the iniquity of slavery which is revealed to man, and all which crieth in the ear, or is manifested to the eye of Jehovah, will assuredly be visited upon all ou
James S. Green (search for this): chapter 1
isfortunes of one generation with the crimes of another, and would sacrifice both individual and public good to an unsubstantial theory of the rights of man. African Repository, vol. VII. p. 202. 2. It pledges itself not to oppose the system of slavery. Proof. Our society and the friends of colonization wish to be distinctly understood upon this point. From the beginning they have disavowed, and they do yet disavow, that their object is the emancipation of slaves. Speech of James S. Green, Esq., First Annual Report of the New Jersey Colonization Society. This institution proposes to do good by a single specific course of measures. Its direct and specific purpose is not the abolition of slavery, or the relief of pauperism, or the extension of commerce and civilization, or the enlargement of science, or the conversion of the heathen. The single object which its constitution prescribes, and to which all its efforts are necessarily directed, is African colonization from
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