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Browsing named entities in The writings of John Greenleaf Whittier, Volume 7. (ed. John Greenleaf Whittier).

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Christian (search for this): chapter 1
degradation cannot extinguish. The slave will become conscious sooner or later of his brute strength, his physical superiority, and will exert it. His torch will be at the threshold and his knife at the throat of the planter. Horrible and indiscriminate will be his vengeance. Where, then, will be the pride, the beauty, and the chivalry of the South? The smoke of her torment will rise upward like a thick cloud visible over the whole earth. Belie the negro's powers: in headlong will, Christian, thy brother thou shalt find him still. Belie his virtues: since his wrongs began, His fodies and his crimes have stamped him man. Montgomery. Let the cause of insurrection be removed, then, as speedily as possible. Cease to oppress. Let him that stole steal no more. Let the laborer have his hire. Bind him no longer by the cords of slavery, but with those of kindness and brotherly love. Watch over him for his good. Pray for him; instruct him; pour light into the darkness of his
Alexander (search for this): chapter 1
umber of slaves in these portions of the country, coming under the direct jurisdiction of the general government, is as follows— District of Columbia6,119 Territory of Arkansas4,576 Territory of Florida15,501 —— Total26,196 Here, then, are twenty-six thousand human beings, fashioned in the image of God, the fitted temples of His Holy Spirit, held by the government in the abhorrent chains of slavery. The power to emancipate them is clear. It is indisputable. The report of Mr. Alexander in the Congress of 1829, unfavorable to the prayer of the petition for abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia, may be referred to as a specimen of the veriest sophistry which ever supplied the place of argument. It does not depend upon the twenty-five slave votes in Congress. It lies with the free states. Trust not, said the illustrious Canning, the masters of slaves in what concerns legislation for slavery. Let the evil be remedied by a government of free people, and not by t<
Sheridan (search for this): chapter 1
er give the lie to our professions, why is the great constitutional compact so guardedly silent on the subject of human servitude If state necessity demanded this perpetual violation of the laws of God and the rights of man, this continual solecism in a government of freedom, why is it not met as a necessity, incurable and inevitable, and formally and distinctly recognized as a settled part of our social system? State necessity, that imperial tyrant, seeks no disguise. In the language of Sheridan, What he does, he dares avow, and avowing, scorns any other justification than the great motives which placed the iron sceptre in his grasp. Can it be possible that our fathers felt this state necessity strong upon them? No; for they left open the door for emancipation, they left us the light of their pure principles of liberty, they framed the great charter of American rights, without employing a term in its structure to which in aftertimes of universal freedom the enemies of our count
Oliver Wendell Holmes (search for this): chapter 1
will find the wilful murder of a slave decided to be only a trespass Virginia Reports, vol. v. p. 484, Harris versus Nichols. It indeed argues well for Virginian pride of character, that latterly, the law, which expressly sanctioned the murder of a slave, who in the language of Georgia and North Carolina, died of moderate correction, has been repealed. But, although the letter of the law is changed, its practice remains the same. In proof of this, I would refer to Brockenborough and Holmes' Virginia Cases, p. 258. In Georgia and North Carolina the murder of a slave is tolerated and justified by law, provided that in the opinion of the court he died of moderate correction In South Carolina the following clause of a law enacted in 1740 is still in force If any slave shall suffer in his life, limbs, or members, when no white person shall be present, or being present shall neglect or refuse to give evidence concerning the same, in every such case the owner or other pers
Daniel (search for this): chapter 1
upon their reserved rights as members of the great human family, and formally demand a reduction of their burdens, their sufferings, what course could South Carolina adopt If true to her principles—in which if she errs at all it is on the side of liberty—she would grant that reduction. Would she use coercion, brute force, because the law allowed it No. With the indignant eloquence of her own great champion she would scornfully repudiate the idea, as sophistry, bloody sophistry, such as cast Daniel into the lion's den, and the three Innocents into the fiery furnace; the same sophistry under which the bloody edicts of Nero and Caligula were executed. She would scorn to collect tribute from her slaves under the mouth of cannon, toenforce robbery by murder, to act upon the vague abstraction, the miserable sophistry of enforcing law whether just or unjust.—See Speech of J. C. Calhoun in the United States Senate on the Enforcing Bill. let us at least no longer legislate for a free nation <
1796 AD (search for this): chapter 1
had the management. If all the negroes had come from Africa within six months, if they had the love of independence that the Indians have, I should own that force must be employed; but ninety-nine out of a hundred of the blacks are aware that without labor they cannot procure the things that are necessary for them; that there is no other method of satisfying their wants and their tastes. They know that they must work, they wish to do so, and they will do so. This is strong testimony. In 1796, three years after the act of emancipation, we are told that the colony was flourishing under Toussaint, that the whites lived happily and peaceably on their estates, and the blacks continued to work for them. Memoire Historique et Politique des Colonies. Up to 1801 the same happy state of things continued. The colony went on as by enchantment; cultivation made day by day a perceptible progress, under the recuperative energies of free labor. In 1801 General Vincent, a proprietor of estat
John Milton (search for this): chapter 1
re. Conscious of the honest and patriotic motives which have prompted their avowal, I cheerfully leave my sentiments to their fate. Despised and contemned as they may be, I believe they cannot be gainsaid. Sustained by the truth as it exists in Nature and Revelation, sanctioned by the prevailing spirit of the age, they are yet destined to work out the political and moral regeneration of our country. The opposition which they meet with does not dishearten me. In the lofty confidence of John Milton, I believe that though all the winds of doctrine be let loose upon the earth, so Truth be among them, we need not fear. Let her and Falsehood grapple; whoever knew her to be put to the worst in a free and open encounter Haverhill, MAss., 29th of 7th Mo., 1833. Letter to Samuel E. Sewall. Haverhill, 10th of 1st Mo., 1834. Samuel E. Sewall, Esq., Secretary New England A. S. Society: dear friend,—I regret that circumstances beyond my control will not allow of my attendance a
Leigh (search for this): chapter 1
liberty turned their eyes towards it in the earnest hope and confidence that it would adopt some measures in regard to slavery worthy of the high character of its members and of the age in which they lived. I need not say how deep and bitter was our disappointment. Western Virginia indeed spoke on that occasion, through some of her delegates, the words of truth and humanity. But their counsels and warnings were unavailing; the majority turned away to listen to the bewildering eloquence of Leigh and Upshur and Randolph, as they desecrated their great intellects to the defence of that system of oppression under which the whole land is groaning. The memorial of the citizens of Augusta County, bearing the signatures of many slave-holders, placed the evils of slavery in a strong light before the convention. Its facts and arguments could only be arbitrarily thrust aside and wantonly disregarded; they could not be disproved. In a political point of view, says the memorial, we esteem
Anderson (search for this): chapter 1
South America, or in our own country, a fair experiment has been made of the comparative expense of free and slave labor, the result has uniformly been favorable to the former. See Brougham's Colonial Policy. Hodgdon's Letter to Jean Baptiste Say. Walch's Brazil. Official Letter of Hon. Mr. Ward, from Mexico. Dr. Dickson's Mitigation of Slavery. Franklin on The Peopling of Countries. Ramsay's Essay. Botham's Sugar Cultivation in Batavia. Marsden's History of Suniatra. Coxe's Travels. Dr. Anderson's Observations on Slavery. Storch's Political Economy. Adam Smith. J. Jeremies' Essays Humboldt's Travels, etc., etc. Here, gentlemen, the issue is tendered. Standing on your own ground of expediency, I am ready to defend my position. I pass from the utility to the safety of emancipation. And here, gentlemen, I shall probably be met at the outset with your supposed consequences, bloodshed, rapine, promiscuous massacre The facts, gentlemen! In God's name, bring out your facts
Harvey (search for this): chapter 1
itution to protect the slave-holder in his sins, and yet not responsible! Joining hands with crime, covenanting with oppression, leaguing with pollution, and yet not responsible! Palliating the evil, hiding the evil, voting for the evil, Messrs. Harvey of New Hampshire, Mallary of Vermont, and Ripley of Maine, voted in the Congress of 1829 against the consideration of a Resolution for inquiring into the expediency of abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia. do we not participate in iclaimed Emperor of Hayti. The black troops were in a great measure disbanded, and they immediately returned to the cultivation of the plantations. From that period up to the present there has been no want of industry among the inhabitants. Mr. Harvey,Sketches of Hayti. who during the reign of Christophe resided at Cape Francois, in describing the character and condition of the inhabitants, says: It was an interesting sight to behold this class of the Haytiens, now in possession of their fre
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