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Browsing named entities in The writings of John Greenleaf Whittier, Volume 7. (ed. John Greenleaf Whittier).

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Thomson (search for this): chapter 1
n love; an immediate practical obedience to the command of Jesus Christ: Whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you, do ye even so to them. A correct understanding of what is meant by immediate abolition must convince every candid mind that it is neither visionary nor dangerous; that it involves no disastrous consequences of bloodshed and desolation; but, on the contrary, that it is a safe, practicable, efficient remedy for the evils of the slave system. The term immediate Rev. Dr. Thomson, of Edinburgh, thus speaks of it: Were I to treat the term gradual as some of our enemies have the term immediate, I could easily, by the help of a little quibbling, bring you to the conclusion that, as hitherto employed, it means that the abolition of slavery will never take place. The meaning of the word as used by us is perfectly clear; it is to be considered and understood under the direction of common sense, and as modified and expounded by the statements with which it is associat
Adam Smith (search for this): chapter 1
or the Practicability of conquering Prejudice by better means than Slavery or Exile, in relation to the American Colonization Society. By C. Stewart. Liverpool: Smith & Co. 1832. thus notices this astounding fact:— And here it may be well to observe, that as long as negro slavery lasts, all colonies on the African coast, of w of the body. This is but the necessary consequence of all labor which does not benefit the laborer. It is a just remark of that profound political economist, Adam Smith, that a slave can have no other interest than to eat and waste as much, and work as little, as he can. To my mind, in the wasteful and blighting influences oEssay. Botham's Sugar Cultivation in Batavia. Marsden's History of Suniatra. Coxe's Travels. Dr. Anderson's Observations on Slavery. Storch's Political Economy. Adam Smith. J. Jeremies' Essays Humboldt's Travels, etc., etc. Here, gentlemen, the issue is tendered. Standing on your own ground of expediency, I am ready to defen
Lazarus (search for this): chapter 1
policy, to reconcile Christ and Belial, the holy philanthropy of Him who went about doing good with the most abhorrent manifestation of human selfishness, lust, and hatred which ever provoked the divine displeasure. There is a grave-stone coldness about it. The author manifests as little feeling as if he were solving a question in algebra. No sigh of sympathy breathes through its frozen pages for the dumb, chained millions, no evidence of a feeling akin to that of Him who at the grave of Lazarus Wept, and forgot His power to save; no outburst of that indignant reproof with which the Divine Master rebuked the devourers of widows' houses and the oppressors of the poor is called forth by the writer's stoical contemplation of the tyranny of his Christian brethren at the South. It is not necessary, says Evangelicus, to inquire whether the New Testament does not tolerate slavery as a permanent institution. And this is said when the entire slave-holding church has sheltered its ab
Hist (search for this): chapter 1
that the priests and missionaries of religion in that early and benighted age were more faithful in the performance of their duties than those of the present. The holy fathers, monks, and friars, says Sir T. Smith, had in their confessions, and specially in their extreme and deadly sickness, convinced the laity how dangerous a thing it was for one Christian to hold another in bondage; so that temporal men, by reason of the terror in their consciences, were glad to manumit all their villains.—Hist. Commonwealth, Blackstone, p. 52. To counteract the dangers resulting from a state of society so utterly at variance with the great Declaration of American freedom should be the earnest endeavor of every patriotic statesman. Nothing unconstitutional, nothing violent, should be attempted; but the true doctrine of the rights of man should be steadily kept in view; and the opposition to slavery should be inflexible and constantly maintained. The almost daily violations of the Constitutio
Upshur (search for this): chapter 1
rned their eyes towards it in the earnest hope and confidence that it would adopt some measures in regard to slavery worthy of the high character of its members and of the age in which they lived. I need not say how deep and bitter was our disappointment. Western Virginia indeed spoke on that occasion, through some of her delegates, the words of truth and humanity. But their counsels and warnings were unavailing; the majority turned away to listen to the bewildering eloquence of Leigh and Upshur and Randolph, as they desecrated their great intellects to the defence of that system of oppression under which the whole land is groaning. The memorial of the citizens of Augusta County, bearing the signatures of many slave-holders, placed the evils of slavery in a strong light before the convention. Its facts and arguments could only be arbitrarily thrust aside and wantonly disregarded; they could not be disproved. In a political point of view, says the memorial, we esteem slavery an
Gouraud (search for this): chapter 1
ontinued to labor as quietly as before. Colonel Malenfant says that when many of his neighbors, proprietors or managers, were in prison, the negroes of their plantations came to him to beg him to direct them in their work. If you will take care not to talk to them of the restoration of slavery, but talk to them of freedom, you may with this word chain them down to their labor. How did Toussaint succeed? How did I succeed before his time in the plain of the Culde-Sae on the plantation of Gouraud, during more than eight months after liberty had been granted to the slaves? Let those who knew me at that time, let the blacks themselves be asked. They will all reply that not a single negro upon that plantation, consisting of more than four hundred and fifty laborers, refused to work; and yet this plantation was thought to be under the worst discipline and the slaves the most idle of any in the plain. I inspired the same activity into three other plantations of which I had the manage
William Jones (search for this): chapter 1
do evil; gradually refraining from robbery, lust, and murder: in brief, obeying a short-sighted and criminal policy rather than the commands of God. 3. Abstinence on the part of the people of the free states from the use of the known products of slave labor, in order to render that labor profitless. Beyond a doubt the example of conscientious individuals may have a salutary effect upon the minds of some of the slave-holders; The following is a recorded statement of the venerated Sir William Jones: Let sugar be as cheap as it may, it is better to eat none, better to eat aloes and colloquintida, than violate a primary law impressed on every heart not imbruted with avarice; than rob one human creature of those eternal rights of which no law on earth can justly deprive him. but so long as our confederacy exists, a commercial intercourse with slave states and a consumption of their products cannot be avoided. 4. Colonization. The exclusive object of the American Colonization S
Political Economy (search for this): chapter 1
ent has been made of the comparative expense of free and slave labor, the result has uniformly been favorable to the former. See Brougham's Colonial Policy. Hodgdon's Letter to Jean Baptiste Say. Walch's Brazil. Official Letter of Hon. Mr. Ward, from Mexico. Dr. Dickson's Mitigation of Slavery. Franklin on The Peopling of Countries. Ramsay's Essay. Botham's Sugar Cultivation in Batavia. Marsden's History of Suniatra. Coxe's Travels. Dr. Anderson's Observations on Slavery. Storch's Political Economy. Adam Smith. J. Jeremies' Essays Humboldt's Travels, etc., etc. Here, gentlemen, the issue is tendered. Standing on your own ground of expediency, I am ready to defend my position. I pass from the utility to the safety of emancipation. And here, gentlemen, I shall probably be met at the outset with your supposed consequences, bloodshed, rapine, promiscuous massacre The facts, gentlemen! In God's name, bring out your facts! If slavery is to cast over the prosperity of our
Dickson (search for this): chapter 1
. A long and careful examination of the subject will I think fully justify me in advancing this general proposition. Wherever, whether in Europe, the East and West Indies, South America, or in our own country, a fair experiment has been made of the comparative expense of free and slave labor, the result has uniformly been favorable to the former. See Brougham's Colonial Policy. Hodgdon's Letter to Jean Baptiste Say. Walch's Brazil. Official Letter of Hon. Mr. Ward, from Mexico. Dr. Dickson's Mitigation of Slavery. Franklin on The Peopling of Countries. Ramsay's Essay. Botham's Sugar Cultivation in Batavia. Marsden's History of Suniatra. Coxe's Travels. Dr. Anderson's Observations on Slavery. Storch's Political Economy. Adam Smith. J. Jeremies' Essays Humboldt's Travels, etc., etc. Here, gentlemen, the issue is tendered. Standing on your own ground of expediency, I am ready to defend my position. I pass from the utility to the safety of emancipation. And here, gent
April, 1792 AD (search for this): chapter 1
hed; the laborers received wages, and their offences were all tried by a sort of negro court established among themselves: in short, they were practically free. Under this system, in four years and three months there were forty-four births, and but forty-one deaths; and the annual net produce of the plantation was more than three times what it had been before. English Quarterly Magazine and Review, April, 1832. 3. The following evidence was adduced by Pitt in the British Parliament, April, 1792. The assembly of Grenada had themselves stated, that though the negroes were allowed only the afternoon of one day in a week, they would do as much work in that afternoon, when employed for their own benefit, as in the whole day when employed in their master's service. Now after this confession, said Mr. Pitt, the house might burn all its calculations relative to the negro population. A negro, if he worked for himself, could no doubt do double work. By an improvement, then, in the mod
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