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Browsing named entities in a specific section of The Daily Dispatch: December 10, 1860., [Electronic resource]. Search the whole document.

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England (United Kingdom) (search for this): article 11
[from the London Herald, Nov. 20.] The only cloud on this bright horizon is the threatened secession of the Southern States. Should this be attempted the struggle cannot last long, for the free North will to a man support the new President, and the army and navy of the Republic will be launched against the seceders. The South will be driven back into the Union, if need be, at the point of the bayonet. Such a conflict, however, would be most disastrous in its consequences to Great Britain, and, whether it take place or not, the ill feeling in the slave districts is now so great that the ordinary operations of agriculture and trade must suffer. May-be we shall shortly have to look to other sources for our cotton and other Southern produce, and it is to be hoped her Majesty's government, in view of the precarious condition of American affairs, will devote its immediate attention to our much neglected West Indian and other colonies, so as to enable our planters to supply th
Mexico (Mexico, Mexico) (search for this): article 11
which seems to show that the severance could never be effected without bloodshed. It is plain, however, that every attempt of the Southern States to expand beyond the territory absolutely secured to them would be resisted, not simply by their Northern neighbors, but by the whole strength of European civilization. The more reckless spirits of the South are pushing on their quarrel in the belief that, if they were once disembarrassed of the Union, they could rend province after province from Mexico, and fill each successive acquisition with their slaves. But Europe would have a word in the matter. It is simply the incorporation of the North with the South which prevents European statesmen from treating the annexations of the United States as avowed extensions of the area of slavery. They cannot now upbraid a Confederacy, of which more than half the members have no slaves, with conquering and annexing merely in the interest of cotton and negroes, but there would be no scruple about t
United States (United States) (search for this): article 11
tic forum of Congress would come under the cognizance of the general society of nations. What sort of division of the unsettled territory now belonging to the United States would ever be agreed upon between the Northern and Southern Federations, nobody can pretend even to conceive; and this is the very difficulty which seems to shd have a word in the matter. It is simply the incorporation of the North with the South which prevents European statesmen from treating the annexations of the United States as avowed extensions of the area of slavery. They cannot now upbraid a Confederacy, of which more than half the members have no slaves, with conquering and an accompany him to the Capital. [from the London Chronicle, Nov. 20.] What will be the consequences of Mr. Lincoln's election to the Presidency of the United States? We may dismiss without much hesitation the exaggerations of Northern demagogues or Southern alarmists. A few fanatics at the North have expressed sympathy w
Bavaria (Bavaria, Germany) (search for this): article 11
"doomed," and seem to anticipate that slaveholders will be coerced into surrender by the gradual closing in around them of free-soil States. These, however, are but the wicked or wanton dreams of men who know nothing of the South, and still less of the Constitution of the United States; who forget that there were States before there was a Union, and that each State, for all purposes of internal government, is a sovereign and independent State--as independent of its neighbors as Prussia or Bavaria is of the others in the German confederation. They also forget that neither the character nor speeches of Mr. Lincoln show anything like designs hostile to the rights of the Southern States, and that even Mr. Seward--the John Bright of the party, more eloquent and outspoken than statesmanlike or wise — has refrained from anything like threats of positive aggression, legislatorial or executive, on the rights of the South. [from the London news, Nov. 20.] The cry of secession has b
avery being "doomed," and seem to anticipate that slaveholders will be coerced into surrender by the gradual closing in around them of free-soil States. These, however, are but the wicked or wanton dreams of men who know nothing of the South, and still less of the Constitution of the United States; who forget that there were States before there was a Union, and that each State, for all purposes of internal government, is a sovereign and independent State--as independent of its neighbors as Prussia or Bavaria is of the others in the German confederation. They also forget that neither the character nor speeches of Mr. Lincoln show anything like designs hostile to the rights of the Southern States, and that even Mr. Seward--the John Bright of the party, more eloquent and outspoken than statesmanlike or wise — has refrained from anything like threats of positive aggression, legislatorial or executive, on the rights of the South. [from the London news, Nov. 20.] The cry of sece
han has ever yet been applied to them, and we need hardly say that a civil war between the North and the South would at the present time prove highly injurious to the cause of political freedom throughout the world. We trust that American statesmen of all politics will use their utmost efforts to prevent so great a calamity. Much will depend upon the attitude assumed by the President elect; much will depend upon the policy and conduct of the present administration. The government of President Buchanan has been characterized throughout by moderation and good sense; it remains to be seen whether it is equal to the task of maintaining the national institutions and the majesty of the law against the dangers which now threaten them. It is easy to perceive that at a period of unexampled popular excitement a single false step might prove fatal to the public peace, if not to the very existence of the Union. But we have much faith in that love of political order which is inherent in the An
ing of the South, and still less of the Constitution of the United States; who forget that there were States before there was a Union, and that each State, for all purposes of internal government, is a sovereign and independent State--as independent of its neighbors as Prussia or Bavaria is of the others in the German confederation. They also forget that neither the character nor speeches of Mr. Lincoln show anything like designs hostile to the rights of the Southern States, and that even Mr. Seward--the John Bright of the party, more eloquent and outspoken than statesmanlike or wise — has refrained from anything like threats of positive aggression, legislatorial or executive, on the rights of the South. [from the London news, Nov. 20.] The cry of secession has been useful for party purposes; but the course which it involves will not suit Southern interests. The great slaveholders know very well that it is no part of the policy of the Republican party to violate that part o
an has been characterized throughout by moderation and good sense; it remains to be seen whether it is equal to the task of maintaining the national institutions and the majesty of the law against the dangers which now threaten them. It is easy to perceive that at a period of unexampled popular excitement a single false step might prove fatal to the public peace, if not to the very existence of the Union. But we have much faith in that love of political order which is inherent in the Anglo-Saxon race; and, calling to mind that this is not the first occasion on which the dissolution of the Union has been violently threatened, we trust that the new President, when the time for his entering office arrives, will be able to proceed to Washington without those four hundred thousand Wide Awakes at his back, who, it is said, are ready, if need be, to accompany him to the Capital. [from the London Chronicle, Nov. 20.] What will be the consequences of Mr. Lincoln's election to the P
Abraham Lincoln (search for this): article 11
ess on the BreakingRepublic. The mails by the Canadian bring us the comments of the English press on the election of Lincoln. We give the following extracts: [from the London Review.] If the Southern States once succeeded in constituti be, to accompany him to the Capital. [from the London Chronicle, Nov. 20.] What will be the consequences of Mr. Lincoln's election to the Presidency of the United States? We may dismiss without much hesitation the exaggerations of Northe or Bavaria is of the others in the German confederation. They also forget that neither the character nor speeches of Mr. Lincoln show anything like designs hostile to the rights of the Southern States, and that even Mr. Seward--the John Bright of ing to suppress a servile insurrection as to prevent a dissolution of the confederation. Long before next March, when Mr. Lincoln removes to the White House, we shall find that all parties have adjusted themselves to their new relations, and are pr
John Brown (search for this): article 11
office arrives, will be able to proceed to Washington without those four hundred thousand Wide Awakes at his back, who, it is said, are ready, if need be, to accompany him to the Capital. [from the London Chronicle, Nov. 20.] What will be the consequences of Mr. Lincoln's election to the Presidency of the United States? We may dismiss without much hesitation the exaggerations of Northern demagogues or Southern alarmists. A few fanatics at the North have expressed sympathy with John Brown, and speak flippantly of the servile war that would have ensued from even his temporary success. Others, more prominent men of the Republican party, speak vaguely of slavery being "doomed," and seem to anticipate that slaveholders will be coerced into surrender by the gradual closing in around them of free-soil States. These, however, are but the wicked or wanton dreams of men who know nothing of the South, and still less of the Constitution of the United States; who forget that there we
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