hide Sorting

You can sort these results in two ways:

By entity
Chronological order for dates, alphabetical order for places and people.
By position (current method)
As the entities appear in the document.

You are currently sorting in ascending order. Sort in descending order.

hide Most Frequent Entities

The entities that appear most frequently in this document are shown below.

Entity Max. Freq Min. Freq
United States (United States) 34 0 Browse Search
Lincoln 20 2 Browse Search
Knoxville (Tennessee, United States) 16 0 Browse Search
Tybee Island (Georgia, United States) 14 0 Browse Search
Georgia (Georgia, United States) 14 0 Browse Search
DeVilliers 13 5 Browse Search
Missouri (Missouri, United States) 12 0 Browse Search
Tennessee (Tennessee, United States) 12 0 Browse Search
Louisiana (Louisiana, United States) 12 0 Browse Search
South Carolina (South Carolina, United States) 12 0 Browse Search
View all entities in this document...

Browsing named entities in a specific section of The Daily Dispatch: December 2, 1861., [Electronic resource]. Search the whole document.

Found 108 total hits in 40 results.

1 2 3 4
Maryland (Maryland, United States) (search for this): article 2
whom had been originally much interested in carrying on the rebellion against this country. At last it was agreed that they should unite so far that there should be a Central Government, and that they should have the power of levying the general taxes, making peace and war, and negotiating with foreign countries. Yet to show how carefully those States went into the original confederation before signing the articles, I will read you an extract from the instructions sent to the delegates of Maryland--that State which at the present time, is kept in terror by the Northern troops: "Although the pressure of immediate calamities, the dread of their continuance from the appearance of disunion and some other peculiar circumstances, may have induced some States to accede to the present Confederation, contrary of their own interests and judgments, it requires no great share of fortes' get to predict that when those causes cease to or crate, the States which bad thus acceded to the Confed
Jefferson (search for this): article 2
hus acceded to the Confederation will consider it no longer binding, and will eagerly embrace the first occasion of asserting their just right, and securing their independence." That was the idea of the people before they even joined the Confederation. We find that subsequently to the union of the States the same broad question arose. Large sums had been borrowed by some States, and some by others, and it became a question whether each State should be left to pay its own debts; and Jefferson tells us he was only induced, as a member of the Government, to vote for the Congress adopting the whole debt, from the fact that many of the States had threatened to secede. In the year 1797 we have the fact that Washington (than whom there was no man more thoroughly acquainted with his countrymen) wrote, on his retirement from office, an epistle which at the time rendered him very unpopular, to the effect that, if at any time any portion of the States attempted to carry their own intere
ouched upon, that there is much of his animadversion omitted in the Times. It is gratifying to see this one of the many proofs of the manner the English mind is being educated on the subject of our national difficulties. By special request, Capt. Jervis, R.A., one of the members for the borough of Harwick, delivered a lecture at the Town Hall yesterday evening, on American affairs, to a numerous audience, comprising many of the influential inhabitants of the borough. The Mayor, (Maj. Browness,) presided, and having briefly introduced the subject-- Captain Jervis, M. P., who, on rising, met with a cordial reception, said--Mr. Chairman and gentlemen, I have been requested, and I have thought it right, that I should appear before you and address to you a few words with reference to a question which I think, at the present day, is likely to become one of the prominent questions of this country; and having devoted some time to that question, and being in the habit of giving a
ish mind is being educated on the subject of our national difficulties. By special request, Capt. Jervis, R.A., one of the members for the borough of Harwick, delivered a lecture at the Town Hall yesterday evening, on American affairs, to a numerous audience, comprising many of the influential inhabitants of the borough. The Mayor, (Maj. Browness,) presided, and having briefly introduced the subject-- Captain Jervis, M. P., who, on rising, met with a cordial reception, said--Mr. Chairman and gentlemen, I have been requested, and I have thought it right, that I should appear before you and address to you a few words with reference to a question which I think, at the present day, is likely to become one of the prominent questions of this country; and having devoted some time to that question, and being in the habit of giving an independent vote when it is necessary, I have deemed it expedient that I should tell you the basis upon which I have come to the conclusion which I
we find Captain J.'s speech reported in that paper, and copy it below. It is evidently not very fully reported. It certainly does not do the speaker justice. It is plain, from the points touched upon, that there is much of his animadversion omitted in the Times. It is gratifying to see this one of the many proofs of the manner the English mind is being educated on the subject of our national difficulties. By special request, Capt. Jervis, R.A., one of the members for the borough of Harwick, delivered a lecture at the Town Hall yesterday evening, on American affairs, to a numerous audience, comprising many of the influential inhabitants of the borough. The Mayor, (Maj. Browness,) presided, and having briefly introduced the subject-- Captain Jervis, M. P., who, on rising, met with a cordial reception, said--Mr. Chairman and gentlemen, I have been requested, and I have thought it right, that I should appear before you and address to you a few words with reference to a q
n, as Viewed by a member of the British parliament. On the 25th October, Capt. Jervis, member of the House of Commons for the borough of Harwich, Essex, England, ucated on the subject of our national difficulties. By special request, Capt. Jervis, R.A., one of the members for the borough of Harwick, delivered a lecture at(Maj. Browness,) presided, and having briefly introduced the subject-- Captain Jervis, M. P., who, on rising, met with a cordial reception, said--Mr. Chairman anneighbors. After reverting to the general features of the American war, Capt. Jervis observed, with reference to the power of the President of the United States required to do so by law, and by the civil authority." In conclusion, Captain Jervis pointed out that the field of emigration which had hith- erto been opapplause. The Mayor then briefly tendered the thanks of the audience to Captain Jervis, and proposed three cheers for him, which, having been heartily given, the
n that paper, and copy it below. It is evidently not very fully reported. It certainly does not do the speaker justice. It is plain, from the points touched upon, that there is much of his animadversion omitted in the Times. It is gratifying to see this one of the many proofs of the manner the English mind is being educated on the subject of our national difficulties. By special request, Capt. Jervis, R.A., one of the members for the borough of Harwick, delivered a lecture at the Town Hall yesterday evening, on American affairs, to a numerous audience, comprising many of the influential inhabitants of the borough. The Mayor, (Maj. Browness,) presided, and having briefly introduced the subject-- Captain Jervis, M. P., who, on rising, met with a cordial reception, said--Mr. Chairman and gentlemen, I have been requested, and I have thought it right, that I should appear before you and address to you a few words with reference to a question which I think, at the present da
Benjamin Franklin (search for this): article 2
Southern States have no right whatever to secede. Now, that is a question upon which Englishmen would not differ very much, for they are fond of local Government; and I am not at all certain that, if England formed a portion of another territory, she would long recognize that power. I wish to show you that the right of secession has long been recognized by the statesmen of America. When that country first formed an organization against England to obtain their liberty, they appointed Benjamin Franklin to draw up Articles of Confederation. The second article he drew up was that "the said United Colonies hereby enter into a firm league of friend ship with each other, binding on themselves and their posterity." Well, this was sent forward to a committee of the Representatives of the several States, and they altered the first words of the article as follows: "The said Colonies unite themselves so as never to be divided by any act whatever, and hereby severally," &c. But this was referr
overnment, who however, replied that it was no question for them, but one between England and South Carolina, and as it had to be arranged. But, at that very time, what did the United States Con- gress do? Why, so far from expressing any sympathy with England in the matter, they passed a solemn act in which they utterly refused to interfere in the quarrel, and re-enacted the resolution of 1790. It was only three days ago that I saw in the Times and other papers a letter from Ex-President Buchanan, who was lately Ambassador in this country, a citizen also of the Northern States, in which he says that the object of the war "is solely for the purpose of bringing back the Southern State to their original position in the Union without impairing any of their constitutional rights"--that is to say, that he for one will not sanction the assertion that if they bring back the Southern States they will abolish slavery. Again, General Fremont, a man of great influence, thought that he w
m another they should secede, and the more amicably that takes place the better it will be for human nature. As an instance of what our own country has done in such questions, I would recall to your recollection that at the time we emancipated the slaves in our colonies the Dutch settlers on the Cape of Good Hope objected to it, left their territory, and settled on the Orange river; and England had since always recognized that territory as independent. Again, as far back as the year 1780, Ireland objected to our governing it, and carried a resolution into its parliament that it only recognized the Irish Legislature, and George III. as king of Ireland and not of England. We had then undergone the sad experience of the American war, and we recognized that independence, and it was only by sound argument, and not by attempted force, that we had brought them back again. I have endeavored to bring the question before you in three points--first, that the question of cot on has nothi
1 2 3 4