Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume II.

Xxv. Gen. Grant's advance on Richmond.

• Grant made Lieutenant-General
-- his conception of the War -- assumes command -- army of the Potomac reorganized -- Kilpatrick's raid to Richmond -- Col. Dahlgren killed -- Grant crosses the Rapidan -- battle of the Wilderness -- Grant pushes on to Spottsylvania C. H. -- heavy, indecisive fighting -- Hancock storms the enemy's lines, capturing Maj.-Gen. Ed. Johnson and 3,000 men -- Sheridan's raid to Richmond -- death of J. E. B. Stuart -- Butler moves against Richmond by the James -- W. F. Smith fights D. H. Hill at Port Walthall Junction -- Beauregard arrives from Charleston -- attacks Butler on the James -- more fighting there -- Kautz's first raid -- three Union gunboats blown up -- Grant moves by his left to the North Anna -- Hancock and Wright across -- Burnside repulsed -- fighting on both wings -- Lee's position impregnable -- Grant moves by his left to the Chickahominy -- Reenforced by W. F. Smith from Butler's position -- bloody repulse at Cold Harbor -- Sheridan's raid to Louisa C. H. -- Grant moves by his left across the James, below Richmond -- recrosses for his overland advance -- Butler impels Gillem and Kautz against Petersburg -- W. F. Smith's corps follows -- failures to carry it -- General assault repulsed -- Meade's costly advance to the Weldon railroad -- Wilson's and Kautz's expensive raid to Burkesville -- Butler pontoons the James -- Sheridan fights on the Peninsula -- miles carries an outpost at deep Bottom -- Burnside's Mine -- Hancock on our left, Gregg on our right, advance, and are both worsted -- Warren seizes and holds the Weldon railroad -- Hill defeats Hancock at Reams's Station -- Warren advances to and over the Squirrel level road -- Butler assaults and carries Fort Harrison -- field fails to retake it -- Meade advances to Hatcher's Run -- Egan routs Heth -- Hancock repels Wade Hampton -- Hancock retires -- losses of the campaign -- criticisms.

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Hon. E. B. Washburne, of Illinois--the townsman and zealous friend of Gen. Grant--having proposed¹ the revival of the grade of Lieutenant-General of our armies, hitherto accorded to George Washington alone (Gen. Scott being such only by brevet), the House, not without considerable hesitation, assented ;² after negativing, by the emphatic vote of 117 to 19, a motion, by Gen. Garfield, to lay the proposition on the table, and adopting, by 111 to 41, an amendment moved by Mr. Ross, of Ill., respectfully recommending Ulysses S. Grant for the post. The Senate concurred:³ Yeas 31; Nays 6: having first amended the joint resolve so as to strike out so much of it as limited the existence of this office to the duration of the War and prescribed that the Lieutenant-General should, under the President, be commander of the armies of the United States. The House having rejected these amendments, the difference was settled by a Conference Committee, in substantial accord with the Senate's views; the House agreeing to the report: Yeas 77; Nays 43. The President promptly approved the measure, and nominated⁴ Gen. Grant for the place; and he was next day confirmed by the Senate. In this action, Congress expressed, and the President promptly conformed to, the popular judgment, that the efficiency of our various and complicated Military [563] operations would be greatly promoted by placing them under the direction of a single mind, which should not be that of Henry Wager Halleck.

Gen. Grant's qualifications for this most momentous trust were not universally conceded. Though over 40 years of age,⁵ lie had been a quiet civilian most of his adult life. There were many military men who esteemed Gen. Meade, Gen. Buell, Gen. McClellan, or some other of our commanders, his superior as a strategist; and several of his battles — especially those of Belmont and Shiloh — had not escaped the unfavorable judgment of military critics. There was one point, however, wherein his fitness for chief command was decided if not preeminent: and that was an utter disbelief in the efficacy of any rosewater treatment of the Rebellion. He regarded the South as practically bound and helpless in the hands of a haughty, strong-willed oligarchy, who had not spent thirty years in preparation for this supreme effort in order to be bribed, or beguiled, or palavered, or bullied, into its abandonment after the gage had been thrown down and accepted. No love-taps, in his view, would ever persuade the Rebel chiefs to return to loyalty, so long as their military power should remain essentially unbroken; and the had no conception of any mode of breaking that power save by strong armies in bloody battles. His comprehensive, final report tersely says:

From an early period in the Rebellion, I had been impressed with the idea that active and continuous operations of all tlhe troops that could be brought into the field, regardless of season and weather, were necessary to a speedy termination of the War. The resources of the enemy, and his numerical strength, were far inferior to ours: butt, as an offset to this, we had a vast territory, with a population hostile to the Government, to garrison, and long lilies of river and railroad communications to protect, to enable us to supply the operating armies.

The armies in the East land West acted independently and without concert, like a balky team : no two ever pulling together: enabling the enemy to use to great advantage his interior lines of communications for transporting troops from east to west, reenforcing the army most vigorously pressed, and to furlough large numbers, during seasons of inactivity on our part, to go to their homes and do the work of producing, for the support of their armies. It was a question whether our numerical strength and resources were not more than balanced by these disadvantages and the enemy's superior position.

From the first, I was firm in the conviction that no peace could be had that would be stable and conducive to the happiness of the people, both North and South, until the military power of the Rebellion was entirely broken.

I, therefore, determined, first, to use the greatest number of troops practicable against the armed force of the enemy; preventing him from using the same force at different seasons against first one and then another of our armies, and the possibility of repose for refitting and producing necessary supplies for carrying on resistance. Second, to hammer continuously against the armed force of the enemy and his resources, until, by mere attrition, if in no other way, there should be nothing left to him but an equal submission with the loyal section of our common country to the Constitution and laws of the land.

These views have been kept constantly in mind; and orders given and campaigns made to carry them out. Whether they might have been better in conception and execution is for the people, who mourn the loss of friends fallen, and who have to pay the pecuniary cost, to say. All I can say is, that what I have done has been done conscientiously, to the best of my ability, and in what I conceived to be for the best interests of the whole country.

Such were the views wherewith Gen. Grant, summoned from the West by telegraph, repaired to Washington⁶ to receive his commission and instructions as Lieutenant-General commanding all the forces of the Union. He was formally introduced, [564] next day, to the President and Cabinet; when he was addressed by the former as follows:

General Grant: The Nation's appreciation of what you have already done, and its reliance upon you for what still remains to be done in the existing great struggle, are now presented with this commission constituting you Lieutenant-General of the armies of the United States. With this high honor, devolves upon you, also, a corresponding responsibility.

As the country herein trusts you, so, under God, it will sustain you. I scarcely need to add, that, with what I here speak for the Nation, goes my own hearty personal concurrence.

Gen. Grant replied, in perhaps the longest speech he ever made, as follows:

Mr. President: I accept the commission with gratitude for the high honor conferred. With the aid of the noble armies that have fought on so many battle-fields for our common country, it will be my earnest endeavor not to disappoint your expectations. I feel the full weight of the responsibilities now devolving on me; and I know that, if they are properly met, it will be due to those armies; and, above all, to the favor of that Providence which leads both nations and men.

The President's order, investing him with the chief command of all the armies of the United States, appeared the day following; on which day, he paid a flying visit to the Army of the Potomac, and started next morning on his return to arrange matters in the West, preparatory to movements inaugurating the general campaign. Gen. Halleck was announced as relieved from command at his own request, and assigned to duty in Washington as “ Chief of Staff to the Army.” Gen. Grant, in a brief and modest order, assumed command, announcing that his headquarters would be in the field, and, until further orders, with the Army of the Potomac. Gen. W. T. Sherman was assigned to the command of the military division of the Mississippi, comprising the Departments of the Ohio, the Cumberland, the Tennessee, and the Arkansas; Gen. J. B. McPherson, commanding, under him, the Department and Army of the Tennessee.

The residue of March and nearly the whole of April were devoted to careful preparation for the campaign. The Army of the Potomac, still commanded immediately by Gen. Meade, was completely reorganized; its five corps being reduced to three, commanded respectively by Gens. Hancock (2d), Warren (5th), and Sedgwick (6th). Maj.-Gens. Sykes, French, and Newton, with Brig.-Gens. Kenly, Spinola, and Sol. Meredith, were “relieved,” and sent to Washington for orders. Gen. Burnside, who had been reorganizing and receiving large accessions to his (9th) corps in Maryland, crossed⁷ the Potomac and joined Meade's army; though the formal incorporation therewith was postponed till after the passage of the Rapidan. This junction again raised the positive or fighting strength of that Army to considerably more than 100,000 men.

Earlier in the Spring, Gen. Custer, with 1,500 cavalry, had crossed⁸ the Rapidan, flanking the Rebel Army on the west, and moved from Culpepper C. H. by Madison C. H. to within four miles of Charlottesville, where he found his road blocked by a far superior Rebel force, and was turned back; being again waylaid near Stannardsville by a force of cavalry only, which he pushed aside with little loss, and returned⁹ to his old camp, followed by some hundreds of refugees from slavery to Rebels, but [565] having otherwise inflicted little loss and incurred still less.

This raid, though directed against the enemy's depots, railroads, &c., was designed to distract attention from another, far more formidable, led by Gen. Kilpatrick; who, starting¹⁰ from Stevensburg, crossed the Rapidan at Ely's ford, and moved rapidly down the opposite flank of Lee's army, by Spottsylvania C. H., to the Virginia Central Railroad at Beaverdam station, where lie had his first collision and drove the enemy; thence across the South Anna to Kilby Station, on the Fredericksburg road; cutting both roads as he passed, and pushing on to within 3 miles of Richmond ;¹¹ passing its first and second lines of defenses, and fighting several hours before the third, which he was of course unable to carry, and compelled to fall back.

Kilpatrick camped for the night six miles from Richmond and two front the Chickahominy; where a two gun battery opened upon him, at 10 1/2 P. M., just as his weary men were dropping asleep. The charge which quickly followed was as quickly repulsed; but it was so manifest that the position was not adapted to quiet slumbers, that Kilpatrick moved on forthwith to the Pamunkey, which he could not find boats to pass; so he was obliged to move across the White House railroad and thence down the Peninsula; soon striking the track of a cavalry force sent up to his aid from Fortress Monroe by Gen. Butler, and encountering, when near New Kent C. H., a brigade of Black infantry, which lad been likewise sent by Butler on the same errand. Pursuit by the enemy was of course at an end. Kilpatrick had lost 150 men on this raid, had taken 500 prisoners, a good many horses, and inflicted on the Rebels serious losses in burned bridges, stations, and stores.

But Col. Ulric Dahlgren, who led a subordinate command of about 400 cavalry, had been far less fortunate. Crossing also at Ely's ferry, Dahlgren, after leaving Spottsylvania C. H., had gone farther to the right, through Louisa and Goochland counties, intending to cross the James and enter Richmond from the south when Kilpatrick assailed it from the north; but he found the river (at Dover mills) far too deep to be forded, and hanged his negro guide in the belief that he had purposely misled him away from Richmond rather than toward that city. Dahlgren now pushed down the north bank of the James to the fortifications of Richmond, which he charged at dark,¹² passing the outer works; but was repulsed with loss — of course, by far superior numbers — at the inner lines. He then, with the remnant of his forces, made a circuit around the city by Hungary to Hanovertown ferry; and, finding that Kilpatrick had been driven off eastward, struck thence for King and Queen C. H.; but was stopped, just after crossing the Mattapony at Dabney's ferry, by a body of local militia, at whose first fire lie fell dead, pierced by five balls. His command was here scattered, each seeking to reach our lines as he best might; and some of them made their way to Kilpatrick; but at least 100 of them were picked up as prisoners.

Col. Dahlgren's body was treated with ignominy ; it being asserted that papers were found on it evidencing [566] a plot to liberate our prisoners on Belle Isle, near Richmond, and, by their aid, burn that city, taking the lives of Davis and his Cabinet! That these papers were Rebel forgeries, and the meditated arson and murder a Rebel invention, intended to “ fire the Southern heart,” and justify murder by a pretense of retaliation, seems no longer doubtful; while that the Confederate authorities authorized the placing of several barrels of gunpowder under Libby prison, so as to blow some thousands of Union captives into fragments in case of a successful attack, is entirely beyond dispute.

It is not impossible that Richmond might have been taken at this time, had Kilpatrick kept his men together, and taken the hazards of a sudden, sanguinary, persistent assault; but it could not have been held two days; so that its capture would have been of small importance. Had lie been directed simply to destroy the railroads as thoroughly as he could, while Butler, moving by steam, had rushed on Richmond with 20,000 men, well provided with artillery, the chances of durable success would have been far better. Butler had, in fact, attempted¹³ to surprise Richmond by a forced march, some weeks earlier; but the design had miscarried, through the escape by bribery of a culprit from prison, who gave the alarm to the enemy, and enabled them to obstruct the roads beyond Bottom's bridge. Butler's infantry, on this expedition, marched 80 miles within 56 hours; his cavalry 150 miles in 50 hours.

All being at length in readiness, Gen. Meade's army, masking its intention by a feint on Lee's left, crossed¹⁴ the Rapidan on his right, at Germania and Ely's fords: Warren leading at Germania, followed by Sedgwick, and pushing straight into “ the Wilderness;” Hancock crossing at Ely's ford, and moving on Chancellorsville, followed by the trains of the whole army. Burnside followed next day.

The Wilderness is a considerable tract of broken table-land, stretching southward from the Rapidan nearly to Spottsylvania Court House, seamed with ravines and densely covered with dwarfish timber and bushes, diversified by very few clearings, but crossed by three or four good roads, the best of them centering on Fredericksburg, and by a multiplicity of narrow cart-tracks, used in peace only by wood-cutters. (It is a mineral region, and its timber has been repeatedly swept off as fuel for miners.) In this tangled labyrinth, numbers, artillery and cavalry, are of small account; local knowledge, advantage of position, and command of roads, everything.

Lee's army, alert and vigilant, was just west of it; the roads diverged, fan-like, on that side: it was Grant's obvious interest to get through this chapparal as quickly and with as little fighting as possible: it was Lee's business not to let him. Hence, the moment our movement was developed, the Rebel army, which had been looking north across the Rapidan, was faced to the right and moved rapidly down parallel with our advance, forming line of battle some six miles east of its strong defenses on Mine run, which proffered a safe refuge in case of disaster. Lee, like Meade, had reorganized his army in three corps; [567]

Battle of the Wilderness.

whereof Ewell's (late the right), on its change of front, held the left, next the Rapidan; A. P. Hill coming into line on the right; while Longstreet (recently returned from his East Tennessee campaign) was posted near Charlottesville, two marches off, but was rapidly brought up, and caine into action the second day. The ground was as unfavorable for us as could be; yet Grant, being unexpectedly assailed — for he had confidently expected to get through unmolested — had no choice but to fight: neither Burnside nor our trains being yet fairly over the river; so that any attempt to evade Lee's unlooked — for blow would have compromised, not merely the campaign, but the army.

Hardly a shot had been fired on the first day of our movement; the Rebel pickets retreating precipitately before our imposing advance, to speed the great news to their leaders. Gen. Warren, with his corps, forming our infantry advance, rested for the night at the “ Old Wilderness tavern,” five miles from the ford, where Grant and Meade crossed and made their Headquarters next morning; Gen. Sedgwick's corps was between them and the ford; Gen. Hancock, with his corps, halted at or near Chancellorsville, in the rear of Warren. Our cavalry, under Sheridan and his lieutenants, Wilson and Gregg, covered the front and flanks of the infantry.

Warren had orders to move, supported by Sedgwick, early next morning,¹⁵ to Parker's store, five miles S. W. of his camping-ground; following the road leading to Orange Court House: Hancock was to press southward, at considerable distance on his left, making for Shady Grove church; while Sheridan's cavalry swept still farther south-west, making a reconnoissance in force. But these movements were met in their inception by an unlooked — for advance of the Rebel [568] infantry under Hill against Warren, and under Ewell against Sedgwick: the former driving in the 5th N. Y. cavalry with loss, and striking Warren heavily and full in front, long before he had reached Parker's store, and before Hancock had orders to arrest his southward march and, facing westward, swing in on Warren's left. In short, the battle commenced before our army was in position, and while our Generals still supposed that there was no considerable Rebel force at hand — as Lee evidently intended to have it. And Hill, having, by an early advance, secured a strong and sheltered position on a ridge crossing the road, repelled with loss the brigades of Bartlett and Ayres, of Griffin's division, that were first sent up against him; not pressing far his advantage until about 3 P. M.; when, perceiving the approach of Hancock, he attempted the favorite Rebel maneuver of interposing a strong force between our usually loosely joined commands, but was checked by Hancock's arresting his direct advance and pushing rapidly to the right, to close on Warren. This was effected, not a moment too soon; the enemy's charging column being already on Warren's left flank; but Hancock, with his division Generals, Birney, Barlow, and Gibbon, struck heavily on their right, and two hours stubborn and bloody conflict, with musketry alone, resulted in great loss to both sides, and little advantage to either: Hancock's corps, which had, ere this, been strengthened by Getty's division of Sedgwick's, saving itself from rout by the most obstinate fighting.

Sedgwick had been attacked a little after 1 P. M.; but Ewell was not at first in so great force as Hill was; and the advantage here was on our side: the enemy being obliged, at 3 1/2 P. M., to give ground, after a most determined effort: Maj.-Gen. J. M. Jones and Brig.-Gen. Stafford having been killed. Rhodes's division, led by Gordon, next charged vigorously, and pushed back our advance with loss, taking some prisoners. In a return charge from our side, Gen. Pegram fell severely wounded. Hereupon a general advance on our side was ordered, but arrested by the coming of night. The Rebels claimed 1,000 prisoners to our 300 as the net product of the day's work; otherwise, the losses were nearly equal.

Grant had decided to open next morning¹⁶ by an advance along our whole front; Burnside's corps having arrived during the night by a forced march, and been distributed to the points where it seemed to be most needed. Sedgwick was ordered to move at 5 A. M.; but the enemy were upon him a quarter before; attempting to turn our right flank, which was held by Gen. Wright's division, with Gen. Seymour's provisional division still nearer the Rapidan. This attack, twice repeated during the forenoon, but not resolutely (being a feint to mask the real attack on Hancock), was repulsed, and our line advanced a few hundred yards to a more favorable position.

At 8 A. M., our whole front was assailed, and again two hours later, as if the enemy were feeling for a weak point. Then, efforts were made, as before, to push in between our several corps and their divisions; and at length to strike with crushing force [569] on one wing and then the other; and this proved the more successful maneuver. It was evident that the Rebels, in their perfect knowledge of the country, and in the facility of moving their forces from left to right and back again in the rear of their defenses and fighting line, thus thoroughly screened from observation on our part, possessed advantages fully counterbalancing their deficiency in numbers.

On our left, Gen. Hancock had moved out, at 5 A. M., and had pushed forward, fighting, crowding back Hill and taking many prisoners, nearly two miles, across the Brock road, on his way to Parker's store. Here he was stopped by the arrival of Longstreet; Who, after a brief lull, charged in turn, throwing our front into confusion, and requiring the presence of part of Burnside's men to restore and steady it; when Longstreet in turn was pressed back, falling severely wounded — it was said by a fire from his own men. Again a desperate attack by the enemy bore back the front of the 2d corps to its intrenched line and abatis along the Brock road; near which, but farther to the right, Gen. James S. Wadsworth, gallantly struggling to stem the adverse tide, was shot through the head and mortally wounded; as Gen. Alex. Hays had been the day before.

But, another lull now occurring, our front was straightened and strengthened ; Gen. Burnside's corps having been thrown in between Hancock and Warren, so as to give our line the full strength of our infantry. Hardly had this been done when the now united corps of Hill and Longstreet fell furiously upon our left and left center, pushing them back, and, striking heavily on Stevenson's division of Burnside's corps, drove it back and rushed through the gap. Hancock promptly sent Col. Carroll, with the 3d brigade of his 2d division, to strike the advancing foe in flank, which was admirably done: the enemy being driven back with heavy loss, and our troops regaining their former position.

Thus ended the battle on our left; but, the enemy, massing swiftly and heavily on our rig t, after our Generals supposed the day's fighting over,struck again, under Gordon, just before dark, at that flank ; surprising and routing Truman Seymour's and then Shaler's brigade, taking nearly 4,000 prisoners, including Seymour himself. For a moment, it seemed that our army, or at least its right wing, was exposed to rout; but Gen. Sedgwick exerted himself to restore his lines, and succeeded: the enemy making off with most of their prisoners in triumph. In fact, this charge had been made at so late an hour that no farther success than was achieved could wisely have been aimed at. Our army rested, after the second day's bloody struggle, substantially on the ground held by it at the beginning.

Early next morning, some guns (which had( just been posted on our right) opened; but there was no reply; then our skirmishers advanced, but were met by skirmishers only; and it was soon evident that Lee had intrenched his whole front, and was willing to receive an attack behind his works, but not inclined to advance again and make one. And, as fighting in this labyrinth was nowise Grant's choice, but Lee's wholly, and as the latter did not invite a persistence in it, Grant resolved to resume [570] his march; and accordingly put his columns in motion southward, aiming to clear the Wilderness and concentrate his army on the high, open ground around Spottsylvania C. H. The only serious conflict this day was an indecisive one near Todd's store, between four brigades of our cavalry and a like force of J. E. B. Stuart's, with a loss about 250 on either side. As Stuart attacked, and failed to achieve any advantage, Sheridan claimed the result as a triumph.

Our losses in this terrible struggle in the Wilderness were nearly 20,000 men, of whom some 6,000 were taken prisoners. Our loss in officers was heavy. The country's salvation claimed no nobler sacrifice than that of Gen. James S. Wadsworth, of New York. Born to affluence and social distinction, already past the age of military service, he had volunteered in 1861, under the impulse of a sense of duty alone. As an aid of Gen. McDowell, he was conspicuously useful at Bull Run; accustomed to every luxury, lie had courted, ever since, the hardships and perils of the field; made the Republican candidate for Governor in 1862 by an overwhelming majority, he could not have failed to be elected, could those have voted who, like himself, were absent from the State at the call of their country ; and, though he peremptorily declined, his fellow citizens, had he lived, would have insisted on electing him Governor in 1864. Thousands of the unnamed and unknown have evinced as fervid and pure a patriotism, but no one surrendered more for his country's sake, or gave his life more joyfully for her deliverance, than did James S. Wadsworth.

Among our wounded in this contest were Gens. Hancock (slightly), Getty, Gregg, Owen, Bartlett, Webb, and Carroll.

Of the Rebel killed, the most conspicuous were Maj.-Gen. Sam. Jones and Brig.-Gen. Albert G. Jenkins. Among their wounded were Gens. Longstreet (disabled for months), Stafford (mortally), Pickett, Pegram, and Hunter. Doubtless, their aggregate losses were much less than ours, especially in prisoners; but they were nevertheless severe, as they were estimated by themselves at 8,000.

Warren, starting at 9 P. M. of the 7th, preceded by cavalry, emerged¹⁷ from the Wilderness at Alsop's farm, where the Brock road crosses the little river Po; but he had been detained by the obstruction of his roads by the enemy, and by the cavalry fight in his front, so that Longstreet's corps had arrived before him, and taken post across the little river Ny, with his guns planted on the ridge beyond, to sweep our columns as they advanced. After a mutual cannonade, Robinson's overmatched division was advanced to the assault, but repulsed; Robinson being severely wounded. Later in the day, when part of the 6th corps had come up, the assault was renewed, Griffin's division taking part; when the enemy were driven back, with a loss of 1,500. Ours was judged to be less.

Miles's brigade of Hancock's corps was attacked this day at Corbyn's bridge, but beat off its assailants. Wilson, with our advance cavalry, penetrated to Spottsylvania Court House; but, being unsupported, was compelled to retire. [571]

Next day,¹⁸ our army cleared the Wilderness and was concentrated around Spottsylvania Court House, now held by Hill and Ewell: Warren in the center, Hancock on the right, Sedgwick on the left. While placing his guns, and bantering some of his men, who winced at tlhe singing of Rebel bullets, Gen. Sedgwick was struck in the face by a sharp-shooter's missile, and fell instantly dead. He was a native and citizen of Connecticut, a bachelor of 40, a thorough soldier, greatly beloved for his social qualities by all who knew him. Gen. Wm. H. Morris, of New York, was severely wounded this day.

Gen. H. G. Wright next day succeeded to the command of the 6th corps, and Gen. Burnside came into position on our left; when our batteries opened on the enemy's position, and charges on his rifle-pits were made by Barlow's and by Gibbon's divisions, in front of the 2d and 5th corps, bringing on a general engagement. We finally attempted to turn the enemy's left flank, but failed; Barlow's division, which had advanced across the Po, being ordered to return, was fiercely attacked on its retreat, and at one time in danger of destruction, but finally extricated with some loss, including a gun. Several charges on our part were repulsed with loss--Brig.-Gens. J. C. Rice and T. G. Stevenson being among our killed. Late in the afternoon, a most gallant charge was made from our left by Wright's 1st division, Col. Upton, and 3d, Gen. D. A, Russell, who rushed over the first line of Rebel defenses and took 900 prisoners, beside several guns, which, for want of proper support, they were obliged at dark to abandon. The day closed with no decisive success; our aggregate loss having been severe; the enemy's — because of their position — probably much less.

Gen. Grant dispatched next morning to the War Department the following pithy but rather roseate bulletin :

Headquarters in the field, May 11, 1864--8 A. M.

We have now ended the sixth day of very heavy fighting. The result, to this time, is much ill our favor.

Our losses have been heavy, as well as those of tie enemy. I think the loss of the enemy must be greater.

We have taken over 5,000 prisoners by battle, whilst be has taken from us but few, except stragglers.

I Propose to fight it out on this line, if it takes all Summer.

U. S. Grant, Lieut.-Gen. Commanding the Armies of the United States.

This (lay was spent in reconnoitering, skirmishing, and getting ready for the morrow. The afternoon was rainy. Hancock, at nightfall, was ordered to leave at midnight his position fronting Hill, and move silently to the left, taking post between Wright and Burnside, so as to be ready for work early in the morning.

When morning cane, the rain had given place to a fog of exceeding density, under cover of which, Hancock sternly advanced, in two lines; Barlow's and Birney's divisions forming the first; Gibbon's and Mott's the second. Before them was a salient angle of earthworks, held by Edward Johnson's division of Ewell's corps. Swiftly, noiselessly sweeping over the rugged, difficult, thickly wooded intervening space — some 1,200 yards-Barlow's and Birney's divisions dashed, with a thundering cheer, over the front and flank of the [572]

Spottsylvania Court House.

enemy's works, surprising and overwhelming the Rebels in their trenches, and capturing Johnson, with most of his division; also Brig.-Gen. Geo. H. Stewart¹⁹ and part of two brigades; also 30 guns. The number of prisoners secured and sent to the rear was over 3,000.

Hancock wrote in pencil to Grant: “I have captured from 30 to 40 guns. I have finished up Johnson, and am going into Early.” He had in fact, though he did not know it, all but captured Lee himself, and had nearly cut the Rebel army in two. But the surprise was now over, and the rally of the Rebels was prompt and vigorous. Their case was desperate — for defeat now was annihilation-and they fought with invincible ardor and resolution. Grant had fully prepared for the emergency; Wright's (6th) corps hurried up to the aid of Hancock, and Warren and Burnside charged promptly and bravely on our right; but the enemy's position here was so strong that he held it and at the same time dispatched aid to his endangered right. Charge followed charge in quick succession, and the mutual carnage was fearful. Seeing that no impression was made by our attacks along the enemy's unshaken front, they were intermitted, while Cutler's [573] and Griffin's divisions were detached from Warren and sent to the aid of Hancock, who still held fast to the captured work, but could not go beyond it while Lee made five successive and desperate assaults on him, with intent to hurl him back ; the men fighting hand-to-hand, with their respective flags often planted on opposite sides of the same breastwork. These assaults were all repelled with frightful carnage; but Hancock was unable to advance, as lie had expected to do, and ultimately got off but 20 of the captured guns. Rain set in again at noon; but the fighting continued till near midnight, when it was terminated by Lee's desisting and leaving Hancock in possession of his hard-won prize; but that was the extent of our advantage, which had cost us several thousand men, and the enemy almost as many. Lee fortified and held a line immediately in front of Hancock ; so that the enemy's general position proved as invulnerable as ever.

Here ensued several days of maneuvering, marching and counter-marching, in quest of a weak point in the enemy's defenses; but none was found : an assault being delivered on the 18th, by Gibbon's and Barlow's divisions, supported by Birney's and Tyler's, nearly in front of the work thy had so gallantly carried on the 12th; but they were stopped by formidable abatis, and repulsed, losing heavily.

Next afternoon, observing or suspecting tllat our army was gradually moving to the left, with intent to flank and pass him, Lee threw forward Ewell against our weakened right, held by Tyler's division of foot artillerists recently drawn from the defenses of Washington, by whom he was gallantly repulsed and driven off, though not without serious loss on our side. The reckless fighting of the artillerists — mainly veterans in service, but new to the field — excited general admiration, but cost blood. The 2d and 5th corps hurrying to their aid, Ewell's men were run off and scattered in the woods, on our left, where several hundreds of them were hunted up and taken prisoners. Somewhat delayed by this sally, our army, moving by the left, resumed, next night,²⁰ its march to Richmond.

Gen. Meade reports his losses up to this time at 39,791; to which some-thing must be added for the losses of Burnside's corps before it was formally incorporated with the Army of the Potomac. If we assume that half these fell in the Wilderness, our losses around Spottsylvania C. H. were scarcely less than 20,000 men. The Rebels, holding a ridge, generally fighting on the defensive and behind breastworks, had suffered considerably less, but still quite heavily. Among their officers killed were Gens. Daniels, Perrin, and J. M. Jones.

In the Wilderness, our army had cut loose from its original base north of the Rapidan. It had since established a new one at Fredericksburg, to which its wounded were sent, and where they were met by officers, nurses, and other employes of the Sanitary and Christian Associations, with the amplest and most thoughtful provision for the mitigation of their sufferings. As it moved down toward Richmond, new bases were establish at Port Royal and [574] then at White House; so that, while there was doubtless much suffering from privation as well as from wounds, it was always within a short distance of posts to which abundant supplies were forwarded from Washington and from the great commercial cities, under the efficient direction of Gen. Rufus Ingalls, its chief Quartermaster.

On emerging from the Wilderness, Gen. Sheridan, with the better part of our cavalry, led by Merritt, Wilson, and Gregg, was dispatched²¹ on a raid toward Richmond. Crossing next day the North Anna, Sheridan carried the Beaverdam station on the Virginia Central, destroying the track, three trains of cars, a million and a half of rations, and liberating 400 Union prisoners captured in the Wilderness and now on their way to Richmond. Stuart's cavalry here overtook and assailed his flank and rear, but to little purpose. Crossing the South Anna at Ground Squirrel bridge, Sheridan captured Ashland Station at daylight;²² breaking up the railroad, destroying a train and a large quantity of stores. He then resumed his march to Richmond.

Stuart had meantime passed him and massed his cavalry at Yellow Tavern, a few miles north of Richmond, where he proposed to stop the raid. A spirited fight ensued, wherein Stuart was mortally wounded (as was Brig.-Gen. J. B. Gordon) and his force driven off the turnpike toward Ashland, leaving the road to Richmond open. Sheridan pressed down it; Custer carrying the outer line of defenses and taking 100 prisoners. But Richmond was no longer to be taken on a gallop, and our assault was repulsed; Sheridan crossing the Chickahominy at Meadow bridge, beating off attacks both front and rear, burning the railroad bridge, and moving to Haxall's;²³ where he rested three days, and then, moving by White House and Hanover C. H., rejoined the Army of the Potomac.

Gen. Butler, commanding at Fortress Monroe, had been reinforced in pursuance of a programme suggested by him and concurred in by Gen. Grant: Gen. W. F. Smith's (18th) corps and Gen. Gillmore's (10th) corps (from South Carolina) having been sent him, raising our effective strength in his department to some 40,000 men, of whom perhaps 30,000 were disposable. Having sent²⁴ a small force on steamboats up the York to White House, to move out and menace Richmond so as to draw the enemy's attention to that quarter, the day after Gillmore's arrival his real movement commenced,²⁵ in cooperation with General Grant's, and with others. Embarking his infantry and artillery, 25,000 strong, Gen. Butler proceeded up James river, while Gen. Kautz, with 3,000 cavalry, moved out from Suffolk, crossing the Blackwater and cutting the Weldon road at Stony creek; Col. R. West, with 1,500 more troopers, simultaneously advancing from Williamsburg up the north bank of the James. The armed transports moved up the James by night, the unarmed following next day,²⁶ pioneered by the iron-clads and other naval forces under Admiral Lee. Wilson's wharf, Fort Powhattan, and City Point, were seized without resistance; 10,000 men being at once [575] pushed forward to possess and secure the peninsula between the James and the Appomattox, known as Bermuda Hundreds. Next day, Gen. Smith moved out toward the railroad from Richmond to Petersburg, but failed to strike it. On the 7th, Gen. Smith, with his own and part of Gillmore's corps, struck the railroad near Port Walthall junction, and commenced destroying it; having to fight D. H. Hill, but with advantage to our side; while Col. West's cavalry, having forded the Chickahominy, arrived opposite City Point. After breaking up the railroad for some distance, Gen. Butler, misled by advices from Washington that Gen. Lee was beaten and in full retreat on Richmond — which would have brought him down suddenly in overwhelming force on this army-drew back within his intrenchments, which he was engaged in strengthening for the apprehended emergency. The fact that his two corps commanders did not cordially cooperate, while Gillmore did not execute his orders so promptly and vigorously as he deemed fit, somewhat increased the inevitable perplexities of the commander's critical position.

Had Butler been directed to move at once on Petersburg, he could hardly have failed to capture that city — there being no considerable Rebel force then in lower Virginia--and might have been enabled to hold it; separating, for a time, the Rebel capital and Lee's army from the South proper. But, the first astounding news of his movement up the James summoned Beauregard by telegraph from Charleston, with all the forces that could be scraped from that region — now relieved of all apprehension by Gillmore's withdrawal. When, therefore, the first resolute effort was made²⁷ to cut the railroad, some portion either of the North or South Carolina forces had already arrived; and, when it was renewed,²⁸ the enemy had been materially strengthened. Still, the advantage of numbers was clearly on our side; and the enemy was forced to uncover the railroad, which was destroyed for some distance; our troops pressing southward to Swift creek, three miles from Petersburg. But now, deceived by fresh, joyful, but hardly truthful, Washington advices, Butler turned his face northward, to participate in the expected speedy capture of Richmond; pushing his lines gradually up to Proctor's creek, whence the enemy withdrew²⁹ to an intrenched line behind it, which Gen. Gillmore flanked, and which was to have been assaulted; but our troops had been so dispersed that the requisite force was not at hand; so the attack was deferred till next morning.³⁰

But Beauregard — whom Butler supposed still at or below Petersburg, unable to get up — was on hand, with a formidable force, and intent on making himself disagreeable. A dense fog shrouded every thing, when, before daylight, our sleeping soldiers on the front were startled by a grand crash of artillery and musketry. Our forces had been so disposed that there was over a mile of open country between our right and the James, merely picketed by 150 cavalry; and Beauregard, having made careful observations before dark, attempted at once to assault in front, to turn this flank, and to strike heavily our left with a division [576] under Gen. Whiting, which he had left on the Petersburg side of the gap in the railroad.

The attempt to turn our right was at first a decided success. Heckman's brigade, here posted, was surprised and overwhelmed. The enemy gained the rear of this flank, and was carrying all before him, when he met the 112th New York--one of three Gillmore regiments which Butler had fortunately sent to Smith as a support to his long, thin line. Joined on the instant by the 9th Maine, this regiment held the road junction which the enemy were pressing on to seize, and stubbornly refused to move. The Rebel commander, disconcerted by this unexpected resistance, and reluctant to advance in the fog to unknown and incalculable perils, desisted and withdrew.

The front of Smith's line, held by the divisions of Brooks and Weitzel, was impetuously assailed; but Smith, having found a quantity of telegraph wire lying idle, had resolved to make a precautionary use of it, by directing his men to stretch it tightly along their front, winding it occasionally around a tree or stump, at a height of two or three feet from the ground. The assaulting enemy, rushing blindly upon this in their charge, pitched headlong over it, and were shot or bayoneted ere they could regain their feet. Their attack in front was thus repulsed — the assailants recoiling with loss.

Beauregard thereupon renewed his effort to turn our right; sending a large force, and directing it to make a farther detour; which was done, and Smith thereby compelled to fall back.

Whiting, who was to have struck Gillmore on our left, failed, for some reason, to do so; hence, Gillmore stood in idle expectancy, until Smith drew back, when he did likewise. We had lost in this collision about 4,000 men; the Rebels at least 3,000. Beauregard cautiously followed up, and erected a line of works across the peninsula in front of ours; so that Gen. Butler wrote to Gen. Grant that he was “bottled up :” a remark that the Lieutenant-General, rather inconsiderately, adopts in his report of the campaign. So long as our navy and transports held undisputed possession of the rivers, enabling Butler to launch his troops in any direction but directly northward, the remark had but little pertinence or force; as the unobstructed and ready withdrawal³¹ soon afterward, of Smith's corps to reenforce the Army of the Potomac, sufficiently proves. When that detachment was required, Butler was on the point of striking that determined blow at Petersburg which should have been his first, and, but for misinformation as to Lee's discomfiture, probably would have been successful.

There was further fighting along Gen. Butler's front, on the 18th, 19th, 20th, and 21st, with considerable loss on each side; but without decisive results. Gen. Terry's line was forced back on the 20th, but reestablished next day. And Gen. Kautz, who had been sent on a cavalry raid to cut the railroads leading southward and westward from Petersburg, acting with caution, achieved but a moderate success; cutting the Danville road at Coalfield, Powhattan, and Chula, bit failing to destroy the iron bridge at [577] Matoax, which was strongly guarded. He did a little harm also to the Lynchburg and Weldon road; making his way circuitously but safely thence³² to City Point. Meantime, our fleet had had a difficult and dangerous task in fishing the James for torpedoes; by one of which, the small gunboat Corn. Jones had been utterly destroyed,³³ and 50 of its crew killed or wounded. The gunboats Shoshonee and Brewster were likewise destroyed by explosions, but not of torpedoes.

Gen. Grant's flanking advance from Spottsylvania to the North Anna was admirably planned and executed without loss — a single blow aimed by Hill at the front of Wright's (6th) corps, just before it started³⁴ to cover the movement, being easily repelled. But, as our movement was easily detected from the higher ground held by Lee, and as his position covered the direct and best road leading straight to Richmond, compelling Grant to make a considerable detour eastward and move by inferior roads, it was inevitable on our part that, on approaching³⁵ the North Anna, near the crossing of the Fredericksburg railroad, our army should find its old antagonist planted across that stream, in an admirable position, covering the Central road (on which Breckinridge, having beaten Sigel in the Valley, was now hurrying down to reenforce Lee), and prepared to dispute resolutely its farther advance.

Warren, on our right, crossed that afternoon at Jericho ford, the enemy being in slender force in his immediate presence; but they were very soon strengthened, and an attack in front, on Griffin's division, made at 5 P. M. by Wilcox's and Heth's divisions (six brigades) of Hill's corps, but promptly and effectually repulsed with loss to the enemy; who there-upon sent Brown, with three brigades, to turn our right. This maneuver was well executed; the blow falling on Cutler's division while getting into position, crushing in his left, and throwing the whole into confusion. Pressing swiftly to their right, the charging column struck the right of Griffin's division, which was saved by refusing that flank, while Bartlett's brigade was hurried forward to its support. In making this advance, the 83d Pennsylvania, Lt.-Col. Mc-Coy, swept closely past the flank of Brown's column, when McCoy instantly wheeled his forward companies into line, and gave a volley, which, delivered at close quarters on the flank and rear of the Rebel column, threw it into utter disorder and rout: one of McCoy's men seizing Brown by the collar and dragging him into our lines, while nearly 1,000 of his men were gathered up as prisoners. Our loss here was but 350, and the enemy's attack was completely foiled. Warren established and intrenched his lines without farther resistance.

Gen. Hancock struck the North Anna at the Chesterfield bridge, a mile above the Fredericksburg railroad, where lie was confronted by McLaws's division of Longstreet's corps, mainly across the river, but holding an ugly fortification or bridge-head on this side; which, at 6 P. M., after a vigorous fire from three sections of artillery, was stormed and carried by Pierce's and Egan's brigades [578]

Positions on the North Anna.

of Birney's division, who swept over the plain on the double-quick, disregarding the heavy fire of its defenders, swarmed over the parapet, and drove out the garrison, capturing 30, with a total loss of 150. Repeated efforts by the enemy to burn the bridge during the ensuing night were baffled; and in the morning it was discovered that they had retreated; when Hancock quietly crossed and established himself on the south side; as Wright, following Warren, had done at Jericho ford the night before.

The passage of the river thus seemed to be triumphantly and cheaply effected; but the appearance was delusive. The river was barely fordable at different points, with high, rocky banks; and Lee had chosen a strong position, with both flanks drawn back; his right covered by marshes; his left resting on Little river; his front on the North Anna narrow and strong; our army being situated much as his was at Gettysburg, when Meade was able to throw divisions and corps from right to left to breast a coming shock, or strike a return blow, in half the time that Lee required to countervail the movement. So, when Burnside, approaching the river half way between our right and left wings, attempted to cross, his advance division (Crittenden's) was promptly repelled with heavy loss; and when Warren attempted to connect with Burnside by pushing Crawford's division down the south bank of the river, he in turn was assailed in overwhelming force, and was with difficulty extricated. Grant paused and pondered, and studied and planned; but Lee's position was absolutely invulnerable, or only to be wrested from good soldiers with an enormous disparity of force, and by a frightful sacrifice of life. After deliberate and careful reconnoissances, continued throughout two days, an assault was forborne, and our army, cautiously withdrawing [579] at nightfall³⁶ from the enemy's front, reerossed the river unassailed, and, after pushing well east to avoid another charge on the flank of its long columns while extended in movement, again turned southward and took the road to Richmond: the 6th corps in advance, followed in succession by the 5th, 9th, and 2d: Hancock not starting till next morning; when Sheridan, with our cavalry in the advance, was, after a march of 22 miles, approaching the Pamunkey at Hanovertown. Wright's corps crossed directly, and took post to cover the fords; Warren's and Burnside's were over the next morning;³⁷ Hancock crossed almost four miles higher; so that our whole army was south of the Pamunkey without loss, and in unobstructed communication with its new base at White House.

Lee had, as usual, a much shorter road, and was already in position on our new front; his army facing north-eastward, covering both railroads as well as the road to Richmond, and rendering it hazardous, if not impossible, to cross the Chickahominy on his right so as to interpose between him and the Confederate capital. Grant had shown at the North Anna his aversion to sacrificing the lives of his men when there was a practicable alternative; but now it seemed that the great object of the campaign positively required a disregard of the advantages of position possessed by the enemy. A spirited fight³⁸ at Hawes's shop, on our front, wherein Sheridan, with the brigades of Davies, Gregg, and Custer, met and worsted the Rebel troopers under Fitzhugh Lee and Hampton — our loss being 400, and the enemy's 800--doubtless stimulated the general eagerness for battle. A reconnoissance in force along our front was accordingly made; developing the enemy's position across Tolopotomy creek, with its right on the Mechanicsville pike, near Bethesda church, where Col. Hardin's brigade of Reserves, Crawford's division, was struck³⁹ on its flank by Rhodes's division of Ewell's corps, and hurried back to the Shady Grove road; where Crawford, bringing up the remainder of the Reserves and Kitching's brigade (of Warren's corps), repulsed Rhodes, and established our left on the Mechanicsville pike. Meantime, Hancock, on our right, had been stopped, after heavy skirmishing, at the Tolopotomy, finding the enemy in his front too strong and too well covered by defenses and a swamp; while Burnside had come into position on his left, and Wright on his right. Reconnoissances showed the enemy's position so unassailable in front that no course seemed open but an attempt to flank its right, crossing the Chickahominy opposite or just below Cold Harbor; a focus of roads which Sheridan had seized,⁴⁰ after a brief skirmish, and on which the 6th corps, moving in the rear from our right to our left, was immediately directed; reaching it next day — just before Gen. W. F. Smith, with 10,000 men detached from Butler's army, and brought around by steamboats to White House, came up and took post on its right; and the two were met here by orders from Meade to advance and repel the enemy in their front, with a view to forcing a passage of the Chickahominy. [580]

Battles of Cold Harbor.

The attack was made at 4 P. M.: the enemy of course posted in a wood, which concealed their strength, facing a level, open field, across which our men advanced with great spirit under a heavy fire, carrying a good part of the enemy's advanced line of rifle-trenches and taking 600 prisoners. Their second line, however, was far stronger and more firmly held; and night fell with the Rebels still fully in its possession: our advance holding and bivouacking on the ground it had gained, at a cost of 2,000 killed and wounded. For Longstreet's corps, which had confronted our right the day before, had been moved rapidly to our left, parallel with Wright's movement, and was here facing us before the Chickahominy, as it had just been on the Tolopotomy, with a little less advantage of position but the same spirit and resolution; so that (as Lincoln once remarked to McClellan) the chief obstacle had been shifted, not surmounted, by our movement to the left. Nevertheless, Hancock was now called down from our right to the left of Wright; Warren was directed to extend his left so as to connect with Smith; while Burnside was to withdraw entirely from the front and mass on the right and rear of Warren.

These flank movements, in the presence of a vigilant and resolute enemy, may not often prove so disastrous as Rosecrans found them at the Chickamauga, but they are always critical. Burnside, attempting to obey this order in broad daylight,⁴¹ his movement was of course detected by the foe in his front, who sharply followed up his skirmishers covering the operation, taking some of them [581] prisoners, and, striking Warren's left, cut off and captured 400 more; arresting Warren's extension to the left, by compelling him to look to the safety of his corps. But new dispositions were made, and Grant and Meade, now at Cold Harbor, resolved that the Rebel lines should be forced on the morrow.⁴²

The two armies held much of the ground covered by McClellan's right, under Fitz-John Porter, prior to Lee's bold advance, nearly two years before: Gaines's mill being directly in the rear of the Confederate center; while Sheridan's cavalry patrolled the roads in our rear leading to our base at White House, covered our left and observed the Chickahominy eastward of Richmond. Wilson, with his cavalry division, watched our right flank. Burnside was still on Warren's right and rear; Smith, Wright, and Hancock stretched farther and farther to the left. In our front, Lee not only had a very good position naturally, but he knew how to make the most of its advantages — the single point in which (but it is a vital one) his admirers can justify their claim for him of a rare military genius. No other American has ever so thoroughly appreciated and so readily seized the enormous advantage which the increased range, precision; and efficiency given to musketry by rifling, have insured to the defensive, when wielded by a commander who knows how speedily a trench may be dug and a slight breastwork thrown up which will stop nine-tenths of the bullets that would otherwise draw blood. The lessons of Bunker Hill and New Orleans, impressive as they were, must have been trebly so had our, countrymen been armed with the Enfield rifle or Springfield musket of to-day.

At sunrise, or a little before, the assault was made⁴³ along our whole front-bravely, firmly, swiftly made; and as swiftly repulsed with terrible slaughter. On our left, Barlow's division of Hancock's corps gained a transitory advantage; dislodging the enemy from their position in a sunken road, taking three guns and several hundred prisoners. But his second line failed to advance promptly to the support of the first, against which the enemy rallied in overwhelming force, retaking their defenses, hurling Barlow back, but not to the lines from which he started. He fell back a few yards only, and covered his front so quickly that the enemy could not dislodge him.

Gibbon,charging on Barlow's right, was checked by a swamp, which separated his command: part of which gained the Rebel works nevertheless; Col. McMahon planting his colors on their intrenchments a moment before he fell mortally wounded. No part of the Rebel works was held; but part of Gibbon's men also covered themselves so close to the enemy's lines that, while the Rebels dared not come out to capture them, they could not get away, save by crawling off under cover of fog or thick darkness.

Wright's and Smith's assaults were less determined — at all events, less sanguinary — than Hancock's; and Warren, having a long line to hold, was content to hold it. Burnside swung two of his divisions around to flank the enemy's left, which lie hotly engaged, and must have worsted had [582] the battle along our front been protracted. But that could not be. Twenty minutes after the first shot was fired, fully 10,000 of our men were stretched writhing on the sod, or still and calm in death; while the enemy's loss was probably little more than 1,000. And when, some hours later, orders were sent by Gen. Meade to each corps commander to renew the assault at once, without regard to any other; the men simply and unanimously refused to obey it. They knew that success was hopeless, and the attempt to gain it murderous: hence they refused to be sacrificed to no purpose.

Our total loss at and around Cold Harbor was 13,153; of whom 1,705 were killed, 9,042 wounded, and 2,406 missing. Among the killed were acting Brigadiers P. A. Porter,⁴⁴ Lewis O. Morris, and F. F. Wead; all of New York. Cols. Edward Pye, 95th N. Y., O. H. Morris, 66th N. Y., J. C. Drake, 112th N. Y., John McConihe, 169th N. Y., Edwin Schall, 51st Pa., and F. A. Haskell, 36th Wise. Brig.-Gen. R. O. Tyler was among the severely wounded. Brig.-Gen. Doles was the only Rebel officer of note reported as killed. Col. Lawrence M. Keitt, formerly a conspicuous M. C. from South Carolina, had fallen the day before.

Our army had suffered terribly in this battle; but it had lost blood only. The fighting closed with our front advanced on several points and forced back on none; but Lee, overestimating the effects of our repulse on the morale of our men, and seeing that our hastily constructed intrenchments directly before his lines were but slight, hazarded a night attack⁴⁵ on our front, but was repulsed at every point, and soon desisted. Next day, a partial assault was made on our left; but this also was easily repulsed. Meantime, our army was gradually moving to its left, by the successive withdrawals of Burnside and of Warren; when another night attack was made⁴⁶ on our right, again held by Burnside, but without success. And now an armistice of two hours was arranged, during which the wounded lying between the armies were removed and the dead buried.

Next day,⁴⁷ our left was extended to the Chickahominy, finding the enemy in force opposite Sumner's and Bottom's bridges; while Sheridan was dispatched with two divisions of cavalry around Lee's left, to tear up the Virginia Central railroad in his rear, which he did: crossing the Pamunkey at Aylett's, breaking the Fredericksburg road at Chesterfield station, and thence pushing over the North Anna by Chilesburg and Mount Pleasant, over the upper branches of the North Anna,⁴⁸ striking the Central railroad at Trevilian's, routing a body of Rebel horse, under Wade Hampton, that interfered with his operations, and breaking up the [583] road nearly down⁴⁹ to Louisa C. H.; but, soon finding the Rebels too numerous and pressing, he retraced his steps to Trevilian's, where he had a sharp, indecisive, sanguinary fight, and then drew off; making his way to Spottsylvania C. H., and thence by Guiney's station to White House, and so rejoined Gen. Grant. His raid was less effective than had been calculated, because Gen. hunter, who was expected to meet him at Gordonsville, had taken a different direction, leaving more foes on Sheridan's hands than lie was able satisfactorily to manage. His total loss, mainly in the last fight at Trevilian's, was 735, whereof some 300 were prisoners. He brought out 370 prisoners. The Rebel loss in killed and wounded was at least equal to ours, and included Gen. Rosser and Col. Custer, wounded, and Col. McAllister, killed.

Gen. Grant now decided to pass the Chickahominy far to Lee's right, and thence move across the James to attack Richmond from the south. It was a bold resolve, especially as the authorities at Washington had a settled and reasonable repugnance to a movement which seemed to place the Federal City at the mercy of Lee. Taking up the rails from the Chickahominy to White House, and shipping them around for use south of the James, Smith's corps was likewise embarked⁵⁰ and returned to Butler; while the Army of the Potomac was put in motion⁵¹ for the passage of the James: Wilson's cavalry, in advance, crossing the Chickahominy at Long bridge, followed by Warren's corps; which was passed at Long bridge by Hancock's, which struck the James at Wilcox's wharf, between Charles City C. H. and Westover. Wright and Burnside, crossing the Chickahominy at Jones's bridge, moved thence to Charles City C. H.; our trains, for safety, taking roads still farther to the east. The enemy made some attempts at annoying our right flank during the march, but to no purpose. Pontoons and ferry-boats being at hand, the passage was promptly and safely made;⁵² and very soon our guns were thundering at the southern approaches to the Rebel capital.

This is not a military history, and its author makes no shadow of pretension to other military knowledge, than that which is necessarily gained by all students of history; while no one who carefully reads this volume will accuse him of partiality or special admiration for Gen. Grant. Yet the criticisms which have been leveled at that commander's advance to Richmond seem so unjust as to demand exposure.

“ Why not embark his army at once for City Point?” has been triumphantly asked, “and establish it there at a cost of a few hundred men, instead of fifty or sixty thousand?” The question not only ignores the Rebel losses in the course of this movement — losses which were at least as large in proportion to their resources as ours — but ignores also the obvious fact that Lee's army around Richmond, hard pressed by a superior force, was no peril to Washington and the loyal States; whereas, to leave it on the Rapidan and take ship for the James was either to make the enemy a present of our capital, with [584] its immense stores of every warlike material, or compel that division and dispersion of our forces whereof McClellan had so persistently, and with some justice, complained. Lee at Richmond, with the country northward to the Potomac thoroughly exhausted and devastated, could not reach Washington at all without abandoning Richmond to its fate; and corps after corps of our army could be transferred to the Potomac in less than half the time required for a march of the Rebel forces to Centerville. Of course, Grant set out expecting to defeat Lee decisively between the Rapidan and the Chickahominy, and was disappointed; but it is difficult to see how he could have evaded obstacles at least as serious as those he encountered. As he pertinently observed, the Rebel army was his true objective; and this must be encountered, whichever route he might take. Had he attempted, as Lee evidently anticipated, to advance by Gordonsville or Louisa C. H., flanking Lee's left instead of his right, he would have been starved into a retreat before he came in sight of the James.

Petersburg, at the head of sloop navigation on the Appomattox, 22 miles south of Richmond, is the focus of all the railroads but the Danville which connected the Confederate capital with the South and South-west. Petersburg taken and firmly held by our forces, the stay of the Rebel Government and Army at Richmond must be of short duration. But merely to take it, without the ability to hold it against the force which Lee, near at hand, could easily send against it, would be worse than useless.

The moment it was decided that Meade's army must cross the James below Richmond and threaten that city from the south, Grant hastened to Butler's headquarters to impel against Petersburg whatever force might there be disposable, so soon as it should be certain that that attempt could be seasonably supported by the legions of Meade.

Butler, after the dispatch of the best part of his force, under W. F. Smith, to Meade, had been inclined to keep quiet within his intrenchments; but that was not permitted. His northern outpost at Wilson's wharf, north of the James, held by Gen. Wild with two Black regiments, had already been summoned and charged⁵³ by Fitz-Hugh Lee's cavalry, who, after a fight of some hours, were beaten off with loss: and now Gen. Gillmore, with 3,500 men, was thrown across⁵⁴ the Appomattox, to approach Petersburg by the turnpike on the north, while Gen. Kautz, with 1,500 cavalry, should charge into it from the south or south-west. Two gunboats and a battery were simultaneously to bombard Fort Clinton, defending the approach up the river.

The combination failed, though it should have succeeded. Gillmore advanced⁵⁵ unresisted to within two miles of the city, where he drove in the enemy's skirmishers and halted — or rather, recoiled — deeming his force altogether too weak for the task before him, and understanding that he was free to exercise his discretion in the premises. Kautz, on the other hand, made his way not only up to but into the city — the Confederates' attention having been concentrated on Gillmore — but, now that they [585] were released from apprehension on this side, they turned upon Kautz; driving him out with ease.

Grant, having hurried from the Army of the Potomac, when it had begun to cross the James, to Bermuda Hundreds, directed Butler to push W. F. Smith's corps, just arrived from the Chickahominy by steamboat via White House, against Petersburg as quickly as possible; it being known that A. P. Hill, with the van of Lee's army, was already on the south front of Richmond. Smith moved out accordingly, crossing the Appomattox by a pontoon-bridge at Point of Rocks, and following Gillmore's route southward to Petersburg; confronting, before noon,⁵⁶ the north-east defenses, 2 1/2 miles from the river. Hincks's black brigade was sent up directly, taking a line of rifle-pits and two guns. But there — though moments were inestimable — Smith paused⁵⁷--not assaulting till near sundown, when part of his force was sent forward, forming a very strong skirmish line, and cleared the enemy's rifle-trenches in their front, capturing 300 prisoners and 16 guns, with a loss on our part of about 600.⁵⁸ And now — though the night was clear and the moon nearly full — Smith rested till morning, after the old but not good fashion of 1861-2.

Fatalities multiplied. Hancock,with two divisions, forming the van of the Army of the Potomac, came up just after nightfall, and waiving his seniority, tendered his force to Smith, who put partof it into the captured works, relieving his own troops, but made no further use of it. And Hancock, it seems, in the hurry of the moment, when there were a thousand things to be attended to at once, had not, up to 5 P. M. of that day, even been apprised that Petersburg was to be assaulted, and had lost some hours of the morning waiting for rations, which would not have stopped him if he had known⁵⁹ how urgent was the necessity for haste: and some further time by marching by an inaccurate map, which carried him too far to the left.

Smith's hesitation to follow up his success proved the turning-point of the campaign. Before morning, there was a very different sort of enemy in his front from that he had beaten yesterday — the van of Lee's iron-sided veterans, who did not comprehend how formidable intrenchments and batteries could be lost when assailed only by strong skirmish-lines. By their arrival, the fall of Petersburg, a few hours since so imminent, was indefinitely postponed.

During the 16th, Warren and [586] Burnside came up, with the greater part of the Army of the Potomac; but so did Lee, with most of the Army of Virginia. Smith held our right, touching the Appomattox; Hancock, Burnside and Warren reaching farther and farther to the left, which was covered by Kautz's cavalry. Meade, after posting his army, hastened to City Point for a consultation with Grant; and, returning at 2 P. M., gave orders for a general assault, which was delivered at 6 P. M. Hancock's, Burnside's, and part of Warren's corps, went forward in the face of a terrible fire from a sheltered and formidable foe, and a night of combat and carnage resulted in a general advance of our lines, though at a heavy cost. Birney, of Hancock's corps, had stormed and carried the ridge in his front; while Burnside, repelled during the night by the deadly fire he encountered, carried at daylight the outwork defying him, capturing 4 guns and 400 prisoners. Potter's division, which had made this desperate charge, was now relieved by Ledlie's, which pushed our advance still farther, or to within a mile and a half of the city, which was hence reached by our shells. On other points, however, we had either been repulsed, or had made no progress; while the preponderance of losses, and even of prisoners, was heavily against us. And, as the advanced position gained in Burnside's front was projected, as it were, into the enemy's still unshaken lines, a tremendous assault upon it was made the next night, and our men driven out with heavy loss.

The desperate struggle for Petersburg having drawn the Rebel forces mainly to that city, Gen. Butler, by order, struck out,⁶⁰ under Terry, from his front at Bermuda Hundreds toward Port Walthall junction, with intent to take, and if possible hold, the railroad. Terry, finding the railroad slightly held, seized, and was proceeding to destroy it, when the approach of Pickett's division of Longstreet's corps, marching from Richmond on Petersburg, compelled him to draw back. Grant had foreseen and provided against this contingency, by relieving (with part of the 6th) Smith's (18th) corps, and sending it to the aid of Butler; but, by some mistake, Smith's men were halted too soon; so that Terry was overpowered and hurled back; and, when he again advanced, reenforced, the enemy had so strengthened their former works that they were deemed impregnable.

Grant, believing that a good part of the Rebel army had not yet arrived, ordered another general assault for the 18th; but, when our skirmishers that morning advanced, the enemy had abandoned their works in our immediate front, withdrawing to a new, stronger, and more symmetrical line nearer Petersburg. Hours were now spent in making new dispositions to assault this with effect; and, at 3 P. M., an attack was made, first by Martindale, commanding the division left here of Smith's corps; then by Birney, in temporary command of the 2d; and later by the 5th and 9th; but with very heavy loss, and no success, save that Martindale carried the enemy's skirmish-line in his front, and made a few prisoners. The losses of the enemy, sheltered behind their works, [587] bore, of course, no comparison to ours.

It had now been established, at a cost of fully 10,000 men,⁶¹ that Petersburg could not be carried by direct assault, no matter in what force: and our troops were directed to intrench strongly in its front, while the 2d and 6th corps were moved⁶² to the left, with intent to find and turn the enemy's right; cutting or holding the Weldon railroad.

The 2d moved around to the Jerusalem plank road, where it was met by the enemy in force, and driven back a short distance; the 6th not being at hand. Next morning, the advance was resumed by both corps, but too tardily and disconnectedly — the country being, for the most part, thickly wooded and difficult. A. P. Hill was watching tile movement, and, at the proper moment, threw a division of his corps in between our two, striking rapidly in flank successively Barlow's, Mott's, and Gibbon's divisions, rolling them up and forcing them back, with a loss of 4 guns and many prisoners. At the same time, another of Hill's divisions struck the flank of the 6th corps likewise, inflicting on it also considerable loss. But Meade now arrived on the field — the Rebel advance having been checked — and, getting both corps well in hand, le ordered, at nightfall, an advance, which was made, and most of the lost ground recovered — Hill not being in force to resist him in the open field.

Our advance southward was resumed next morning,⁶³ and the Weldon railroad reached; but hardly had operations upon it begun, when Hill again struck the flank of our three regiments in advance, and routed them, taking many prisoners, and driving the fugitives back on the main body; when lie again desisted, carrying off his captives. Our losses in this baffled effort were scarcely less than 4,000 men, mainly prisoners; with no resulting advantage, save a moderate extension of our left toward the Weldon railroad.

The mishap of this first attempt to clutch the Weldon railroad involved or drew after it another. Gen. Wilson, with his own and Kautz's divisions of cavalry, together 8,000 strong, had on that day been impelled still farther to our left, on a raid against the enemy's railroads. Moving southward for some distance, lie turned abruptly to his right, and struck the Weldon road at Reams's station, where he burned the depot and tore up a long stretch of track. Passing thence rapidly westward, he struck the Lynchburg road at a point 15 miles from Petersburg, and followed it westward to Nottoway station, destroying the track for 22 miles; here encountering and defeating a Rebel cavalry force under W. F. Lee. Hence, he dispatched Kautz to Burkesville, the junction of this with the Danville road, where both roads were torn up, as was the Danville so far S. W. as Meherrin station; where Kautz was rejoined⁶⁴ by Wilson, and the work prosecuted so far as Roanoke bridge (over the Staunton); where they were confronted [588] by a stronger force than they could dislodge, and commenced their return to our camps.

But, by this time, the enemy were all around them, and intent on their destruction. Striking the Weldon road at Stony creek,⁶⁵ they were again confronted by more Rebels than they could drive; and, after a hard fight, were obliged to give up the attempt, and make for Reams's station, which Wilson undoubtedly supposed to be now held by Hancock or Warren. He was badly mistaken, however; for here was a far stronger Rebel force (including Mahone's and Finnegan's infantry brigades, beside Hampton's cavalry) than that which had baffled him at Stony creek; and his attempt to force a passage resulted in his signal defeat, involving the loss of his guns, his train, with many prisoners and their horses. About 1,000 negroes, who had fallen into the wake of our cavalry — many of them mounted on horses borrowed for the occasion — here fell into the hands of the Rebels, and were returned to a servitude which their effort to escape was not calculated to lighten. Wilson and Kautz fled separately across the Nottoway, and, by a long circuit southward, made their way back to our lines before Petersburg — men and horses coming in pretty nearly used up. Grant, in his report, says, indeed, with his habitual optimism, that

the damage to the enemy in this expedition more than compensated for the losses we sustained. It severed all connection by railroad with Richmond for several weeks ;

but such was not the general opinion; and Grant sent no more cavalry to the Rebel rear for months. Lee claims to have taken from Wilson and Kautz on this raid 1,000 prisoners (beside the wounded), 13 guns, and 30 wagons.

On our right, Gen. Butler had been directed to throw a pontoon-bridge over the James to Deep Bottom, north of his stronghold at Bermuda Hundreds; which he did skillfully and without loss; Brig.-Gen. Foster, with a brigade of the 10th corps, taking post at Deep Bottom, only 10 miles from Richmond, and very near its southward defenses at Howlett's.

Gen. Sheridan, who, with his cavalry, had rested some days at White House, after their return from their harassing raid toward Gordonsville, now moved across the Peninsula to the James, being resolutely attacked⁶⁶ by the way; but he beat off his assailants, with a loss of some 500 on either side, and made his way safely to our right, bringing in his guns and train.

The residue of the 18th corps was now returned to Butler; and thus, in spite of reverses, our lines were extended on both flanks, so as to threaten Richmond above the James, while we attempted to flank and carry Petersburg on the south. Why it was not then, or thereafter, found advisable to mass suddenly against the center of the enemy's long, thin line, and burst through it, wherever, between Richmond and Petersburg, it should seem weakest, Gen. Grant in his report does not inform us. Possibly, the sore experience of Cold Harbor had made him chary of infantry assaults on lines fortified and held by marksmen of such nerve as now composed the bulk of Lee's decimated but still formidable army.

There were several collisions along [589] our lines in front of Petersburg, generally provoked by the now elated enemy, who assailed⁶⁷ Gen. Stannard's division of the 10th corps; first opening with artillery and then charging with infantry; only to be repulsed with a loss of 150 prisoners. A demonstration was made next day against Burnside's front; but it was not resolute, and was easily repulsed.

Thence ensued some days of comparative quiet — our men having marched and fought almost incessantly for eight weeks, having lost meantime fully 70,000 of their number by desperate fighting — mainly against great advantages of position or shelter, which screened the enemy from losses at all proportionate to ours — and they were by no means in such heart for daily conflict as when they last crossed the Rapidan. True, their numbers had been nearly or quite kept up by reinforcements from various quarters; but many of these were such men as high bounties attract to military service, and who were not ‘bounty-jumpers’ only because they had, as yet, found no chance to jump.⁶⁸ In fact, the Army of the Potomac in 1864, though still including many thousands of excellent and now veteran soldiers, was in good part formed of material very different from and inferior to that which McClellan led to the Peninsula in 1862. And this army, when concentrated south of the James, was by no means equal in morale and efficiency to that same army at the opening of the campaign.

Grant, however, remained at its head — undismayed, unshaken, inflexible. Having given his soldiers some much needed rest — the Summer being intensely hot and dry, and the earth parched and baked so that any movement raised a cloud of dust which nearly suffocated men and horses, and revealed its existence, its strength, and its destination, to the ever-watchful foe — another effort on our right was resolved on. A railroad along the rear of our position was, during the Summer, completed, facilitating not only the distribution of munitions and provisions from our chief landing and depot at City Point, where the Lieutenant-General had his headquarters, but serving to accelerate also the movement of troops.

Foster's fortified post at Deep Bottom, threatening an attack on Richmond, while easily strengthened from Bermuda Hundreds, disquieted Lee; and one or two attempts had been made upon it, but easily repulsed. Grant resolved to reciprocate the enemy's attentions; so, having quietly transferred the 2d corps from his extreme left to his extreme right, across the James, at Deep Bottom,⁶⁹ he directed Hancock to turn the enemy's advance position, while Foster should amuse him by a feint in front; and this order was so admirably obeyed that the Rebel outpost was successfully flanked and carried by Miles's brigade⁷⁰ of Barlow's division, capturing 4 guns. The enemy fell back behind Bailey's creek; still holding firmly his strong defensive work at Chapin's bluff, opposite Fort Darling.

Sheridan. with his cavalry, attempted to flank this work, and gained some high ground from which he [590] hoped to get into its rear; but night came on before he was ready; and, so imminent seemed the danger on this flank, that Lee drew⁷¹ five of his eight remaining divisions across the James to avert it, affording the opportunity which Grant was awaiting.

Burnside's corps held a position directly in front of Petersburg, including a point where our lines, owing to the nature of the ground, had been pushed up to within 150 yards of the enemy's, where a fort projected beyond their average front. Under this fort, a mine had been run from a convenient ravine or hollow within our lines, which was entirely screened from the enemy's observation; and this mine would seem to have been completed not only without counter-mining by the Rebels, but without being even suspected by them; though a report of its existence (probably founded on the story of some deserter or prisoner) was printed in one of the Richmond journals.

All being ready, the morning of July 30th was fixed for springing the mine; which was to be instantly followed, of course, by the opening of our guns all along the front, and by an assault at the chasm opened in the enemy's defenses by the explosion. It was calculated that, if a crest barely 400 yards behind the doomed fort could be gained and held, Petersburg must fall, with heavy loss to its defenders.

The mine was to be fired at 3 1/2 A. M.; when the match was duly applied, but no explosion followed. After a considerable pause, Lt. Jacob Douty and Sergt. Henry Rees, of the 48th Pa., ventured into the gallery, detecting and removing the cause of failure. And now, at 4 3/4 A. M.--the fuse having been relighted — the explosion took place; hoisting the fort into the air, annihilating its garrison of 300 men, and leaving in its stead a gigantic hollow or crater of loose earth, 150 feet long by some 60 wide and 25 to 30 deep. Instantly, our guns opened all along the front; and the astounded enemy may well have supposed them the thunders of doom.

But it was indispensable to success that a column of assault should rush forward instantly and resolutely, so as to clear the chasm and gain the crest before the foe should recover from his surprise; and, on this vital point, failure had already been secured. The 9th corps, as then constituted, was not that from which any commanding general would have selected a storming party; yet, because it was Burnside's mine, his corps was, without discussion, allowed to furnish the column of assault. His inspecting officer had reported that, of its four divisions, that composed of Blacks was fittest for this perilous service; but Grant, discrediting this, had directed that one of the three White divisions should be chosen. Thereupon, the leaders of these divisions were allowed to cast lots to see which of them should go in — or rather, which two of them should stay out — and the lot fell on the 1st, Brig.-Gen. Ledlie--and no man in the army believed this other than the worst choice of the three. It need hardly be added that no preparation had been made during the night preceding the explosion, by quietly removing (or opening paths through) the abatis, &c., which protected our front from sudden dashes [591] of the enemy, for the instant advance in force of our column of assault.

The explosion had occurred; the Rebel fort had been hoisted 200 feet, and had fallen in fragments; our guns had opened all along the front, eliciting a far feebler and ineffective response; but several minutes passed — precious, fatal minutes!--before Ledlie's division, clearing with difficulty the obstacles in its path — went forward into the chasm, and there stopped, though the enemy at that point were still paralyzed and the deciding crest completely at our mercy. Then parts of Burnside's two remaining White divisions (Potter's and Wilcox's) followed; but, once in the crater, Ledlie's men barred the way to a farther advance, and all huddled together, losing their formation and becoming mixed up; Gen. Potter finally extricating himself, and charging toward the crest; but with so slender a following that he was soon obliged to fall back. Two hours were thus shamefully squandered, while the Rebels, recovering their self-possession, were planting batteries on either side, and mustering their infantry in an adjacent ravine; and now — when more men in the crater could only render the confusion more hopeless and magnify the disaster — Burnside threw in his Black division; which, passing beyond and rather to the right of the crater, charged toward the crest, but were met by a fire of artillery and musketry which speedily hurled them back into the crater, where all order was lost, all idea of aught beyond personal safety abandoned, while the enemy's shells and balls poured into it like hail, rendering it an arena of unresisted slaughter. The Black charge, feeble as it was, had given us a few prisoners; but now our men could no more retreat than advance; the enemy's guns sweeping the ground between the chasm and our front. A first Rebel assault on our unfortunates was repulsed in sheer desperation; and thousands, of course, took the risk of darting out of the death-trap and racing at top speed to our lines; but our loss in killed, wounded, and prisoners was 4,400; while that of the enemy, including 300 blown up in the fort, was barely 1,000.

Undismayed by the disastrous result of “this [needlessly] miserable affair,” as he fitly characterizes it, Grant paused scarcely a fortnight before he resumed the offensive; returning to successive operations on both flanks. Once more, Hancock was impelled⁷² against the front of the Rebel left, facing Deep Bottom; his depleted corps being strengthened by the 10th, now led by Birney, and by Gregg's division of cavalry. Again pushing out to the right, Hancock attempted to flank the Rebel defenses across Bailey's creek: Barlow, with two divisions, being sent around to assault in flank and rear; while Mott's division menaced their eastern front, and Birney's corps assailed them next the river. Birney gained some advantage, taking 4 guns; but Barlow's assault was delivered by a single brigade, and came to nothing. In fact, Hancock had been delayed in landing his men, so that Lee, forewarned, had begun to reenforce this flank; as he did more fully next day: so that, when our troops again advanced [592] to the assault⁷³--Terry's division having meantime been moved to the left of Barlow — though Terry at first carried the Rebel intrenchment, taking over 200 prisoners--he was soon driven out of it, and the enemy was seen to be in such force that a further assault was deemed impracticable.

Meantime, Gen. Gregg's cavalry, supported by Miles's infantry brigade, advanced on the Charles City road, driving the enemy before him with considerable loss on their part--Gen. Chambliss being among their killed. Still, the movement, on the whole, had no decided success; and an attempt to draw out the enemy, to leave his lines and attack ours, by the ruse of seeming to send off most of our men on steamboats, proved wholly abortive. A night attack by the Rebels on the 18th was repulsed. Hancock was soon⁷⁴ withdrawn in earnest: our total losses in the movement having been about 5,000; that of the enemy probably less, but still heavy: Gen. Gherardie being killed.

Lee was probably aware that this demonstration on Richmond covered an advance on the other end of his attenuated line; but he was obliged to strengthen his lieutenant north of the James or risk the fall of Richmond. No sooner had he done this, however, than Warren struck out⁷⁵ from our left at the long coveted Weldon railroad, barely three miles distant from our flank; reaching it unresisted before noon. Leaving here Griffin's division, he advanced, with Crawford's and Ayres's, a mile toward Petersburg, where he found the enemy awaiting him. After a pause, he moved on; and was soon struck on his left flank — the enemy advancing by a road wholly unknown to our officers — and 200 of the Maryland brigade captured. The brigade falling back under the wing of the 15th N. Y. Heavy Artillery (now serving as infantry), that regiment stood its ground, and, by rapid and deadly volleys, repelled the enemy. Our movement was here arrested — our loss during the day having been 1,000--but Warren held his ground, fortified it; and the Weldon road was lost to the enemy.

Yet, though Warren's position was good, it was unconnected with our lines, still on the Jerusalem plank-road; Brig.-Gen. Bragg, who had been ordered to fill the gap, having neglected promptly to do so. Warren, perceiving the fault, reiterated his order; but, before it could now be executed, Hill pushed a considerable force into the vacant space, and, striking Crawford's division impetuously in flank and rear, rolled it up; taking 2,500 prisoners, including Brig.-Gen. Hays. But now, the brigades of Wilcox and White, of Burnside's corps, came up, and the enemy made off in a hurry with his spoils; enabling Warren to recover the lost ground and reestablish his lines.

Warren was well aware that his position astride the Weldon road was not adapted to tranquillity, and governed himself accordingly. Hardly three days had elapsed, when he was suddenly saluted⁷⁶ by 30 Rebel guns; and, after an hour's lively practice, an assaulting column advanced on his front, while another attempted to reach and turn his left flank. But Warren was prepared for this manoeuver, [593] and easily baffled it, flanking the flanking column and routing it, with a net loss of 302 on our part, and at least 1,200 to the enemy, of whose dead he buried 211, while he took 500 prisoners. He had lost in this entire movement 4,455 men — most of them prisoners — while the enemy had lost scarcely half that number; but he had lost and we had gained the Weldon road.

Hancock, returned from the north of the James, had moved rapidly to the Weldon road in the rear of Warren. Striking⁷⁷ it at Reams's station, he had been busily tearing it up for two or three days; when his cavalry gave warning that the enemy in force were at hand. Their first blow fell on Miles's division, on our right, and was promptly repulsed; but Hill ordered Heth, under a heavy fire of artillery, to try again, and at all events carry the position; which he ultimately did at the fourth charge, capturing three batteries.

Hancock ordered Gibbon's division to retake it; but they failed to do so. Miles, rallying a part of his scattered division, and fighting it admirably, recovered part of his lost ground and one of his captured batteries. Gibbon's division, assailed. by a force of dismounted cavalry, was easily driven from its breastworks; but the enemy, attempting to follow up his success, was checked and repelled by a heavy flank fire from our dismounted cavalry, posted on the left.

Though but four miles from Warren's position, no reenforcements, owing to various blunders, reached Hancock till after he had been forced to retreat, abandoning Reams's station, after a total loss of 2,400 (out of 8,000) men, and 5 guns. Hill's loss was also heavy, but considerably smaller.

Warren's hold on the road had become too strong to be shaken, and there ensued a pause of over a month; during which the Rebels planned and executed a smart raid on our cattle-yard at Coggin's Point on the James; running off 2,500 beeves at no cost but that of fatigue.

The calm was broken at last by Grant, who ordered an advance by Warren on the left, to cover one more determined by Butler on the right. Gen. Warren pushed westward⁷⁸ with two divisions of his own corps and two of the 9th, under Parke, with Gregg's cavalry in advance; reaching the Squirrel Level road, and carrying two or three small works at different points. There was fighting along our new front throughout this and the following day; we holding the newly gained ground and intrenching on it; our losses in the movement having been 2,500; those of the enemy probably less, including Gen. Dunnovan, killed. The ground thus taken was promptly joined by proper works to Warren's former position across the railroad.

Gen. Butler, in his turn, crossing the James, advanced with the 10th corps, now commanded by Birney, and the 18th, now under Ord, and struck⁷⁹ the enemy's outpost below Chapin's farm, known as Fort Harrison, which he assaulted and took, with 15 guns, and a considerable portion of the enemy's intrenchments. He attempted to follow up his blow with the capture of Fort Gilmer, which was next in order; but was repulsed by Maj.-Gen. Field, [594]

Defenses of Richmond and Petersburg.

[595] with a loss of 300. On our side, Gen. Ord was wounded, and Brig.-Gen. Burnham killed.

Fort Harrison was so important to Richmond, that Field resolved to retake it, but deferred the assault till next morning, when he hurled three brigades against it on one side, while Gen. Hoke charged on the other. These assaults failed to be made simultaneously, and of course were both repulsed with slaughter; as they probably would have been at any rate. But, a few days thereafter, the Rebels surprised at dawn our right, held by Kautz's cavalry, which had been pushed up the Charles City road, to within 4 or 5 miles of Richmond, and drove it; capturing 9 guns and perhaps 500 prisoners. A desperate fight ensued, in which the Rebel Gen. Gregg, of Texas, was killed. Both sides claimed a clear advantage, but neither obtained much, save in the capture of Fort Harrison; while the losses of each had been quite heavy.

Butler pushed forward a strong reconnoissance on the 13th, and assaulted some new works that the enemy had constructed on a part of their front; but they were firmly held, and the attack was not long persisted in.

After a considerable pause, spiced only by cannonading and picket-firing along the intrenched front of both armies, and some sanguinary encounters around Fort Sedgwick (nicknamed by our soldiers ‘Fort Hell’) covering the Jerusalem plank-road, Gen. Grant again sounded a general advance. While Gen. Butler demonstrated in force on our extreme right — the 18th corps moving on the Richmond defenses by both the Charles City and Williamsburg roads — on our left, the Army of the Potomac, leaving only men enough to hold its works before Petersburg, and taking three days rations, marched⁸⁰ suddenly by the left against the enemy's works covering Hatcher's run and the Boydton plank-road. In other words, Meade's army was here pushed forward to find and turn the right flank of the enemy.

Starting before dawn, the 9th corps, under Parke, on the right, with the 5th, under Warren, on its left, struck, at 9 A. M., the right of the Rebel intrenchments, which rested on the east bank of Hatcher's run; assaulting, but failing to carry them. Warren thereupon undertook, as had been arranged, to come in on its flank by a turning movement; while Hancock, who had simultaneously advanced still farther to our left, and had found but a small force to dispute his passage of Hatcher's run where he struck it, moved north-westward by Dabney's mill, gained the Boydton plank-road, and pushed up to strike the Lynchburg railroad in the enemy's rear. Gregg, with his cavalry division, was thrown out on Hancock's left.

Hancock had reached, with little opposition, the Boydton plank-road, and was pushing farther, when, at 1 P. M., he was halted by an order from Meade. Warren, upon the failure of Parke to carry the intrenchment in his front, had pushed Crawford's division, strengthened by Ayres's brigade, across the run, with orders to move down the north bank of that stream, so as to turn the Rebel defenses. Hancock, hitherto several miles distant, it was intended to connect with by this movement. [596]

Crawford, with great difficulty, advanced as ordered, through woods and swamps all but impenetrable, and in which many of his men were lost, while regiments were hopelessly separated from their division, until he was directly on the flank of the Rebel intrenchments; when he, too, was halted by Warren to give time for consultation with Meade — the country having proved entirely different from what was expected. Hancock was now but a mile from Crawford's left; but the dense woods left them in entire ignorance of each other's position. And now, of course, as Hancock was extending his right (Gibbon's division, now under Egan) to find Crawford's left, and receiving a mistaken report that the connection had been made, though a space of 1,200 yards still intervened, Lee threw forward Hill to strike Hancock's right and roll it up after the established fashion.

Hill's leading division, under Heth, crossed the run, making for Hancock, and, following a forest path, swept across in front of Crawford's skirmishers and across the interval between Crawford and Hancock, without clearly knowing where it was. Arriving opposite Hancock's position, Hill, seeing but unseen, silently deployed in the woods, and, at 4 P. M., charged; striking Mott's division, whose first notice of an enemy's approach was a volley of musketry. The brigade (Pierce's) thus charged gave way; a battery was lost; and, for a moment, there was a prospect of another Reams's station disaster. Hancock of course instantly sent word to Egan to change front and hurry to the rescue; but Egan had already done that at the first sound of Hill's guns; and, as the enemy, emerging into the cleared space along the Boydton road, pushed across that road in pursuit of Mott's fugitives, firing and yelling, Egan struck them in flank with two brigades, sweeping down the road, retaking the lost guns, and making over 1,000 prisoners. The disconcerted Rebels retreated as rapidly as they had advanced; but, over 200 of them, fleeing in utter confusion toward the run, fell into Crawford's lines, and were captured. Could Crawford have instantly comprehended the situation and advanced, their loss must have been far greater.

Warren was with Meade in the rear of Crawford's line, when Hill's blow was struck, and at once ordered up Ayres to the support of Hancock; but night fell before Ayres could get up.

Simultaneously with the charge on Hancock's front, Wade Hampton, with five brigades of cavalry, charged his left and rear, guarded by Gregg's cavalry; and Hancock was required to send all his available force to Gregg's support. Hampton persisted till after dark, but gained no ground, and was ultimately beaten off. Hancock's total loss by the day's operations was 1,500; that of the enemy was greater.

Hancock was now authorized by Meade either to withdraw or to hold on and attack next morning, if he could do so safely with the aid of Ayres and Crawford. Being short of ammunition, with no certainty that any more would reach him, or that Ayres and Crawford could bring up their divisions in season for the attack that would naturally be made on him at daybreak, Hancock prudently [597] decided to draw off,⁸¹ and, at 10 P. M., commenced the movement; which ended with our whole army back in its intrenchments before Petersburg, and thence westward to Warren's works, covering not only the Weldon railroad, but the Vaughan and Squirrel Level highways. Thus, while our several advances on the left had been achieved at heavy cost, the following movement, wherein we had the advantage in the fighting and in losses, gave us no foot of ground whatever.

Butler's advance on our farthest right, being in the nature of a feint, had effected nothing but a distraction of the enemy's attention, and this at considerable cost.

Here ended, practically, for the year 1864, Grant's determined, persistent, sanguinary campaign against Lee's army and Richmond: and the following tabular statement of the losses endured by the Army of the Potomac, having been furnished by one of Gen. Grant's staff to the author of “Grant and his campaigns,” can not be plausibly suspected of exaggerating them:

Tabular Statement of Casualties in the Army of the Potomac, from May 5, 1864, to November 1, 1864.

battles.	dates.	killed.		wounded.		missing.		Aggregate.
		Officers.	Enlisted Men.	Officers.	Enlisted Men.	Officers.	Enlisted Men.
Wilderness	May 5 to 12	269	8,019	1,017	18,261	177	6,667	29,410
Spottsylvania	May 12 to 21	114	2,032	259	7,697	31	248	10,881
North Anna	May 21 to 31	12	138	67	1,063	3	324	1,607
Cold Harbor	June 1 to 10	144	1,561	421	8,621	51	2,355	18,158
Petersburg	June 10 to 20	85	1,118	361	6,492	46	1,568	9,665
Ditto	June 20 to July 30	29	576	120	2,374	108	2,109	5,316
Ditto	July 30	47	372	124	1,555	91	1,819	4,008
Trenches	August 1 to 18	10	128	58	626	1	45	868
Weldon Railroad	August 18 to 21	21	191	100	1,055	104	3,072	4,543
Reams's Station	August 25	24	93	62	484	95	1,674	2,432
Peeble's Farm	Sept. 30 to Oct. 1	12	129	10	738	56	1,700	2,685
Trenches	Aug. 18 to Oct. 80	13	284	91	1,214	4	800	2,417
Boydton Plank-road	October 27 to 28	16	140	66	981	8	619	1,902
	Totals	796	9,776	2,796	51,161	775	23,083	88,387

note.--The first line of the above table includes several days' desperate fighting at Spottsylvania, in which our losses were fully 10,000. Our actual losses in the Wilderness were rather under than over 20,000, and at Spottsylvania just about as many. These corrections, however, make no difference in the aggregates given above.

Whether the foregoing returns of losses do or do not include those of Burnside's (9th) corps before it was formally incorporated with the Army of the Potomac, is not stated; but, as they do not include the losses in the Army of the James, it is safe to conclude that the killed, wounded, and missing of 1864, in our armies operating directly for the reduction of Richmond, reached the appalling aggregate of 100,000 men. If we assume that, of nearly 54,000 wounded and 24,000 missing (most of the latter prisoners, of whom few of the able-bodied were exchanged during that year), 30,000 recovered of their wounds, or were recaptured, or escaped from the enemy, it leaves our net losses in that campaign not less than 70,000. The enemy's net loss, including 15,373 prisoners, after deducting the wounded who recovered and returned to their colors, we may safely estimate at 40,000, though they would doubtless make it less. During [598] the many desperate combats of this bloody year, the Army of the Potomac lost only 25 and gained but 32 guns. Its losses of guns were mainly incurred at Reams's station; its gains were chiefly made at Spottsylvania.

Grant's conduct of this campaign was not satisfactory to the Confederate critics, who gave a decided preference to the strategy of McClellan. They hold that the former aimed only to overpower and crush by brute force — by the employment of overwhelming numbers — and by a lavish expenditure of blood. Doubtless, a great military genius, such as appears once in two or three centuries, might have achieved them at a smaller cost; as a timid, hesitating, purposeless commander would have failed to achieve them at all. The merit which may be fairly claimed for Grant is that of resolutely undertaking a very difficult and formidable task, and executing it to the best of his ability — at all events, doing it. That, when south of the James, he was just where the Rebels wished him not to be, they showed by desperate and hazardous efforts to draw him thence; and the proof was duplicated in the final collapse of the Rebellion. Other campaigns were more brilliant; but none contributed more positively and eminently to break the power of the Confederates than that which began on the Rapidan and ended in front of Petersburg and across the Weldon road.