• MAQAMAT (STATIONS) AND A,lfWAL (STATES)

ACCORDING TO AL-QUSHAYRI AND AL-HUJWlRI:

A Comparative Study

By

Abdul Muhaya

A Thesis submitted to
the Faeulty of Graduate Studies and Research
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of Master of Arts

Institute of Islamie Studies

MeOill University
Montreal
1993

©Abdul Muhaya

•
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B,\."k... ;--. ncnfci 5<,t!nce~ 0768 Melo.lurgy 07.13
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0:60 f't,O/nlOCY 0572 SlahlllCl 0463 .0989
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EARTH S(I[NCES Ph6'lca' Tl-eropy Applied Sciences Plythome".à
Pu l,cH~,m 0573 Social ____ • 0632
B•.-:oQ ....""- h,.,1i Il ry C.I~5 Appl,ed Nled'lOnlcl 0346 .~1
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GeOchMmtry 09~'6 Compuler Science .. 0984
Re<rechon 0575
•
MAQAMAT AND Af:lWAL:

A COMPARISION BETWEEN AL-QUSHAYRT AND AL-HUJWTRT

•
•
ABSTRACT

Author: Abdul Muhaya

Title: Maqamât (Stations) and Ahwal (States) according to

al-Qushayri and al-Hujwiri: A Comparative Study

Department: Institute of Islamie Studies, McGili University

Degree: M.A.

•
This thesis is a study of the doctrine of maqamat (stations) and ahwal (states),

the crucial doctrine of süf,sm, as described ln (WO different books, al-R/sala" al-

Qushayriyah and Kashf al-Mahjüb, by two d,fferent masters of SüflslTl. one Sunrll-

Shâfi'i, al-Qushayri, the other Sunni-Hanafi, al-Hujwiri. After introduclIlg thelr

positions in the history of süfism, the thesis examines thelr backgrounds as weil as

their mystical inclinations. The thesis then analyzes al-Qushayri's and al-Hujwiri's

doctrine of maqamât and ahwal through a comparison of concrete ex amples found III

the two books. Through this comparision, the thesis attempts to show the dlffemnces

and the similarities of their concepts of maqamat and ahwàl The conclusion

discovers that the differences which appear III al-Qushayri's and al-HujwÎri's vlews

concerning identification of a VII tue as a state or a station pertain to theoretical

differences only.

• ii
 RÉSUMÉ

Âuteur Abdul Muhaya

Titre Méfqiimiit (Stations) and Al)wiiJ (States) Acconling to al-Qushayn

and al-HuJwïrï: A Comparative Study

Département Institut des études islamiques
Oipl()ma Maîtrise ès Arts

Cette thèse est une étude de la doctrine essentielle du soufisme. celle des maqiimiit
(stations) et de'i abwâJ (états), telle que décrite dans les ouvrages de deux maîtres "ioufis
différents: ilJ-Ris,ïJuh IIJ-Qw.lJilyriyah d' al-Qushayrï, penseur sunnite-shafiJite et Kw.hfuJ-
MalJ.lLÏh d' al-lIuJwïrï. un sunnite-~anafite.

"plès aVOIr présenté leurs positions respectives dans l'histoire du soufisme, cette
thè!\e les !\ituc dan!\ leurs contextes et examine leurs asplTations mystiques. Elle analyse
ensuite la doctrine des I1wq,Imlit et des ,ÜJwiiJ d' al-Qushayrt et al-Hujwïrï par une
comparaÎ!\ol1 d'examples concrets tirés des deux livres, afin d'en dégager les différences et

les ressemhlances. La conclusion démontre que les divergences qui appraissent entre al-
QU"ihayrï et al-lIujwïrï au sujet de l'identification d' une vertu à un état ou à une station ne
sont que des différences théoriques.

iii
• ACKNOWL EOGEMENTS

Dr. Hermar.n Landolt has been my supervisor during my study at McGili

University. He has been also my supervisor for this research. l-iIS encouragment,

wide knowledge, patience and his generosity in the tlme spent helplng me struggle to

complete this work are the most precious things to me. 1 teel fortunate belng hls

student for his wisdom and guidance. Above ail, 1 would like to take thls opportu.lity

to express my deep, sincere thanks to him. My sincere thanks are also due to Dr

Charles J. Adams and Dr. A. Uner Turgay, Director of the Institute of Islamlc Studies,

for their words of encouragment and assistance during my study at this instltute

1 am also gratefl.Jl to Dr. Issa J. Boullata, Director of the McGiII-lndonesla IAIN

• Development Project, and ail officiais of this project both in Jakarta émd Montreal who

helped me finishing my academic duties. Thanks are also due to the Canadian

Internatinal Development Agency (CIDA) for award of a fellowship to study at McGl1i

University. In Indonesia, my special thanks must go to H. Munawlr SJadzah, M.A. and

Dr. Tarmizi Taher, the former and present Minister of Relrgious Affairs, who gave me

an opportunity to pursue my study at McGiII University in Canada. My gratitude is also

expressed to the Rector of the State Institute of Islamic Studies (IAIN) Walisongo,

Ors. H. Ahmad Ludjito, for his encouragments to me.

Of the many other people involved in the completion of this thesis, 1would like to

thank Mr. Adam Gacek, Ms. Salwa Ferahian, and the other staff of the Islamic

Studies library who assisted me in locating the material for this thesls. My special

gratitude also 90eS to Mr. Fudge Bruce and Ms. Maha EI-Marraghl for their tireless

• help in editing this thesis. In addition, my grateful

iv
thanks also go to ail my
• Indonesian colleagues.

Last but not least, my deepest appreciation 90es to my lovely mother who always

encourages me with her moral support. To my beloved wife, Esti Rahayu, 1 would like

to affer a special gratitude for her patience, love and willingness ta stay alane to look

after my son, M. Yüsuf Fadil, during my study-years in Canada .

• v
• Ab..,truet

Ré..,umé
TABLE OF CONTENTS

Acknowledn1l'llt'i .............. .......................................... .............. ................................ IIY

Table of Content ...

Introduction

Ch:.lpter One The Place of al-QlI"hayrï and al-HlIjwîrï in the lIi . . tllry of Sufi"I1\.... \)

;\l-Qli:-.ha)'rï'sLift.~ .................................................... Il

AI-Hujwïrl's Life ................................. ..................... . 24

Chapter Two Mélqiïmtït (Stations) ami AQw<11 (Stations) .......... .......................... 1(J

Till/hil/, (Repentance .......... .................. ................ ...... 4',)

Wi/ril' (Abstinence) ..................................................... 41)

ZuhcJ (Asœtici ... rn) . ........................ ............ .............. 52

QiU/ü'i/h (Contentment) ................. ................... ....... 57

T,lWilkkul (TllI .... t in GOlI) ........................................... 59

Ri{/ü (Sati~faction) ......................... ............ ............... M

1/1111/ (Sonow) ............... .................. ....................... (,H

WiI;d ,Ulll WujlÏd .... ......................................... ......... 70

Qi/lIr (Violence) and LI/If (Kindne~q .......... .. .... 71

Khi/I/I' (Fear) ,ml! Ri/;n} (Hope) ................................ 73

QaM (Contraction) and 8<10;1 (Expall..,ulIl) .. ............ 77

lins (Intimacy) and lIilYlm/1 (Awc) ......................... X1

MusiImilrillJ mHI Mu~"ïclathilh ........ ................ ....... Xl

Dhikr (Remembrancc of (joli) .......... ....................... X5

MlI~liIbbah (Love) ..................................................... HI)

Cl ltldusit Hl ............................................................................................................. l)~

• Bibliography ..............................................................................................., ............. ,. 100

• INTRODUCTION

Maqamat (stations) and ahwal (states) are two important concepts in süfism.

80th of them, according ta Nurbakhsh, function as a means ta break the süfi's "idols"

and ta reach a unitarian stage. 1 They are the way ta achleve the aim of süfism, which

IS ta trallsform the lower soul Into a tranquil soul in arder to return ta God. 2 Related ta

this notion, Abü Yazid al-Bistami, in his dream, asked Gad about the way ta come ta

Hlm. God answered_ "Leave yourself and come."3 Ta leave oneself means ta be free

from one's own desires, and to come meall3 ta resign oneself tOV'vards God's will

alone. This notion is the same as the real meaning of süfism as described by al-

Junayd. He sald: "Sufism IS that God makes thee die to thyself and become

•
resurrected ln Him."4 To achieve these aims, the süfis have created a spiritual path

which ,basically, 15 the way to behave in relation ta Gad. This path is that of the

maqamat (stations).5

1 Javad Nurbakhsh, "The Süfi Path," Sûf; : The magazine of khaniqahi Nimatullahi
VII (Autumn 1990), 4.

2 Gad said: "a (thou) soul, in (complete) rest and satisfaction! Come back thou ta
thy Lord, weil pleased (thyself), and well-pleasing unto Him! Enter thou, then.
among my Devotees! Yea, enter thou My Heaven!" (al-Qurân, 89:27-30). See A
Yüsuf 'Ali, The Holy Our an: Text, Translation and Commentary (Washington,
D.C.· The Islamie Centre n.d.), 1735. The following quotation of the QUl'an will be
based on thls edit Ion

3 Abu al-Qâsim 'Abd al-Karim b. Hawazln AI-Qushayri, al-Risalah af-Qushayrïyah fi

'/lm al- Tasawwuf; wa 'alayhii f1awamish min sharh Zakariya al-Ansari (Beyrüt: Dar
al-Kitâb al-'Arabi, 1957), 177.

4 Seyyed Hossein Nasr, "The Spiritual States in Süfism," Sufï Essays (Albany: State
University of New York Press, 1991),69.

5 Muhammad b. al-Fadl al-8alhi said that know!edge of the stations (maqamat)

towards Gad IS ealled knowledge with God (al-'Ilm ma'a Allah). See 'Ali b.

• 'Uthman al-Jullabî al-Hujwiri, Kashf al-Mahjüb; The oldest

Süflsm, translated wlth a preface by R.A. Nicholson (London:
16.
Persian Treatise on
Luzac & Co., 1911),
 2

•
The States (ahwa~, on the other hand. Jre glfts fram God wtlich may be glvell III

the process of passlng through a station 6 Wilen Gad rnanlfests HlIllselt OlttWI III HIS

majesty Uala~ or Ifl HIs beauty (jama~ 111 the pure alld ullcovered tleart of ttw SPlvdllt.
the servant will love HIs manifestation As a result of God's suif llléllllfnstrltlOIl. ttJl)
heart feels fear or hope, JOY or sorrow, contractloll or 8YpdIlSIOIl. IIltl!l1acy or clWP. ote

Such kinds of Impressions are called the states (df1W<~~ AI Oas!ldlli aIÇJu(!d that

these gifts are called ahwal (states) because they beeorne the llleélllS III ttl(! (WOILltIOIl
of the servant "from the outward forms of creat!~H1 and ttw 10wP.r d(-!pths of

remoteness." This is the meaning of ascendrng 7

Although the doctrrnes of stations and states are Interretated wlth tho doctnnc of

the veil (hijab) and the doctnne of descent (tanazzulat),8 1 wou Id IIke to BlTlptmslZD

here that this thesis will not deal wlth such rnterrelatlons, for tllese arc rnornentous

•
issues of sûfism .

6 AI-Kalabâdhi said that every station has a beglnning and an end, and betwoell
them are various states (ahwa~. See Abû Bakr al-Kalabadhi, al- Ta'arruf LI
Madhhab Ahl al- Tasawwuf. ed. by Mahmüd Amin al-Nawawï (al-Qàturah al
Kuliyah al-Azhariyah, 1969), 106

7 'Abd al-Razaq al-Qashani, Istilâhat al-Süfïyah (Mlsr al-Hay'atl al MlsrïYrll1

al-'Ammah " al-Kltab, 1981), 26 See also ItS translation, A Glossdry of Slifi
Technical Terms, translated by Nabit Safwat (London The 0<.,ta90n Press Ud ,
1991),4.

8 As an addltional information in the post-classlcal penod, the theory of a dlVIflO

sparl< in man was adopted into sûflsm. This theory 15 derrved, perhaps, trom tho
influence of the theory of emanation as weil as ottler Gnostlc Ideas adopted by tho
Shi'ah. See Fritz Meier "The Mystlc Path," The World of Islam Faith, Po opio,
Culture, ed. by Bernard LeWIS (London. Thames and Hudson, 1976), 119 Wo
mlght find such a doctnne, for example, rn the thought of al-Suhrawardi al Maqtul
(d.587/1191) whlch IS known as the philosophy of Illumination (Hlkmat aIlS/Iraq)
According to thls theory, human soul is IIght that IlIumlnated from The Light of
lights. The more the IIght (soul) was IlIumlnated by The lIght of IIghts, HIO more
he/she (soul) enJoys His illumination and becomes more perfect Whlle non b(~lflq
(other than Hlm) is nothing but darkness caused by an absence of the IIght For
detailed information about the pro cess of Illumination see "Temple Flfth" Ifl

•
Suhrawardi al-Maqtûl, Hayakll al-Nür, ed. by M Air Abü Rayy'ân (Mlsr al-
Maktabah al-TIJariyah al-Kubra, 1956), 68-79 Later, the rnaster of süflsrTI, Ibn
'Arabi (d. 638/1240), developed the doctrrne of the unrty of berr.g (wafldat al
 3

•
Two well-known süfis, who have devoted sOllle a~tention to the doctrine of

maqamat (stations) and ahwal (states) are Abü al-Qâsim 'Abd al-Karim b. Hawâzin

al-Qushayri (d 465/1072) and Abü al-Hasan 'Ali b. 'Uthman b. 'AIi al-Ghaznawi al-

Jullabi al HUJwiri. Both of these men were important figures in süflsm and lived at the

same time; both also belonged to al-Junayd's school. AI-Qushayri was an Ash'arite

theologian and an outstandlng personality in Sunni-Shàfi'i süfislll, and he is noted

for his efforts to reconcile süfism and fiqh; al-Hujwiri, for his part, was a Sunni-Hanafi

süfi master, who also succeeded in elaborating the doctrine of süfism in a way which

was acceptable in his group.

This thesls attempts to establish the similarities as weil as the differences which

are to be observed in the views of these two masters regarding the doctrine of

maqamat and ahwal as enunciated in al-Risalah al-Qushayrïyah (al-Qushayri) and

•
Kashf al-MahJub (al-Hujwiri). The reason for focusing on these two books is that both

of them are consldered among the most important authorities for the study of classical

süfism.

AI-Rlsalah al-Qushayriyah is an important süfi treatise in Arabie. This book was

written in 437/1045. 9 and delivered to the public (ijazah) in the beginning of

438/1046 10 for at least two important purposes: to elucidate the true süfï path and to

prevent süfi malpractices ln society. 11 There are a number of commentanes upon this

Risalah. They are Sharh al-Risalah al-Qushayriyah by Zakariya al-Ansari, Nata'ij al-

wujüd). These two theories exerted sorne influence on the development of the
doctrine of the mystical journey in süfism which, of course, had a direct impact on
the süfis' doctrine of states and stations. This point is not, however, the object of
this thesis.

9 AI-Qushayri, al-Rlsalah al-Qushayriyah, 2.

•
10
Ibid .. 186 .
11 Ibid .. 2-3.
 4

• Afkar al-Qudsiyah fi Bayan Ma'an; Sharh al-Risalah al-Qushayriyah by Mustafa

<ArOsi,12 al-Dalalah fi Fawa'id al-Risalah by Shadid al-Din a!-Iskandarani and Irshad

al-Muridin attributed to al-Suhrawardi al-Baghdadi. 13

From its contents, the concerns of al-Risalah al-Qushayriyal1. can be broadly

classified into four important points. Elaboration of the basIc principles of faith (iman)

for the sOfi is the first point. A descnption of the lives of sOfi masters. to show how

they respect the religious obligation (shari'ah) in thelr life, is the second point. The

third point is to clarify a number of technical terms in süfism like waqt, fIai, maqam,

tamkin and to prevent the misunderstanding that lead to malpractices of süfism. 14

The last point is to provide the true sOfi path. For such an alm, al-Qushayri has

collected a number of doctrinal proofs and illustrates thern by quoting various

important sayings and stories. The purpose of this effort is to give a clear picture

•
about true sOfism .

The al-Risalah al-Qushayriyah has been printed several times in traditional

editions; the one used here was published in BeyrOt: Dar al-Kitâb al-'Arabi, 1957.

This is preferable to the new edition whlch is edlted by Ma'rüf Zurayq and 'Ali 'Abd al-

Hamid. BeyrOt: Dar al-JiI, 1990 which contains a number of arbitrary changes and

unexplained omissions. 15 ln case of doubt, 1 have also consulted Richard

Gramlich'sGerman translation of the book, whlch is based on a critical examlllation of

12 Richard Gramlich, Das Sendschrelben al-Qusayris über das Sufitum

(Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1986), 18.

13 Carl Broekelmann, Geschichte der arabischen Litteratur Supplementband

(Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1937), 1,771-772.

14 AI-Qushayri, al-Risalah al-Qushayriyah, 31. As an additlonal Information, the

copy of al-Risalah al-Qushayriyah which is edited by 'Abd al-Halim Mahmüd and
MahmOd al-Sharif al-Qâhlrah: Dâr al-Kutub al-Hadithah, 1966 IS not avallable III

• 15
McGiII Islamie studies library .

See for example in page 49 and 89.

 5

• the manuscripts. 16

Kashf al-Mahjüb is one of the oldest and most important books dealing with

süfism in the Persian language. This is the only book written by al-Hujwiri which is

available at present. This book has been printed several times ir. the different

editions; the critical one is the book which is edited by Valintin Zhükôfski (reprint

Tihrân: Amir-i Kabir, 1957). Owing to an insufficient acquaintance with the Persian

language, my study of Kashf al-Mahjüb will be based on the English translation by

Nicholson. Wherever 1 find a problem, 1 will consult the critical Perslan edition by

Zhükôfski.

ln this thesis. my reference of Kashf al-Mahjüb will be abbreviated as follows:

P = Kas'" al-Mahjüb, edited by Vâlintin Zhükôfski. Reprint Tihrân: Amir-i Kabir,

•
1957 .

E = Kashf al-Mahjüb; The oldest Persian Treatise on Süfism, translated with a

preface by R.A. Nicholson. London: Luzac & co., 1911.

A = Kashf al-Mahjüb, translated with an introduction by IS'ad 'Abd al-Hadi al-

Qandhil. Beyrüt: Dar al-Nahdah al-'Arabiyah, 1980.

Although Kashf al-Mahjüb has the same objective as the al-Risalah al-

Qushayrïyah, the two books are, according to Zhükôfski, different in their aspects,

arrangements, and qualities as weil as in terms of the number of problems which are

discussed. 17 The Kashf al-MahjtJb is divided into an introduction and twenty-tive

chapters. it can, however, be summarized into three main parts. The tirst part is an

introduction. The second comprises thirteen chapters on the history of süfism while

• 16

17
Gramlich, Das Sendsc,'1reiben, 18 .

See al-Hujwiri, P, Zhükôfski's Introduction, 57.

 6

•
the third part involves eleven chapters on "uncovering veils" (kasl7f al-f1ijab), Le. the

doctrine and practice of sütism. For Nicholson, the tourteenth chapter, where the

author mentions and elaborates twelve ditterent doctrines and sects, is the most

remarkable chapter ln this book. He even observes that this book is the flrst to deal

with such subjects. 18

This book, according to Nicholson, was partially based in its composition on the

arrangement of al-Luma' of al-Sarraj (d.37ï or 378 A '-1 /988). Nicholson conslders it

to be an "improvement" over al-Luma,.19 IS'ad, in hls introduction, gives a six page

index showing examples of al-Hujwiri's quoting trom al-Luma'.20 Besldes, he also has

an index for al-Hujwiri's quotations trom al-Risala;, al-Qusf1ayrïyal1, and from

Tabaqat al-Süfïyah of al-Sulami (d 412 A.H.).21 From these examples, It IS certain

that al-Hujwiri was influenced by al-Sarraj, al-Sulami and al-Qushayri.

• The book was named Kashf al-Mahjüb (The Revelation of tlle Mystery) for the

reason that it was composed to polish "the hearts which are Infected by the

removable veil that is the veil of 'clouding' (hijab ghayn~."22 This book was composed

to answer Abü Sa'id al-Hujwiri's question concerning such questions as ~he truc

meaning of sÜfism, the nature of stations (maqama~, the doctrine of süf!srn, the

doctrine of Divine love, the reason for the "veil" of the intellects, and "the practical

aspects of süfism which are connected with these theories. "23

18 AI-Hujwiri, E, Nicholson's preface, xxi-xxii

19 Ibid., xxii. See also A.M.A. Shushtery, "Eight Major Scriptures and Their
Teachings." The Sufi Mystery, ed. by Nathaniel P. Archer (London: The Dctagon
Press, 1980), 88.

20 AI-Hujwiri, A, Is'âd's introduction, 166-171.

21 Ibid., 172-176.

•
22 Allusion to the hadith al-ighanah, see below, 35 and 41.

23 AI-Hujwiri, E, 6-7.
 7

•
There is no adequate information about the date when the book was composed.

We only have the information that the Kashf al-Mahjüb was written when the author

was staying in India. This fact can be deduced from his own statement that he was

not able to adequately discuss Abü Halim Habib al-Aa'i because his books were left

at Ghazna while he was captive at Lahore. 24 Is'ad speculates that al-Hujwiri started

to write his Kashf al-Mahjüb around 435/1043 (the year of the persecution that

occurred at Lahore) and finished it in 442/1050 ( one year after the death of 'Ali b. al-

Husayn al-Sirkani (d.441/1049). Because when al-Hujwiri mention es Khwâja 'Ali b.

al-Husayn al-Sirkàni,25 he uses the past tanse indicating that he was no longer

alive,26 while in mentioning Abü Ja'far Muhammad b. Husayn al-Harami (do

442/1050), al-Hujwiri uses the present tense showing that al-Harami was still alive. 27

Is'âd's point, however, remains questionable as do es the problem of establishing the

date of al-Hujwiri's death. 28

• Scholars have different opinions about the full name of this book. Hajji Khalifa

said that the full name of this book is Kashf al-Mahjüb Ii-Arbab al-Qulüb. 29

Muhammad Parsa said that its full name is Kashf hujub a/-Mahjüb li-Arbab al-Qulüb. 30

But the author himself mentioned that the name of his book is Kashf al-Mahjüb. 31

24 Ibid., 91.

25 Ibid., 173.

26 Ibid., 174.

27 AI-Hujwiri, A, Is'ân's introduction, 119-121.

28 For the date of al-Hujwiri's death, see the following discussion, 27-28.
29
Haji Khalifah, Kashf al-Zunün 'An Asam; al-Kutub wa al-Funün (Istanbul: Maarif
Matbaasi, 1943), Il,1494.

• 30

31
See al-Hujwiri, A, Is'ad's introduction, 111.

AI-Hujwiri, E, 4.
 8

• Compared to earlier süfi treatises, like al-Luma', al- Ta'arru', Qût al-Qulûb and al-

Risalah al-Qushayriyah, Kashf al-Mahjûb has a different style, for it not only contains

reports of a great number of sayings from prominent süfis, but also discusses and

examines the various opinions in a systematic order which makes it easy to be

understood.

This the sis will be divided into two main chapters, apart from an introduction and

a conclusion. The first chapter will focus on providing the essential background to

these two masters (al-Qushayri and al-Hujwiri), particularly their süfi hneage or, in

other words, their mystical inclinations as weil as their place in the development of the

history of süfism. The second chapter will deal with the basIc subJect of the thesis,

namely, the doctrine of stations (maqamat) and states (ahwaf) as expounded by each

of these masters, and will examine the sirnilarities as weil as dlfferences between

•
them. Other classical Arabie treatises on sûfism will also be utilized to clanfy the

issues under discussion.

ln approaching the doctrine of maqamat and ahwfil in the thesls, 1 will use the

descriptive comparative approach. The discussion will attempt a descriptive survey

of the imformation provided by these treatises (especially as regards the discussion of

stations and states). Through a comparative approach, the information relatmg to the

subject matter will then be compared, in order to discover the similarities and the

differences that exist in the same doctrine in these two different books .

•
• CHAPTERONE

THE PLACE OF AL·QUSHAYRI AND AL-HUJW1RlIN THE HISTORY OF $DFISM

ln the latter part ot the Umayyad and the early Abbasid periods, Muslims came

into contact with large non-Muslim communities which had different cultures,

traditions and backgrounds. This contact intluenced Muslim civilization, art, and

thought. 1 During this period, sorne sOtis were moderate, whlle others, who adopted

external elements to their mystical teachings, were less so. As a result, there were

sorne sûfis who created a new mystical vocabulary that might be considered

dangeraus tram the viewpoint of Islamic jurisprudence,2 even though the basis of

their vocabu!ary was, as was shown by Massignon 3 essentially Qur'anic .

• The ninth century was the era of the important figures of early sûfism; Dhû al-

NOn (d. 245/859), "one of the most a.ttractive and intriguing figures in the history of

sOfism," Abû Yazid al-Blstami (d. 234/848 or 261/874), who played an important role

in "the horizon of early Persian sûfism," Yahyâ b. Mu'âdh (d. 258/871) who stressed

in his teaching hope in God (raja') and al-Muhasibi (d. 243/857), who was occupied

with the most secret motions of the soul and the heart. 4

1 Annemane Schimmel, Mystical Dimensions of Islam (Chapel Hill: The University of

North Carolina Press, 1975), 31-33.

2 For further information on the influence ot non-Islamic elements on sûtism,

particularly, the influenct~ of Christian, Gnostic and Neo-platonic ideas, see A.E.
Krymsky, "A Sketch of The Development of Sûfism Down To The End of The Third
Century of The Hijra," The Islamic QuarterlyVI (July - October 1961), 79-106.

3 LoUIS Massignon, Essai sur les origines du lexique technique de la Mystique

Musulmane (Paris: P. Geuthner, 1922).

4 Schimmel, Mystical, 45-54.

 - - ---------

10

• Since the süfis seek to uncover the esotenc aspect of Islarmc teactllngs. they

sometimes said that intention was more important than practlcal conduct. 5 there was

a big gap between süfism and fiqh The latter tended to emphaslze the exotenc

meaning of Islamic teachings. The tragedy of al-Hallaj (d 310/922) was the most

glaring manifestation of thls conflict. 5

AI-Junayd (d. 298/815-6) attempted to reconcile the con filet between the süfls

and the orthodox. His personahty and hls doctnne are a model of this synthesis

Junayd was a non-radical and was consldered rn hls attitude to orthodox

theology. He held that süfi teachings were based on the the fundamentals of
the tradition of Islam, and worked continuously to prove this. In this splnt he
raised, as we have seen, süfism to the level of orthodoxy, and thus made it
acceptable to the orthodox representatlves of Islam. 7

He tried to interpret his own personal experience in ways whlch would be acceptable

•
to the orthodox. He based his teachings on the Ouran and the Hadith. He

maintained his orthodox views even after achleving the stage of fana' (anl1lhllatlon).8

ln the tenth century, the organization and the growth of süflsm began ln this

century there were a number of süfi masters, among them Abû Bakr al-Stllbli of

Baghdad (d.334/946), Abù Bark al-Wasiti of Farghana (d.331/942), Muhammad b

'Abd al-Jabbâr AI-Niffari (fI. 350/961) and Ibn al-Khafif of Shlraz (d.371/982). AI-

5 Louis Massignon, "Tasawwuf," Encyclopaedia of Islam, first edition (1987)

6 ln the third century of Islam, the conflict led to the persecution of süfls They were
accused of being atheists, infidels and behevers ln re-lI1carnatlon. ThiS conflict,
however, was not motivated by purely doctrinal dlfferences, but al 50 polltlcal
interests. For more elaboration see 'AH Hassan 'Abdel-Kader, Tfle Life,
Personality and Writings of al-Junayd (London. Luzac & Company Ltd 1962),
35-47. As an additional reference, there is an Important study about the
persecution of the süfis for their ecstatlc utterances See Carl W Ernst, Words of
Ecstasy ln Sufism (Albany: State UniverSity of New York Press, 1985).

• 7

8
Abdel Kader, The Life, 51 .

Ibid., 89.
 11

•
Nlffari, who wrote Kitab al-Mawiiqif WB Kitiib al-Mukhatabiit,9 is one of the most

mteresting figures. His books represent direct revelation received trom God. These

books were composed in thE:: style of a dialogue with God, following the pattern that

was used by Abü Yazid wlth new contents. 10

During the same period, süfi teachings were transmitted directly trom the master

to his disciples. This method, however, had its weaknesses since it could not

reconclliate the gap between the süfis and the fuqaha'. It also led to the emorgence

of a number of "sects" in süflsm smce each disciple had a ditterent capacit'· to

memorize hls master's teachings, let alone those of other masters. Tc cope with

these problems, the süfï masters developed a systematic documentation ot süfï

history which was motivated by two significant points: the tirst was to dHvelop a

strategy for spreading süti teachings through süfi organizations. The second was to

•
bridge the notorious gap between the süfi and orthodox Islâmic schools.

ln the subsequent developments, however, thls conflictual relationship tended ta

diminish. Under these circumstances, there were süfis who were eager to

rehabilitate the orthodox's opinions and attitudes towards süfism. Thus, we find books

written by süfi masters for this purpose e.g. Abü Sa'id b. al-A'râbi's (d.341/952)

Tabaqat al-Nussiik and Abù Muhammad al-Khuldi's (d. 348/959) Hikiiyât al-Awliya'.

Unfortunately, these works have not survived to the present. Il

Among the surviving ones are Abü Nasr al-Sarrâj's (d.378/988) Kitiib al-Luma<

9 Muhammad Ibn 'Abd al-Jabbâr al-Niffari, Kitâb al-Mawaqif wa Kitab al-

Mukhatabat, ed. and translated, commentary and indices by A.J Arberry
(Cambrige: Pubhshed and distributed by Trustees ot the "E.J.W. Gibb Memorial",
1987).

A.J. Arberry, Süfism: An Account of the Mystics of Islam (London: George Allen

•
10
& Ul"win Ltd., 1969),64

Il Ibid., 66-67.
 12

• that is eonsidered to be one of the oldest surviving Arabie sufi treatises. 12 the Oùt al-

Qulüb of Abu Tâlib al-Makki (d. 357/966) that was earefully studied by al-Ghazali (d.

505/1111), af- Ta'arruf Li Madhhab Ahl al- Tasawwuf of Abu Bakr al-Kalélbéldhi (d.

391/1000) which was characterized as "frankly apologetic" by Arberry. and the

Tabaqat al-Sùfiyah of Abu 'Abd al-Rahman al-Sulami (d. 412/1021).13

Sy the eleventh century, sufism became firmly established and spread to ahnost

ail the Islamic countries. In the early part of the century, Abu NU'aym al-Isbahani

(d.430/1038) wrote ten volumes of Hi/yat al-Aulw{f. This book contalns the blography

of a number of süfi masters along with their teachings ln 437/1044,14 al-Qushayri

(d.465/1072) eomposed the admirable comprehensive treatlse on the theoretlcal

structure of süfism, af-Risafah al-Qushayriyah. At almost the same tune as al-

Qushayri. one of the oldest Persian süfï treatises, Kashf al-Mahjùb, was written by al-

•
Hujwiri (d.ca. 465/1072).15

It should be noted that most of the early sufi treatises were written with at least

two important aims. The first was to elaborate the true süfi doctrine, includlng an

exposition of the various maqamat (stations) and ahwaf (states); the second was to

oppose the current malpractice of süfism. These two purposes were stated in Kltâb

12 This treatise is quoted by Abü 'Abd al-Rahmân al-Sulami (d 412/1021), al-

Qushayri, al-Hujwiri, Farid al-Din 'Attâr, al-Ghazali and became an important
reference for the later studies of süfism. See Hamiduddin, "Early Sufis: Doctnne,"
A History of Muslim Philosophy ed. by M M. Sharif ( Karachi: Royal Book
Company, 1963), 1,311.

13 Arberry, Sùfism, 67-70.

14 'Abc.1 al-Karim b. Hawazin al-Qushayri, af-Risafah al-Qushayriyah fi '/lm al·

Tasawwuf: wa 'alayha hawamish mm sharh Zakariya al-Ansari (Beyrüt: Dar al-
Kitâb AI-'Arabi, 1957), 2.

• 15

16
A.J. Arberry, Süfism, 70-71 .

Abû Nasr 'Abd Allâh al-Sarrâj, Kitab af-Luma' fi Tasawwuf ed. with eritical notes,
 13

•
al-Luma',16 Ta'arruf, 17 al-Risalah al-Qushayriyah18 and in Kashf al-Mahjüb. 19

Ta realize these twa aims, the majarity of the early sùfi treatises were facused on

two important pOints: biographies of sùfi masters and the basic references (Qurànic

verses, prophetie tradition and the statements of sùfi masters on sùfî doctrines). The

former was almed at showing the public that sùfi teaching was the way of life of the

plOUS 'ulama' The latter was to convince the public that sùfism is in line with Islamic

teachings ttlrough delineating the true Path of sùfism

AL-QUSHA VRT'S LlFE

His origms: al-Qushayri was born in the month of Rabi' al-Awwal in 376/ 986 in

Ustuwà,20 a district of Nishâpùr consisting of 93 villages that were centralized in

Khabüshàn. 21 His full name is Abù al-Qâsim 'Abd al-Karim b. Hawâzin al-Qushayri.

•
Known as a leact;ng sùfi scholar, he was the author of important Arabie süfi

treatises 22 that VI ere consistent with Ash'ari theology.23

abstract vf contents, glossary, and indices by R. A. Nicholson (Leyden: E. J. Brill,

1914) 2.

17 Abù Bakr al-Kalâbàdhi, al- Ta'arruf li Madhhab Ahl al- Tasawwuf, ed. by Mahmüd
Amin al-Nawàwi (al-Qâhirah: al-Kuliyah al-Azhariyah, 1969),4.

lB AI-Qushayri, al-Risalah al-Qushayriyah, 2.

19 AI-Hujwiri, E, 12.

20 Abü Bakr Ahmad 'Ali al-Khatib al-Baghdâdi, Tarikh Baghdad au Madinah al-
Salam (Misr: Maktabat ~I-Khanji, 1931), XI, 83. Richard Gramlich, Das
Sendschreiben AI-Qusayris über das Sufitum (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag,
1986), 11.

21 Safi al-Din 'Abd al-Mu' min b. Abd al-Haqq, Marasid al-itti/ft 'Ala al-Asma' al-
Amkinah wa al-Biqà' (al-Qàhirah: Dà Ihyà' al-kutub al-'Arabiyah, 1954), l, 71.
See also Ibn 'Abd Allâh al-Hamawi Yàqùt, Mttjam al-Buldan (Beyrüt: Dàr Sàdir,
1957), l, 175.

22 A.J. Arberry, Süfism, 28.

• 23 Marshall G.S. Hodgson, The Venture of Islam: Conscience and History in a

World ClViltzation (Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 1977),
 14

• There is no detailed information about al-Qushayri's chlldhood; Ilistorians only

say that his father died when he was still a child and that his uncle was Abü 'Aqil al-

Sulami, one of the noble Dihqans of Ustuwa. 24 His mother, however, carne from

Banü Sulaym. 25

He was known as al-Qushayri because he was trom Banü Qushayr, the

descendents of Qushayr b. Ka'ab b. Rabi'ah b. 'Amr b. Sa'sa'ah 26 The Qushalyr

tribe, originally, descended fram Arabs who later moved to Khurasan and dOfTltnated

this city.27 Historically, during the Umayyad period, Khurasan was governcd by

several tribes. In 29/649, 'Abdullah b. Amir b. Kurayz b. Rabi'ah b. Habib b 'Abd al-

Shams was appointed governor of Khurasan by 'Uthman, the thlrd callph 28 During

the regime of the 'Umar Il, however, Khurasan was governed by 'Abd al-Rahrn{m b.

'Abd Allah al-Qushayrï.29 ln other words, ln the early period of Islam, both Sularni and

•
Qushayrî tribes governed Khurasan on behalf of the Arabs. Thus, al-Qushayri's

Il, 281.

24 Abü al-Qasim Ibn 'Asakir, Tabyin Kadhib al-Muftari fi-ma Nuslba lIa al-Imâm Abi
al-Hasan al-Ash'ari(Damascus: Matba'ah al-Taufiq, 1347.A.H), 272

25 Jamâl al-Din 'Abd al-Rahim b. Hasan al-Asnawi, Tabaqat al-Shatr iyall, ed. by
'Abdullah al-Jibüri (Baghdad: Matba'at al-Irshad, 1971), Il, 314.

26 Ibn al-'Athir, al-Lubab fi Tahdhib al-Ansab (al-Qahirah: Maktabat al-QudsÎ,

1356), Il, 264. See also Ahmad b. 'Ali al-Qalqashandl, Nthayat al-'Arab fi
Ma'rifah Ansab al-'Arab, ed. by Ibrahim al-Ibyari (Baghdad. Maktabat al-Muthna,
n.d.), III. 37. This is different from "Qushari", the TamÎm clan. See 'Abd al-
Karim al-Sam'anî, al-Ansab, ed. by 'Abd al-Rahman al- Yamani (Hyderabad
Matba'ah Dâ'irat al-Ma'arif al-'Uthmaniyah, 1979), X, 423-427.

27 Taj al-Din al-Subki, Tabaqat al-Shaft iyah al-Kubra (Mlsr Matba'at al-
Husaynîyah, n.d.), 111,332.
28 ln this period, Qays b. al-Haytham al-SulamÎ was appointed mllitary commander
in the administrative districts of Nishapür, while Ibn Kundir al-Qushayri was
military commander in Makran. See al-Tabari, The History of al- Tabari,
translated by R. Stephen Humphreys ( New York: State Untverslty of New York

• 29
Press. 1990), XV, 33-34.

Ibid., XXII, 85.

 15

•
parents belonged to the noble social classes of his society which made it possible for

him to pursue his education with a number of 'u/ama' in the various important

subjects of Islamic studies.

His educatinn: During the early part of his life, al-Qushayri studied Arabie and

literature under Abù al-Qasim al-Alimani .30 He received his primary Islamic education

in a local masque, "masjid'.31 There, al-Qushayri studied about the different sects,

'irqaf" and became familiar with the different interpretations of Islamic teachings

among Muslims. 32 Then al-Qushayri decided ta study arithmetic ta help his

community de al with the problem of taxes. 50, he set off to the capital and learning

centre of Khurasan, Nishapùr, for that purpose. 33

ln Nishapùr, he met Abù 'Ali al-Daqqaq (d.406/1015),34 anc he became

interested in his teachings. This encounter not only led al-Qushayri ta decide to

• pursue sùfi study instead of arithmetic, it aise, stimulated him ta study theology,

30

31
AI-Subki, Tabaqat, III, 344.

At that time, thE: Masjid was a centre of learning beside the madrasah. The
difference between these two centres of learning was that the Masjid was more
liberal than madrasah. since the madrasahs were built and run under the private
waqf, their policies and decisions were coloured by the founder. The Masjid,
however, was a sacred institution that could not be monopolized by a certain
persan. For detailed information, see Murtada Hasan al-Naqib, "Nizam al-Mulk:
An Analytical Study of His Career and Contribution to the Development of
Political and Religious Institutions Under the Great Sa'jüqs." (Ph.D. Thesis.
McGiII University, 1978), Il,453-465.

32 Qassim al-samarrai, The Theme of Ascension ln Mystical Writings (Baghdad:

The National Printing And Publishing Co., 1968), 33. In his youth, al-Qushayri
had excellent skills bath as a swordsman and as a horseman. See Shams al-Din
Ahmad Ibn I<hallikan, Wafayat al-A'yan wa Anb3 Abnft a/-Zaman, ed. by Ihsan
'Abbàs (Beyrùt: Dar al-sadir, n.d.), no. 394. 206. Ibn 'Asakir, Tabyin, 273.
Muhammad b. ali al-Dawudi, Tabaqat al-Mufassirin (al-Qahirah: Maktabah
Wahbah, 1972), l, 339.
33 Ibn Khallikan, Wafayat, no. 394, 206.

•
34
He was the founder and the first director of a sùfi madrasah, in 391/ 1000-01, as
weil as a sùfï master. In this madrasah, al-Qushayri was taught Tasawwuf, Dhikr
and tradition by al-Daqqâq. see al-Naqib, "Nizâm al-Mulk," Il,445-449.
 16

• Islamic jurisprudence and ta eventually become a sûft. Since sûfism can not be

separated from other Islamie fields, Abü 'Ali al-Daqqaq asked al-Qushayri ta study

Islamic law. As a result, al-Qushayri went to study Fiqh under Abû Bakr Muhammad

b. Bakr al-Tüsi (d.420/1029) until he mastered this subJeet Later on. Ile studled

theology under Abû Bakr b. Fürak (d.406/1 015) 35

After the death of Abü Bakr b. Fürak, al-Qushayri studied under Abü Ishâq al-

Isfarâyini (d. 418/1020) where he was obligated to write down the lessons. Since al-

Qushayri was able ta memorize ail the lessons pertectly, he was glven the status of

"independent student" for his tremendous intellectual ability

After finishing these studies, al-Qushayri concentrated on studylng al-Bâqill~lIli's

works (d. 403/1012).36 At the same time, he was very active ln al-Daqqâq's

lectures. 37 The latter became Qushayri's pnmary master in süfism and finally bocame

• his father-in-Iaw when al-Qushayri married hls daughter,38 Fâtlma (d, 480/1087).39

After the death of al-Daqqâq, al-Qushayri succeeded him as director of al-Daqqâq's

madrasah that became one of the central institutions of süft learlllng ln Nishâpür 40 At

35 Ibn Kathir, al-Bldayah wa al-Nihayah fi al- Tarikh (Beyrüt: Dâr al-Kutub

al-'lImiyah, 1987), XII, 114. See also Muhammad Bâqlr Zayn al-'Abldin
Khwânsari, Raudat al-Jannah fi Ahwal al-'U/ama' wa-al-Sadatl (Tihran'
Maktabah Isma'i1iyan, 1970-1972), V, 94; Ibn 'Asaklr, Tabyin, 272; 'Abd al-
Rahman b. 'Ali b. al-Jawzi, al-Muntazam fi Tarikl1 al-Muliik wa al-Umam
(Hyderabad: Da'irat al-Ma'anf al-'Uthmaniyah, 1938), VIII, 280. See also Yusuf
b. Taghribirdi, al-Nujüm al-Zahirah fi mufük Misr wa al-Qiihirah (al-Qâhlrah: Dàr
al-Kutub al-Misriyah, 1935), V, 91.

36 Unfortunatly, there is no detailed information about whlch books were studlcd by

al-Qushayri. AI-Bâqillâni was known as an Important Ash'ari theologlan

37 'Ali b. Ahmad al-Dâwudi, Tabaqat al-Mufasslfin, l, 341. See also Ibn 'Asâkir,
Tabyin, 273.

38 Ibn Khallikân, Wafayat, no. 394, 206.

• 39

40
'Ali b. Ahmad al-Dâwudi, Tabaqat al-Mufasslfin, l, 344.

AI-Naqib, "Nizâm al-Mulk," Il,445-449.

 17

•
that time, al-Qushayri adopted AbO 'Abd al-Rahmân al-Sulami (d. 412/1021) as his

spiritual guide41 and started to write tafsir and sOfi treatises. It is assumed that he

had already fintshed writing his tafsir, al- Taysir fi '/lm al- Tafsir by 410/1019. This

tafsirwas considered by Ibn Khallikân to be the best tafsir. 42

AI-Qushayri studied traditions under AbO al-Hasan al- Ahwâzi (d. 415/1024),

Abu NU'aym 'Abd al-Malik b. al-Hasan al-Isfarâ'ini (b. 310/922), 'Abd Allâh b. YOsuf

al-Isbahâni (d. 409/1019), AbO Bakr Muhammad al-Isbahâni (d. 406/1015) and other

.ulamâ'. Consequently, he come to master the subject of prophetie traditions. He was

even referred to as one of ahl al-hadith by A.J. Arberry.43

After studying several fields of Islamic studies, he beeame a master of Islamic

jurisprudence, Theology, Tradition, QUr'ânie exegesis, Arabie literature and grammar,

poetry and süfism. 44

• AI-Qushayri's sOfi teachings had been transmitted thraugh a long chain, silsi/a,

startÎl'g fram the followers of the prophet (tâbtin), to Dawüd al Tâ'i (d. 165/781-2), to

Ma'rOf ll-Karkhi (d. 200/815-6), to al-Sari al-Saqati ( d. 251/865), to AbO al-Qâsim al-

Junayd d. 298/910-11), to AbO Bakr al-Shibli (d. 334/945), to AbO al-Qâsim Ibrâhim

b Muhallmad al-Nasrâbâdhi, (d. 367/977) to AbO 'Ali al-Daqqâq, to al-Qushayri. 45

41 'Ali t. Ahmad al-Dâwudi, Tabaqât al-Mufassirin, l, 341.

42 Ibn 'f. sâkir, Tabyin, 273. See also Ibn Khallikân, Wafayât, no. 394, 206.

43 See A.J. Arberry, "al-Qushairi As Traditionist," Studia Orientalia Iranni

(Pede sen, 1953), 12-13. In this .::trticle, Arberry lists fourteen of al-Qushayri's
traditif ,n teachers whose transmission chain goes baek to the Prophet. For al-
Qushilyri's teachers, see also Gramlich, Das Sendschreiben, 12 - 13.

44 'Ali b Ahmad al-Dâwudi, Tabaqât al-Mufassirin, l, 339. See also Qasslm al-
Samcrrai, The Theme, 29.

45 AI-Ql shayri, a/-Risa/ah al-Qushayriyah, 134. See also Ibn 'Asâkir, Tabyin, 274.

• See also 'Ali b. Ahmad al-Dâwudi, Tabaqât al-Mufassirin, 1, 242. As an

addit onal reference see Muhammad Hasan's introduction to al-Qushayri, al-
Rasé ", al-Qushayriyah, collected with an introduction by Muhammad Hasan
 18

•
Besides the figures mentioned above, al-Qushayri had a number of other

masters. Among the." were Abü Ishaq Ibrahim b. Muhammad b. Ibrahim b. Mihran

al-Isfarayini, Abü Nu'aym Ahmad b. Muhammad b. Ibrahim al-Mahrajani. Abù Hâmid

al-Isfarayini, Abü al-Hasan Ahmad al-Hafaf, al-Husayn b. Shuja' al-Bazar, Hamzah b.

Yüsuf al-Jurjani, 'Abd al-Rahman b. Muhammad al-'Adl, 'Abd al-Rahman b. Ibrahlln

al-Muzakki, etc. 46

AI-Qushayri is also said to have met Abü Sa'id b. Abi al-Khayr (d 440/1049).

Although in the period 415-425/1024-1033 , Abü Sa'id was a very popular süfi

master among the students in Nishapür,47 not much is known about al-Qushayri's

encounter with him. Ibn al-Munawwar mentions that al-Qushayri and hls students

(seventy students) had attended and participated in Abü Sa'id's lecture (ma)/is).4fl He

adds that, on other occasions, al-Qushayri got involved ln the maj/is of Abü Sa'id 49

•
Nicholson, however, questioned these statements. He argues that the anecdote

recounted was meant to iIIustrate the hostllity between two different types of Islamic

mysticism: al-Qushayri represen+ed the "mystlcal theologian" who strongly believed

that süfism should be performed according to Islamic teachings, while Abù Sa'id

represented an opposite view. 5o Samarrai also questions Ibn al-Munawwar's daim

He points out that this anecdote was only mentioned ln the Asrar wntten by AbO

(Pakistan: al-Abhath al-Islamiyah, n.d.), 5, Gramlich, Das Sendschrmben, 12

46 Forfurther information, see Muhammad Hasan,"lntroduction," 5-8

47 Clifford Edmund Bosworth, The Ghaznavlds: Their Empire in Afghamstan and

Eastern Iran (Beirut: Librairie Du Liban, 1973), 192

48 Muhammad b. al-Munawwar, Asrar al- Tauhid fi Maqàmàt al-Shaykh Abi Sa' ir!,
Arabie translation by IS'ad 'Abd al-Hadi Qandhil (Mlsr: al-Dar al-Misriyah, n,d.),
97.

49 Ibid., 234 and 290.

• 50 R. A. Nicholson, Studies ln Islamle Mysticlsm (Cambndge: The University Press,

1921), 33-34.
 19

•
Sa'id's great grandson who had a tendency to view Abü Sa'id as the superior and al-

Qushayri as an Inferior. This attitude is explicitly stated in several pages of the

Asrâr. 51 He adds that the father of the author of the Asrar reported that al-Qushayri

was not friendly with Abü Sa'id. In addition, Samarrai argues that al-QushayrT's

teachings were dlfferent from Abü Sa'id's. For al-Qushayri, süfism should be

practiced in line with the shari'ah. Achieving a high status on the mystical path does

not exempt the süfï from being bound by God's rules. By contrast, Abü Sa'id is said

to have beiieved that anyone who reached an advanced stage on the spiritual Path is

not bound by the rules of the shari'ah. 52

His family: as mentioned above, al-Qushayri's wife was Fâtima (d.480/1 087), the

daugther of Abü 'Ali al-Daqqâq.53 According to Muhammad Hasan, al-Qushayri and

Fâtima had seven children; one daughter, Umm ah (sic) al-Karim and six sons. 54 The

•
names of the sons are Abü Nasr 'Abd al-Rahim (d. 514/1120) 'IIho was considered a

leading figure. 55 Abü Sa'd 'Abd Allâh (d. 477/1085),56 Abü Sa'id 'Abd al-Wahid (d.

494/1101-2),57 Abü Mansür 'Abd al-Rahman (d. 482/1089),58 Abü al-Fath 'Ubaydillâh

51 AI-Munawwar, Asrar, 102, 139,231, 157,305.

52 Qassim al-Samarrai, The Theme, 34-41.
53 Unfortunately, there is no detailed information about her life. Muhammad Hasan,
in his introduction to al-Rasail, only mentions that Fatima was considered a
woman of high social status and knowledge, and that she was a worshiper
('abidah). See Muhammad Hasan, "Introduction," 9.
54 Muhammad Hasan, "Introduction," 1 O.
55 Ibn Khallikan, Wafayat, no. 394, 207-208. See also 'Abd al-Hayyi b. al-'Imâd,
Shadharat al-Dhahab fi Akhbtir man Dhahab (al-Qâhirah: Maktabat al-Qudsy,
1350), IV, 45.
56
For his biography see 'Abd al-Hayyi, Shadharat, III, 354, See also al-Asnawi,
Tabaqat, Il, 316.
57 For his biography 'Abd al-Hayyi. Shadharat, III, 401. See also al-Asnawï,

• 58
Tabaqat, Il, 317 .

See his biography in al-Asnawi, Tabaqat, Il. 316.

 20

•
(d. 521/1127)59 and Abü al-Muzaffar 'Abd AI-Mun'im (d.532/1137-8).60

His works: al-Qushayri started to write after the death of Abû 'Ali al-Daqqâq. He

is considered a prolific writer. Carl Brockelmann estimated Oushayrï's works to be

twenty,61 while Muhammad Hasan Iisted thlrty-one works. 62 Resides, al-Qushayri had

many students who became impor.ant figures.63

His political challenge: When Abû Nasr al-Kunduri (d 456. A H./ 1064) became

Tughrul's (1037-1063) wazir, the Shâfl'ite - Ash'arites were persecuted by the Saljûq

government forces for political and religious reasons. The persecution was motivatad

by the conflict between the two schools of Islamic jurisprudence, the Hanafite and the

Shâfi'ite and also between the 'Ash'àris and the Mu'tazilites. It was, according to Al-

Subki, motivated by Kunduri's political jealousy of Abü Sahl b. al-Muwaffaq who !lad

great influence among both the Shâfi'i and the Hanafi 'ulama' .64 AI-Naqib, howevor,

• refutes this claim. He argue that Abü Sahl b. Muwaffaq at that time was only twenty-

three years old. So it is question able that he wou Id be so powerful as to chal:engü

Kundurï. 65 According to al·Subkï, the Shafi'i Ash'aris would not have beall

persecuted except for Kunduri's fanatir.al stance as a Mu'tazilî rafidi. 66 For al-Naqib,

59 See His biography al-Subki, Tabaqàt, IV, 269-70. See also al-Asnawi, Tabaqat,
Il, 318.

60 See his biography in 'Abd al-Hayyi, Shadharàt, IV, 99. AI-Dahabi, Tadf1klrat al-
Huffaz (n.p.: n.d.), III, 335. See also al-Asnawi, Tabaqat, Il, 318 See also
Gramlich, Das Sendschreiben, 15.

61 Carl Brockelmann, Geschlchte der arabischen Litteratur (Weimar E, Felber,

1898-1902), 1,556-557. See also Carl Brockelmann, Geschichte der arabisc/lOn
Litteratur, Supplementband(Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1943-1949),1,771-772,

62 Muhammad Hasan "Introduction," 24-26.

63 Ibid., 11·12.

64 AI-Subki, Tabaqat, Il, 270.

• 65 See al·Naqib, "Nizam al-Mulk," 1,195.

 21

•
this statement is biased and cannot be trusted for two reasons; the first is that not

only the followers of Shâfi'i Ash'aris were persecuted, but also the Karramites. The

second argument is that the Ash'ari historians condemn Kunduri as a Mu'tazili and

rafidi because it is common that the enemies of the Ash'aris would usually be

branded as such. 67

According to al-Naqib, the proper way ta approach this event is through clarifying

the historical background of this inquisition. Moreover, he points out that, during the

eleventh century, Khurasan was dominated by bath Hanafis and Shafi'is. The Hanafi

'ulama' dominated the office of qadi!l', while tlle Shâfi'i 'ulama' occupied the positions

of khutabii' and rU' asa'. During the reign of the Saljüqs who followed the Hanafite

school of thought, the positions of khutaba' and ru asa' were brought under the

authority of the Hanafi 'ulama' Abu Nasr Ahmad al-Sa'idi (d. 482/1089) and Abü

•
Hasan' Ali al·Sandalr (d. 484/1091) were arnong the people appointed by the Saljüq

to replace the ShafI'i khutaba' and ruas{l' positions.

Ahmad al-Sa'idi was appointed chief of rlias{t in Nishapür from around 430/

1038-39 till 450/ 1058-59. His policies tended to be intolerant of other schools of

thought. As a result, many non Hanafi 'ulam{j' were not satisfied with his attitude.

Compared ta al-Sa'idi, 'Ali al-Sandali was even less tolerant. He was appointed as

chief khatib for nine years and then became the chief of Hanafi muqaddam in

Nishâpür. His fanatical espousal of the Hanafi-Mu'tazili cause was expressed not

only in his pol!cies, but also in his Friday prayer sermons in which he atlacked his

opponents. This situation precipitated tension and hostilities among the religious

sects. 68 KundL'(I, who favoured the Hanafïte-Mu'tazilite school, then exploited this

66 AI-Subki, Tabaqat, Il, 270. See also Ibn 'Asâkir, Tabyin, 10B.

• 67

68
AI-Naqib, "Nizâm al-Mulk," l, 191-194.

Ibid.. 1, 177 -1 81.

 22

• situation ta strengthen the establishment of the Saljüqs in this area through

destroying the power of the Shâfi'i-Ash'ari group.

Besides the political reasons, there was also a theological conflict whlch led to

this inquisition. The conflict is sa id to have begun when Tughrul read Aslrari's

Maqa/at in 445/1053. Ibn Taghribirdi states that Tughrul ordered the curslIlg of

Ash'arism in the khutbah because, from rughrul's point of view, Astl'ari IInphed the

opinion that God had no Speech (Ka/am) on this earth 69 Qassim al-Samarral

surmises that Tughrul was angered because 'Ash'ari ide.1tified Abü Hanifah as the

founder of the Murjta sect,7o

From the above informations, two points can be emphasized- The first 15 tllat tho

persecution was caused by both religious and politlcal reasons and had nothing to do

with Mu'tazilî rafidi group. The second IS that the Shafi'i -Ash'aris !lad becom8 the

• main object of persecution because they not only had an Important role 111 this area

but had also become the theological as weil as the Islamic junsprudentlal oppononts

of the ruler.

At that time, al-Oushayri was an important leader of the Shâfi'Î-Ash'ari group. He

was a chief of this group after the death of Imâm Muwaffaq. He led thlrteen

Shâfj'j-Ash'ari 'ulama' in making a petition against the persecution of Ash'aris,

warning that those who were against the Ash'aris were also agall1st Ahl al-Sunna/l,

because Ash'ari's teaching was nothing but that of Ahl al-Sunnah. 71

69 Ibn Taghribirdi, Nujüm, V, 54-55.

70 AI-Ash'ari, Maqalat al-Islamiyin wa Ikhtiltlf al-Musallïn (al-Qâhlrah: Maktabat al-
Nahdhah al-Misriyah, 1945) l, 202, See also Oassim al-Samarrai, The Theme,
53.

• 71 For detailed information and critical information about the condemnatlon of the
Shafi'i-Ash'aris, see al-Naqib, "Nizâm al-Mulk," 1,168-184.
 23

•
When this petition did not succeed, al-Qushayri wrote Shikayat Ahl al-Sunnah bi

Hikayah mEI Na/ahum min al-Mihnah in which he complained that the Ash'aris were

being persecuted, rejected allegatlons of heresy and asked Tughrul to stop this

inquisition.72 Unfortunately, this effort also failed. Consequently, his plea went

unheeded Eventually, al-Qushayri and hls students were expelled from that city. He

moved to Baghdad where he delivered a speech before an audience that included

the caliph, al-Qà'im. The cali ph admired al-Qushayri's teachlngs and allowed him to

return to Nishâpür, but inste9.d al-Qushayri went to Tûs together with his family where

he took up residence up to the time of Alp Arsalân's regime,73

ln 451/1059 the second wavû of persecutions began. This time, al-Qushayri and

othm leading figures of the Ash'aris were arrested on the basis of an official letter

trom Tughrul. AI-Qushayri was jailed for more than a month, while many leading

•
Ash'aris went into hiding, sorne emigrating to HIJàz and sorne to 'Irâq,74

AI-Qushayri returned trom his pilgrimage (in 456/1063) to Nishâpûr where he

spent the last decade of his lite and where he passed away on a Sunday morning, the

16th of Rabi' al-'Akhir in 465/1072.75 His ~rave was in the madrasah beside Abû 'Ali

AI-Daqqàq's.76

72 Muhammad Hasan, "Introduction," 26.

73 'Ali b. Ahmad al-Dawüdi, Tabaqât al-Mufassirin, l, 242. See also Ibn 'Asàkir,
Tabyin, 274-275.

74 AI-Subki, Tabaqat, Il, 270-271.

75 Ibn al-Qunfud, a/-Wafayat (Beyrüt: al-Maktab al-Tijàri li al-Tiba'ah wa al-Nashr

wa al-Tauzi" 1971).252. AI-Khwansàri, Raudat, V, 96. See also Ibn al-Athir, a/-

• 76
KamI! fi a/- Ttirikh (Beyrüt: Da Sadr. 1966), X, 88 .

Ibn 'Asàklr, Tabyin, 276. See also Ibn Kathir, al-Bidayah, XII, 114.
 24

•
AL-HUJW1RI'S LlFE

AL-Hujwiri's full name is Abü al-Hasan 'Ali b. 'Uthman b 'Ali al-Gha7.l1awi al-

Jullabi al-Hujwiri. In the manuscripts of Kashf al-Mahjüb wllich are aVRilable III

Vien na, Bodleian and Berlin, his full name is Abu al-Hasan 'AH b. 'Uttllnan b. Abü 'AH

al-Jullâbi al-Hujwiri.7 7 ln Rleu's copy of Kashf al-Mahjüb, l1is name 15 'Ali b 'Uthman

Abi 'Ali al-Jullâbi al-Hujwiri.78 On the last page of Lahore edltlon of Kas'" al-MalljOb.

al-Hujwiri is named Hadrat-i Dâtâ Ganj-basksh 'Ali al-Hujwiri.79 Indeed. in hls Kasllf

al-Mahjüb he called himself 'Ali b. 'Uthman al-Jullabi.

He was born in Hujwir, a suburb of Ghazna in today's Afghanistan. sD It IS located

in the land of Khurasan that stretched up to the Indlan border. 81 Unfortunately, tl1ere

is no exact information about the date of hls birth. Nicholson believes that Ile was

born either in the last de cade of the tenth century or the first decade of the eleventll

• century.82 We also have no detailed information about al-HuJwiri's chlldhood Ali we

know is that he was raised by hls own parents and that he grew up ln a very rehglous

family known for its zuhd (asceticlsm), and taqwa (piousness).83

77 See Hermann Ethé, CatRlogue of Persian manuscnpts' in the Ubrary of the India
office (Oxford: Printed For The ln dia Office by H Hart, 1903-1937), no. 1773.
Both Jullâb and Hujwir were two suburbs of Ghazna. See al-HuJwiri, E,
Nicholson's preface, XVII.

78 See Charles Rieu, Catalogue of The Persian Manuscnpts ln t/7e Bntlsh Museum
(London: British Museum, 1879-83), 1,343.

79 AI-Hujwiri, E, Nicholson's preface, XVII. See also Hldayet Hosain, "Hudjwiri,"

The Encyclopaedla of Islam, new edltlOn (1971).

90 See al-Hujwiri, E, Nlcholson's preface, xv.

81 Yâqüt, Mu'jam, IV, 201.

82 AI-Hujwiri, E, Nicholson's preface, xix.

• 83 See al-Hujwiri, A, Is'âd's introduction, 51. This information is based on Satinat

al-Auliya' by Darâ Shuküh,
 25

•
He received his basic religious education from his parents and went ta süfi

lectures together with his father. 84 He studied süfism under Abù al-Fadl Muhammad

bal-Hasan al-Khuttali 85 and Abù al-'Abbas Ahmad b. Muhammad al-'Ashqani

(according ta some Scholars al-Shaqani, referring ta a village near Nishapùr).86 He

also received Instruction fram Abü al-Qasim al-Kurrakani,87 ln addition, he attended

the clrcl(3 of Abü Ahmad al-Mudaffar b. Ahmad b. Hamdan who was known as al-

Sayyld al-lmam. 8B

AI-Hu]wiri's chain of transmission (si/si/ah) starts from tâbtin (the followers of the

prophet) ta Dawüd al-Un ta Ma'rüf al-Karhi ta al-Sari to al-Junayd. From al-Junayd,

al-Hujwiri has two chains. The first moves from al-Junayd ta Shibli ta al-Husri ta al-

Khuttali ta al-HuJwiri. The second is transmitted from al-Junayd ta Abù 'Ali al-

Aùdban-(d. 322/934) ta Abù 'Ali al-Katib (d. 340/951) ta Abù 'Uthman al-MaghribT (d.

373/983) ta Abù al-Qasim al-Kurrakani ta al-Hujwiri. 89

• As mentioned in the introduction, al-Hujwiri was also influenced by the writings of

sùfis like al-Sarraj, al-Qushayri, and al-Sulami. It should be noted that the showed

great respect for Abù Sa'id b Abi al-Khayr. This can be inferred from several

passages ln the Kashf a/-Mahjüb, su ch as his statement that Abù Sa'id was

,he sultan of his age and the ornament of the mystic Path, Ali his
contemporaries were subject ta him, sorne through their sound perception, and
sorne through their excellent belief, and sorne through the strong influence of

84 AI-Hujwiri, A, IS'ados introduction, 51.

85 AI-Hujwiri. E, 166.

86 Ibid., 168. See also Nicholson's preface, xvii.

87 AI-Hujwiri, E, 169. See also 'Abd al-Rahman b. Ahmad Jami, Nafahât al-Uns mm
Hadarât al-Quds (Tihran: Kitab Furùshi-i Sa'di, 1900), 316-317.

• 88

89
AI-Hujwiri, E, 171.

AI-Hujwiri, A, IS'ad's introduction, 59-61.

 26

• their spiritual feelings. He was versed in the different branches of science. 9o

AI-Hujwïri seems ta have had an unpleasant experience in marriage. This notion

can be interred trom hls own explanatlon. He said:

After Gad had preserved me for eleven years trom the dangers of matnmony, It
was my destiny to fall in love with the description of a woman wtlom 1had never
seen, and during a whole year my passion 50 absorbed me that my religion
was near being ruined, until at last God in His bounty gave protection to my
heart and mercifully delivered me. 91

AI-Hujwïri was a Sunni Hanafi,92 He was consldered a prominent Hanafî süfi

master, thus refuting the notion that Hanafis, due ta their rational tendencies, tended

ta oppose süfis teachings. He succeeded in reconciling süfism wlth tlqh, and bridged

the gap between the doctnne of annihilation (fana') and hls theologlcal doctrine.

According to Is'âd, al-Hujwiri was undoubtedly loyal ta the Ghazanavlds. Thus,

• when the latter were defeated by the Saljüqs and Sultan Mas'üd took refuge wlth his

political allies in India, al-Hujwiri also went to the same country.93

ln his Kashf al-Mahjüb, al-Hujwïrï mentions that he travelled to several places'

Adharbayjân,94 the tomb of Abû Yazïd al-Bastâmi at Bastâm,95 Damascus,96 Bayt al-

90 AI-Hujwïrï, E, 164.

91 Ibid., 364.

92 C.E Bosworth, The Ghaznavids, 174. See also Hidayet Hosain, "Hudjwiri."

93 See al-Hujwiri, A, Is'âd's introduction, 18.

94 AI-Hujwiri, E, 57 a ld 410.
95 For Abü Yazid's biography, see Gerhard Bowering, "Bestâmi", Encyclopaedia
Iranica iv (1989),183-186.

• 96

97
AI-Hujwïri, E, 68.

Ibid., 94,167 and 343.

 27

•
Jinn in Syria,97 Tus, UZkand,98 the tomb ot Abu Sa'id b. Abi al-Khayr in Mihanah,99

Merv,100 Jabal al-Buttam ta the east of Samarqand. 101 He stayed in Iraq for sometime

where he became rich at tirst, but later fell into debt. 102

There is no exact information about the date of al-Hujwiri's death. According ta

Bakhtavar Khan's Riyad al-Auliyii', as reported by Rieu, al-Hujwiri died in 456 or

464. 103 Both Rieu and Nicholson, however, question these dates. In addition,

Nicholson suggests that al-Hujwiri died between 465 and 469 for two reasons. The

tirst reason is that in Kashf al-Mahjüb, al-Hujwiri mentions al-Qushayri's name

followed by the phrase: "rahmat Allah 'A layh" , the phrase usually following the name

of one who has died. This means that Kashf al-Mahjüb would have been written after

the death of al-Qushayri. The second reason is that al-Kurrakani, who died in 469,104

was still ahve when Kashf al-Mahjüb was composed. 10 5 From these reasons

Nicholson concludes that al-Hujwiri died between 465 and 469. 106 IS'ad, however,

• does not agree with Nlcholson's conclusion. IS'ad argues that the phrase rahmat

AI/ah 'Alayh after al-Qushayri's name cou Id not become an argument to conclude that

al-Qushayri had passed away wh en Kashf al-Maf1jüb was written. Because al-

Hujwiri's name ln Kashf al-Mahjüb is also sometimes followed with the phrase rahmat

98 Ibid., 234.
99 Ibid., 235.
100 Ibid.,401.
101 Ibid., 407.
102 Ibid.
103 See Rieu, Catalogue, 1,343. See also Ethé, Catalogue, no. 1773.
104 'Abd al-Hayi, Shadharat, III, 334.

•
105 AI-Hujwiri, E, 161 and 169.
106 AI-Hujwiri, E, Nicholson's preface, xviii-xix.
 28

•
Allah 'Alayh. 107 Is'âd believes that the most accurate date for the death of al-Hujwiri

is 465. This date can be found in each of the three Perslan poerns whicll are hung on

the wall of al-Hujwiri's tomb at Lahore. The first poem was written by Mu'in al-Din

Chishti (d. 633/1236), the second was wntten by ai-Jailli (d 898/1494) and the thlrd

was written by M. Iqbal (d.1357/1938)_108 It seems to Ille tllat IS'ad's clallll is not

convincing enough for the poellls are only showing tllat then authors believed that al-

Hujwiri died in 465. This is the first reason. The second reason is that the earhest

poem was wntten by Mu'in al-Din who died in 633/1236, this means that the earhest

poem was written more than a century and a hait 3fter the death ot al-Hujwiri 1 am

inclined to believe that al-Hujwiri's death could not have occurred before 440 (the

date of Abû Sa'id death) for al-Hujwiri visited the tomb of Abû Sa·id. It may weil

have occured considerably later but no certainty about the date can be gained from

the available sources .

• AI-Hujwïri seems to have composed a number of works: Kashf al-Mahjüb is one

of the last of his works. According to IS'ad, al-Hujwiri's works are twelve,109 but from

his Kashf al-Mahjüb, we know that al-Hujwiri composed only nine books excludlng

Kashf al-Mahjüb, the only one which was preserved. 110

ln conclusion, the foregoing survey indicates that there are differences and

similarities between al-Qushayri's background and al-HuJwiri's. They both hved in the

same period and followed al-Junayd's school. However, al-Qushayri was a Sunm

Shafi'i Ash'arite who, besides belng a sûfi master, also excelled ln other fields of

Islamie thought sueh as tradition, exegesis and theology. AI-HuJwiri, on the other

107 See al-Hujwiri, E, 7. See also al-HuJwiri , A, 197.

108 For the poems, see al-Hujwiri, A, IS'ad's introduction, 86-87.

•
109 Ibid., 97-104 .
110 AI-Hujwiri, E, Nicholson's preface, xx.
 29

•
hand, was a Sunni Hanafi who devoted his career entirely te süfism trom an early

age. Whereas al·Qushayri seems to have had reservations about Abü Sa'id, AI-

Hujwiri, on the contrary considered him "the sultan of his age and the ornament of

the mystic path".

•
• CHAPTER TWO

MAQAMAT (STATIONS) AND AHWAL (STATES)

The word maqam means place of standmg. It is often translated as "station". In

the Our'an, this word occurs many times with the meaning "place" III OIther an

abstract or a concrete sense (al-Qur'an, 2:125, 17;79,19;73, 28:39. 37,164. 44:51,

55;46). In süfism, this word denotes the "place" of the servant before hls God and the

process or the necessary step of spiritual pUrification for obtalnlllg the divine

illumination. It is a process of the training (riyadah) and self-mortification

(mujahadaW which must be done for spiritual purificatlon. 2 For the süfi who wants to

reach a station above must maintalll the station below. 3

• For al-Ghazali, ail of the religion's stations (maqamat al-din) are cornposed of

three matters: "knowledges" (ma'âri~, the states (ahwa~ and the acts (a'mal). The

knowledges are the basis of the states (ahwa~. The states bnng about the acts The

knowledges are like the trees, and the states are like the branches, and the acts am

like the fruits. 4 From this point of Vlew, it can be understood wlly the the doctnnu of

station (maqam) and state (ha~ in almost ail süfi treatlses IS al ways InseparablH trom

virtues (fadail al-'ama~.5

1 Abü Nasr 'Abd Allah al-Sarrâj, Kitab - al-Luma', ed. with cntical notes, abstract of
contents, glossary, and indices by R.A. Nicholson (Leyden. E J. Bnll, 1914),41

2 l. Gardet, "Hâl," The Encyclopaedia of Islam, new edition (1971)

3 Seyyed Hossein Nasr,"The Spiritual States in sûfism," Süfi Essays (New York'
State University Press, 1991), 75.

4 Abü Hâmid al-Ghazali. Ihya' 'U/üm al-Din (Mlsr: Maktabat al-TIJariyah al-KubrA,

• n.d.), IV, 62. See also Yüsuf Tâha Zaydan, al- Tariq al-Süfi (Beyrüt. Dar al·JiI,
1991), 77. See also Nasr, "The Spintual." 73.
 31

• According to Ibn Qayyim, the maqamat as a whole might be divided into three

steps The flrst is the step of preparation which may also be called the step of "waking

up" (yaqzah) ln whlch the sùfis should fulflll religious duties, always remember God

and also purify thelr souls. The second is the step of thinking (tafkir) that guides the

süfi to success in his journey. Il requires patience and good preparation, otherwise

the süfi will go astray. The final step is contemplation (mushahadah) or vision

(basirah) where the süfi's heart is illuminated by The Light by which he knows the

reality (haqiqah) of the prophet'~ messages. 6 ln other words, these steps are a

pro cess of purification that begin with the process of cleaning away the rubbish and

dust (takhalli) and then movlng on to the process of polishlng and decorating (tahalli),

and finally, the soul becomes pure and experiences the manifestation of God

(taJalli). 7

•
To purify the soul means to transform al-nafs al-ammarah bi al-sa (the soul

5 Nasr, "Spiritual." 70.

G Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyah, Madarij al-Salikin bayn Manazillyyak na'bud wa Iyyak

nasta' in (Misr: Dar al-Kutub, 1956), l, 123 -124. For the originality of this division
see al-Ansari, Kltab Manazil al-Sa' Irin, ed. and translated by S. De Laugier De
Beaurecueil a.p. (al-Qâhirah: al-Ma'had al-'lImi al-Faransi Li al-'Athâr al-
Sharqïyah, 1962), 4-6. Each of the stations are also divided into three levels. The
tirst IS the level of common people. The second IS for thp seeker (salik) that
becomes the middle degree. The last is for those who belong to the adepts. See
al-Ansari. Manazil, 6. According to süfï doctrine, seeking reality is as difficult as
searching for the precious pearl at the bottom of the ocean. Whosoever wants to
get It, should ride a boat (shari'ah) upon the ocean and then dive to the bottom of
the ocean (tariqah) and then, finally, the precious pearl (haqiqah) can be obtained.
See NaJm al-Din al-Kubra, Risalat al-Safinah, ed. and collected by Fritz Meier.
The text is included in Najm al-Din al-Kubra's Kitab Fawa'ih al-Jamal wa Fawatih
al-Jalal (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag GMBH, 1957),282. See also Zayn al-
Din al-Malibari, Hidayat al-Adhkiya' i!a Tariq a!-Auliya': The text is included in
Kifayat al-Atqwa' wa Minhaj al-Asfwa' of Dimyâti (Indonesia: Dar Ihyâ' al-Kutub
al-'Arabiyah n.d.), verses 6-7. See al 50 Nawawi al-Bantani, Salalim al-Fudala'
(Indonesla: Dar Ihya' al-Kutub al-'Arabiyah, n.d.), 8-9. As an addition al reference
see Sri Mulyati, "Süfism ln Indonesia: An Analysis of Nawawi al-Bantani's Salâlim
al-Fudala'," (M.A. Thesis McGili University, 1992),62 .

• 7 For further explanation about. takhalli, tahalli and tajalli, see al-Hujwiri, E, 389,
see also al-Hujwiri. A, 633-634.
 32

• which caused the badness) into al-nafs al-mutma'innaf1 (the tranquil soul) through

performing the virtues (al-fada'/~ and self-mortification (mUjaf1adah)

mortification the soul should become free from its Illnesses and through perforrnlllg
Sy self-

the virtues the soul is transferred into the nature of virtue itself. 8 /.\~ d result of tl1ls

effort, the soul can return to his/her home where he/she. accordll1g ta al-Junayd. IS "ta

be found and ta find." This is the true home for süfis that every soul yearns to enter 9

Like the ward maqam, halls used by süfls ta Indlcate the condition of spiritual

feeling. This ward, in süfism, is often translated by the word "state".l0 Theoretically.

whenever God's servant comes to Him through the performing of virtuous deeds. God

would be manitest in hls heart. 11 As a result, the he art feels bath tear and hope or

contraction and expansion or awe or Intimacy These spiritual conditions are called

"states" (ahwa~. 12

• 8

g
Nasr, "The Spiritual," 70.

See Margaret Isabel Jones, "The Concept of Mithâq in al-Junayd's Theology"

(M.A. Thesis McGiII University, 1979),76. See also 'Ali Hassan Abdel Kader, The
~ife, Personality And Wrttings of al-Junayd (London. Luzac & Company Itd., 1962),
40.
10 L. Gardet, "Hal." Accordlng to the prophetie tradition state IS the prophet's
haqiqah (reahty). Prophet said. "The shari'ah are my words (aqwali) , the tariqa
are my actions (a'mali), and haqiqa is my interior state (ahwali)" See Annemane
Schimmel, Mystical Dimensions of Islam (Chapel Hill. The University of North
Carolina Press, 1975) 99.
11 This is the notion of a hadith al-Qudsi: "Gad said ... lf he (servant) cames as near
ta Me as the length of a hand, 1 wou Id come ta hlm ln the length of an arm If he
cornes near ta Me in the length of an arm, 1 shall come ta hlm with outstretched
arms. If he comes ta me on foot, 1 will hasten ta hlm" See Ibn Hajar
al-'Asqalâni, Fath al-Bari bi-sharh Sahih al-Bukhari (Seyrüt. Dar al-Ma'rifah,
1390), XIII, 384,

12 According ta Najm al-Din al-Kubra, maqamat are spiritual stations where the
süfis take a rest to prepare their further spiritual Journey Ahwal are thelr means

• of transportation, as a bird uses its wlngs tor tlylng. See NaJm al-Din al-Kubra,
Kitab Fawa' ih al-Jamal wa Fawatih al-Jala/, ed, by Fritz Meier (Wiesbaden: Franz
Steiner Verlag GMBH., 1957),41.
 33

• Many sütis have made distinction between maqam and hal trom literai angles;

For them, hal is called a state (al-hâ~ for its s\'Vitching (Ii-tahawwulih). While maqam

is called station (a/-maqam) for its permanence and settling (Ii-thubütih wa

Istiqrarih).13 Therefore, maqâm is permanent whilb hal is always changing. However,

there were ditferent opinions on this pOint, as will be discussed later. 14

Almost ail süfis agree that the diffsrence between state and station is that state

is a gift that is received 1rom God, while the station is acquired and can only be

obtained through great effort. 15 ln other words, the possessor of the station is active,

while the owner of the state is passive in hie own state. This difference, however, is

only with regard to the theoretical aspects, and does not affect practice 16 for,

according to Suhrawardi, state and station are inseparable. He argues that both state

and station have two sides: i.e. given (mawâhib) and earned (makasib). The thing

•
which is earned (maqâm) is encompassed by the gift, while the gift (ha~ is filled with

the acquired thing. 17 Related to this notion, al-Kalabadhi says: "Every station has a

beginning and an end: and between these two are the various states."18

There is little agreement among süfis with regard to the number of stagos

13 'Abd al-Oahir b. 'Abd Allah (SIC) al-Suhrawardi, 'Awarif al-Ma'ar;' (Beyrüt: Dar al-
Kitab al-'Arabi, 1966), 470. As an additional reference see 'Ali b. Muhammad al-
Jurjani, Kitâb al- Ta'rifât (Beirut: 'Alam al-Kutub, 1987),469.

14 See my discussion, 39 and 64-65.

15 AI-Sarraj, al-Luma', 42 Abü al-Oasim 'Abd al-Karim b. Hawazin AI-Qushayri, al-

Risa/ah al-Qushayriyah fi '/lm al- Tasawwuf; wa 'alayhâ hawamish min sharh
Zakariya al-Ansari (Beyrüt: Dar al-Kitab al-'Arabi, 1957), 32; al-Hujwiri, E, 181;
al-Hujwiri, A, 409.

16 Darshan Singh, "Attitudes of al-Junayd and al-Hallaj Towards The Sunna and
Ahwal and Maqamat," Islamie Culture LVIII (July 1982),221.

17 Suhrawardi, 'Awarif, 470 - 472 .

• 18 Abü Bakr al-Kalabadhi, al- Ta'arruf li Madhhab Ahl al- Tasawwuf, ed. Mahmüd
Amin al-Nawawi (al-Qahirah: al-Kuliyah al-Azhariyah, 1969), 106.
 34

• between God and His servants. Abû Nasr al-Sarrâj in his al-Luma' mentioned seven

stations and ten states. 19 AI-Makki counted the number of stations (maqamat) into

nine with no special discussion of the states (ahwan. 20 Sy AbO Sa'id b Abi al-Khayr'~

and al-Hujwiri's count the number of stations comes to the same as the llull1ber of

the prophets. 21 Suhrawardi, in his 'Awarif, only mentions ten statlons 22 and states

that every station has astate because it is nourishment for the station. 23 AI-Ansari, Hl

his Manazil, mentions one hundred stations with ten classifications, but has no

section on states. 24 AI-Ghazali, however, mentions the seven seas that should be

crossed to reach fana' (annihilation), al- Simnâni (d.737/1336) descnbes the seven

stages of "the prophets of your being",25 while Ibn 'Arabi encounters seven prophets

in his mi'raj.26 Farid al-Din al-'Attar, according to 'Afm, Illustrates stations (maqamat)

19 According to al-Sarrâj, repentance (taubah) , abstinence (wara'). ascetlcism

(zuhd) , poverty (faqr), patience (sabr) , trust in God (tawakkun and satisfaction

•
(rida) are stations. While contemplation (muraqabah) , proxlmity (qurb) , love
(manabbah) , fear (khau~ and hope (raja'), yearning (shauq), IIltimacy (uns),
tranquility (itma'ninah) , vision (mushahadah) and certainty (yaqïn) are states.
See al-Sarrâj, al-Luma', 43-72.

20 These stations are taubah (repentance) sabr (patience). shukr (thankfuiness),

raja' (hope), khauf (fear), zuhd (asceticism), tawakkul (trust ln God), "da
(satisfaction), and mahabbah (love). See Abû Tâlib Muhammad b. 'Ali al-MéJkki,
Qüt al-Qulüb fi Mu'amalat al-Mahbüb (Misr: al-Matba'ah al-Maymuniyah, 1306),
1,178.

21 Abû Sa'id's Maqamat-i Arba'in-i, translated by Hosselll Nasr, "The Spiritual,"

78-83. For study of Abû Sa'id, see Fritz Meier, Abü Sa' id-, Abü I-Hayr:
Wirklichkeit und Legende (Leiden: E.J. BrllI, 1976). Meler questions the
authenticity of Abû Sa'id's Maqamat-i Arba' in.

22 AI-Suhrawardï 'Awarif, 475 - 476,

23 Ibid., 472.

24 See al-Ansârï, Manazil,3.

25 Hermann Landolt, "Simnâni on Wahdat al-WuJud," Colleeted Papers on Islamie

Philosophy And Mysticism, edited by M. Mohaghegh and Hermann Landolt
(Tehran: The Institute of Islamic Studies McGill University, Tehran Branch,
1971 ), 95-96. Henry Corbin, En Islam iranien, aspect spifltuels et philosophiques

•
(Paris: Editions Gallimard, 1972),3, 290-291. See also Seyyed Hossein Nasr,
"The Spiritual," 77,
 35

• as seven valleys that should be passed by the group of birds that yearn to find the

divine bird, Si murgh 27 and the states (ahwa~ are their impressions of the journey.28

and Abü Bakr al-Kattânï (d. 324/934) puts the number into thousands of stations of

"light and darkness".29 Abu al-Mawâhib al-Shâdhili (d. 882/1477) mentions tourteen

stations30 and Aümï sometimes enumerates "18,000 worlds" and on another

occasion counts 100,000 spiritual stages. 3l 'Ayn al-Qudât counts 70,000 veils. 32

Historically, the concept of maqamat and ahwal may have emerged in the first

Islamic century. The first figure who "talked about" these two important words is said

to have been 'Ali b. 'Abi Talib: when he was asked about iman, he answered that it is

based on four pillars; patience (sabr), certainty (yaqin) , justice ('ad~ and fighting

Uihad) and each of the pillars has ten stations. 33 According to sorne, the first figure

26 Muhy al-Din Ibn 'Arabi, al-/sra' lia al-Maqam al-Asra Au Kitab al-Mi'raj, ed. by

•
Su'ad al-Hakim (Bairüt: Dandarah, 1988), 55-75 .

27 These are the valley ot the quest, the love, the knowledge, of the detachment, of
the unit y, of the bewilderment and stupefaction and the poverty and annihilation.
'Attar, Farid al-Din, The Conference of The Birds, a süfi allegory, abridged
version of Fari al-Din 'Atta;s Mantiq al- Tayr, by R. P. Masani (London: Oxford
University Press, 1924), 85-124.

28 Abü al-'Alâ 'Atm, al- Tasawwuf al- Thaurah ai-Rühiyah fi al-Islam (Iskandariyah:
Dâr al-Ma'ârif, 1963), 136-137.

29 AI-Ansâri Manazil, 2.

30 Abu al-Mawâhib al-Shâdhili, Illumination ln Islamie Mystieism, translated by E.

Jabra Jurji (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1938),27-29.
31 William C. Chittick, The Sufis Path of Love: the Spiritual Teaching of Rumi (New
York: S~ate University of New York Press, 1983) 72-73.

32 According to prophetie tradition, during the mi'raj, there were 70 veils beyond
which the Prophet Muhammad was able to go, while Gabriel was unable to enter
even beyond the tirst veil. There is also the ighanah tradition in which the
Apostle said that hls heart was always cloud Y until he asked forgiveness of God
70 times everyday. This tradition, according to Abu 'Ali al-Daqqâq, has the
meaning that every day the Prophet ascends trom one state to the state above.
See al-Qushayri, al-Risalah al-Qushayriyah, 32. For more detailed information,

• see Hermann Landolt. Nuruddin Isfarayini Le Révélateur des Mystères Traité de

Soufisme (Lagrasse: Editions Verdier, 1986), 111-112.
 36

• who distinguished these two terms (maqamât and ahwa~ was Dhû al-Nûn Mi!;ri,

(796-861 ),34 while al-Sari was the first süfi who structured the stations (maqamat)

and explained the states (ahwa~.35

ln regard to the comparison between al-Qushayri's and al-Hujwiri's detlllition ot

station (maqam), al-Qushayri holds that

maqam consists of good behavior which the servant realizes by engaging III Il.
something which he reaches by activities of !lis own and reahzes through sorne
kind of struggle and endurance in painful training. Thus, the maqam (station) of
each person is the place at which he stays for this and that for whlch he
devotes himself through self-disci~'ine... While the word muqam 1ll8anS
iqamah (placing something), just as "ll-Mudkhal means al-Idkhfil (Ieadlng IlltO)
and a/-Mukhraj means a/-Ikhraj (Ieaàing out). Thus to engage IIlto a station IS
not sound unless one witnesses God placing him in it (I.e a partlcular station)
His endeavor must be based on such a foundation. 36

AI-Hujwiri seems to criticize al-Qushayri by warning againt a confusion between

•
maqam and muqâm. He says that, in Arabie, the word maqam means al-qwam

(standing) and the place of standing, not the place of a/-iqamah. Whlle muqam, III

Arabie, means a/-iqamah and the place of al-iqamah. 37 Yet al-Hujwiri's point seems

33 AI-Sarrâj, al-Luma', 130.

34 L. Gardet, "Hal."

35 AI-Hujwiri, E, 110; al-Hujwiri, A, 322 and 'Is'ad's introduction, 29.

36 AI-Qushayri, al-Risalah a/-Qushayriyah, 32. For comparison see also Richard

Gramlich, Das Sendschreiben A/-Qusayris über das Sufitum (Wiesbaden. Franz
Steiner Verlag, 1986), 109. On the issue of the passive participle as masdéir
mimi see W. Wright, A Grammar of the Arabie Language, thlrd editlon revised by
W. Robertson Smith and M.J. de GoeJe (Cambridge: Cambndge University
Press, 1988), 129.

37 This point was omitted by R.A. Nicholson. For the reference see al-HuJwiri, P,
224; al-Hujwiri, A, 409. According to some dictlonaries, the word maqam means
maj/is (place), and maudhÜ' al-qadamayn (a place of two foots). See Jamâl al-
Oin Muhammad b. Manzür, Lisan a/-'Arab, (Beyrüt: Dar Sâdir, 1956), XII, 506
See also Ahmad J:4idâ, Matn a/-Lughah Mausü' ah Lughawiyah Hadlthiyah
(Beyrüt: Dar Maktabat al-Hayâh, 1960), IV, 675; Tâhir Ahmad al-Zâwi, Tartib al-

• Qamüs a/-Muhit 'A/a Tariqah al-Misbâh a/-Munir wa Asas al-Balfighah (al-

Oâhirah: Matba'at al-Istiqamah, 1959), III, 638. Louis Ma'lût, AI-MunJid fi al-
Lughah wa a/-Adab wa a/-'U/üm (Beyrüt: al-Matba'ah al-Katülikiyah, 1908),704.
 37

• not altogether clear. Perhaps it can be understood in connection with his view that the

seeker always remains in his own station trom the beginning to the end of his journey

as WIll be seen shorthly (see p, 39).

To determine the total number of statIons and states in al-Qushayri's point of

view is not easy because of three problems. The flrst is that al-Qushayri does not

mentIon these matters as clearly as al-Sarrâj had done. The second is that the

distinction between state and station is unclear. 38 The third is that if we take the

definitions that station is acquired while state is a gift as the basic reference, almost

ail virtues belong to the stations, as almost ail virtues are acquired. To avoid these

problems, my approach is to take mto account the stations that were clearly stated by

al-Qushayri.

According ta al-Qushayri, repentance (taubah) (which is divided into three

• stages. taubah, inabah and aubah), abstinence (wara'), asceticism (zuhd) ,

contentment (qana'ah), trust in God (tawakkuf) (which is also divided into three levels:

tawakkul, taslim and tafwïcl),39 and the beginning of "da are stations. 40

AI-Hujwiri, on the other hand, holds that the total number of stations is the same

as the total number of prophets (more than 124,000) for every prophet elucidates the

basis of a different station and its perfection was achieved only by Prophet

Muhammad. Nevertheless, al-HuJwiri does not mention ail of the stations. He only

mentions part of them. He says that Adam elucidated the station of repentance

38 See my prevlous dISCUSSIon, 33-34.

39 AI-Qushayri, al-Risafah al-Qushayriyah, 32. 1 do not share the view of Tâhâ

Zaydân who asserts that AI-Qushayri's total number of stations is twelve. See
Zaydân. al- Tariq, 76. Neither do 1share the view of Harun Nasution who says
that patience (sabr) is a station in al-Qushayri's point of view. See Harun
Nasution, Misticism Dalam Islam (Tasawwuf/Sufisme) (Jakarta: Kelompok

• 40
Oiskusi Tentang Agama Islam. 1972). 6.

AI-Qushayri, al-Risalah al-Qushayriyah. 89.

 38

• (taubah), Noah elaborated the station of renunciation (zuhdl, Abraham presented the

station of resignation (taslim) , contrition (inal,ah) was Moses' station, sorrow (fIL/zn)

was David's station, hope (raja') was Jesus' station, tear (khau~ was John's station

and praise (dhikr) was Muhammad's station. 41 AI-Hujwiri sometllnes also attnbutes

the states to the prophets: the state of bastto Jesus, the state of qabd to John,42 the

state of muhadathah to Moses and the state of musamarah to Muhammad 43

Both al-Qushayri and al-Hujwiri are in agrement that the servant is not allowed

to ascend from one station to another except by having completed the obligation of

the station below. But their further explanations differ, al-Qushayri pOints out the

hierarchical order in almost ail of his stations by saying of those who do not possess

the station of contentment (qanâ'ah), that thelr trust ln God (tawakku~ is not val id and

of those who do not have the station of trust in God, that their r~signation (taslim) IS

•
not valid. Similarly, those who possess contrition (inabah) wlthout repentance

(taubah) and asceticism (zuhef) without abstinence (wara') are not sound. 44 Whlle al-

Hujwiri explains only that inâbah without taubah is invalid just hke tawakkul wlthout

zuhd. 45 For al-Qushayri, tawakkul is based on qanffah, while for al-Hujwiri, tawakkul

is based on zuhd.

Unlike al-Qushayri, for al-Hujwiri, passing fram one station ta others is not real

but it is only taking the benefits of these stations. He says that anyone who desirAs

God has a station which becomes the means for his searchmg. Though the seeker

has a share in ail stations and passes through each of them, he baslcally rests or

41 AI-Hujwiri, E, 371; al-Hujwiri, A, 616.

42 AI-Hujwïri, E, 376; al-Hujwiri, A, 620.

43 AI-Hujwiri, E, 380; al-Hujwiri, A, 625.

• 44 AI-Qushayri, al-Risalah al-Qushayriyah, 32 .

45 AI-Hujwiri, E, 181 ; al-Hujwiri, A, 409.

 39

• stays in his original own station, for the station belongs to the character or nature

(tarkib-I jlbillat) not the conduct. 46 "None of us but hath a certain station" (al-Qurân,

37'164).47

Moreover, al-Hujwiri clarifies the relationship between station and tamkin and

the difference between them. Tamkin IS the residence of the spiritually adept ln the

abode of perfection ln the highest grade. For him, the station is the way, while tamkin

is the goal The only difterence between fT.~1'1am and tamkin IS that the station

(maqam) can be passed beyond, but the stage of tamkin cannot be passed for It is

the restlng place of the seeker where the seeker is elther ln the stage of baqa'

(subsistence) or in the state of fana' (annihilation).48

Like other süfis, both al-Qushayri and al-Hujwïri agree that hal is a gift from God

that is placed in man's heart. 49 But they dlsagree ln Identifiying ahwal. AI-Qushayri

• holds that huzn, the end of nda, mahabbah, khauf and raja', uns and haybah, bast

and qabd are states. The states identified by al-Hujwiri are the end of rida,

mahabbah, bast and qabd, uns and haybah, lutf and qahr, musamarah and

muhadathall and wajd and wujüd.

Both al-Qushayri and al-Hujwiri have the same discussion as to whether astate

is permanent or not. They say that sorne süfis asserted that states are permanent

because if they cannot be permanent, they are only occurrences (Iawa'ih). Related to

this notion, Abü 'Uthman sa Id that "Dunng fort Y years God never put me in astate

46 ln Nicholson's translation the word jibillat was substituted by the word hila "
design". This substitution, however, leads to misunderstandlng. For the
reference, see al-Hujwiri, P, 484; al-Hujwiri, A, 616.

47 See al-Hujwïrï, E, 370-371, al-Hujwiri, A, 616.

48 AI-Hujwirî, E. 373; al-Hujwiri. A, 618 .

• 49 AI-Hujwiri. E, 181; al-Hujwiri. A, 409; AI-Qushayri, al-Risalah al-Qushayriyah,

32.
 40

• that 1 disliked."50 AI-Muhâsibi, as reported by al-Hujwiri, argues that love. longlng .

contraction and expansion are states III love If these states are never permanent. the

lover would not be a lover for the name of lover IS only ploperly apphed to olle who

has the attribute of love 51 Sorne others, however. held that states are temporal and

ne ver permanent. AI-Junayd argues b)' saylllg that "States are IIke flashes of

lightning: their permanence is merely a suggestion of the lower soul (hadit/I nafs) "

One of the süfis also said "States are like thelr names i e. they vël.lllsh alrnost as

soon as they descend (tahillu) on the heart "52 AI-Hu]wiri expiai ilS that If the state

may be an attribute (because of its permanence), the object of the state "must bH

more perlect than the attributes themselves." ThiS is. however. Imposslble. 5:1

Unlike a!-HuJwiri, al-Qushayri explams the pracess of becomlng of the state He

says that when the vanous expenences (tawanq) that become Ilourrshment of the

•
state are permanent, they become astate. Otherwlse, It IS ollly d/-bawadh (Intuitive

impulses).54 Because these varrous experrences always happen and thny am

inherent in the state, whenever these experrences are stable they become é-lnoth()r

state (a state above the state). As a result, the owner of the state ascends ta thB

second state, and whenever he ascends, the state below, for hlm, becomes a g/Jayn

50 AI-Qushayri, al-Risâlah al-Qushayriyah, 32. See also al-Hujwiri, E, 181-182, al-

Hujwiri, A, 410.

51 AI-Hujwiri, E, 181; al-Hujwiri, A, 409.

52 See al-Qushayri, al-Risalah al-Qushayriyah, 32. AI-HuJwiri, E, 181-182, al-

Hujwiri, A, 409-410. AI-Qushayri do es not identify al-Junayd.

53 AI-Hujwiri, E, 182; al-Hujwiri, A, 410.

54 AI-Qâshâni explaines that al-bawadh cornes accidently fram the inVISible, "they
suddently seize the Heart and induce either Expansoion or Contraction." SeH
'Abd al-Razzaq al-Qâshani, Istilahat al-Sûtiyah, ed. Muhammad Kamal Ibrahim

• Ja'far (Misr: al-Hay'ah al-Mlsrïyah al-Ammah II-al-Kitab, 1981), 38. See also A
Glossary of Sûti Technical Terms, translated by Mabil Safwat (London. The
Octagon Press Itd., 1991), 11.
 41

• (clouding).55 These pro cesses, however, are never ending sin ce the real union

(wusü~ to God IS impossible. Therefore, the seeker (sa/lk) is al ways ascending from

one state to another 5tate. This is, according to Abü 'Ali al-Daqqâq, the meaning of

the prophet's tradition. The Prophet said: "Verily my heart IS clouded until 1ask God

forglveness seventy times everyd ly."56 ln the light of this tradition, al-Hujwiri points

out that the veils whlch cover the heart are of two kmds' the veil of covenng (hijab

rayn~ which is impossible to be removed for it IS an essence and the veil of clouding

(hlJab ghayn~ which is removable since it belongs to the attribute. AI-Junayd said:

"Rayn belongs to the class of abiding things and ghayn to the class of transient

things."57

Unhke hls predecessor, al-Hujwïrï elaborates on the relationship between state

and waqt ('moment', 'instant'). Waqt IS an important sütï term. But the 'u/ama' have

•
different opinions on Its definition. Abü 'Ali al-Daqqâq claims that "waqt is that

(feeling) in which thou art" ( ma anta fih).58 Others say that waqt is something which

occurs in between the past and the future. 59 ln süfi terms,

"waqt IS that whereby a man becomes independent of the past and the future,
as, for example, when an mfluence trom God descends into his soul and makes
hls heart co"ected (mujtamr) he has no memory of the past and no thought of
that which is not yet come. GO

Thus, a süfi IS also called the 'son of moment' (Ibn waqtih).G, For al-Hujwïri, these

55 Related to this notion, there is an important saying that the goodnesses of the
pious people (abrar) are the badnesses of the favoured people (muqarrabin).

56 AI-Qushayri, a/-Risa/ah a/-Qushayriyah, 32.

57 AI-Hujwïri, E, 5.

58 AI-Qushayri, a/-RIsaJah al-Qushayriyah, 31; al-Hujwiri, E, 370; al-Hujwirï, A,

615.

59 AI-Qushayri, a/-Risalah al-Qushayriyah, 31 .

• 60 AI-Hujwiri, E, 367.

r
 42

• two terms (waqt and ha~ are interrelated because hal is to waqt what spirit IS to body,

Le, the value of the "instant" depends on the state (ha~. Through hâl the "owller of

waqf' becomes stable and authentic. The "owner of waqf' IS dependent 011 tlw

movement of th~ Beloved; he is sorrowful when the Beloved is abBtmt cllld happy

when the Beloved IS present such as Jacob, the owner of waqt, !lad felt It (al-Guran,

12 :96). On the other hand, the owner of halls independent because Il(-~ 15 alwaYB III

the actual vision ('iyan). Like Abraham when he saw star, moon and sun, he know

nothing but God (al-Quran, 6:76).62

Both al-Qushayrï and al-Hujwirï agree that the ulitimate of these spiritual stages

(maqamat and ahwaf) is the stage of tamkin. an attribute for the adept people (al1l al

haqa' iq), 63

ln conclusion, it can be said that for al-Qushayri, maqam is an acquisition of

• virtue, but al-Hujwiri, though he agrees in general wlth al-Qushayri, rldds an

important point. According to him, maqam is an inherent quallty of the seeker, and a

rank of predestination (maqam ma'/üm) , as symbolized by the prophets For AI

Qushayri, ha/ is a dlvinely-bestowed feeling. This feeling IS at the beglnlling ullstable

but then stabilizes, Whenever this feeling IS stable, It becomes another statü This

endless process is what is known as taraqqi For al-HuJwirï, however, l1al is an

element of stability whlch compounds with the unstable waqt ('instant')

61 AI-Qushayrï, al-Risalall a/-Qushayriyah, 31, see also AI-Qashanï, A Glossary,

23,

62 AI-Hujwiri, E, 369-370; al-HuJwïri, A, 615-616.

63 AI-Qushayri, al-Rlsa/ah al-Qushayriyah, 41. AI-Hujwiri, E, 371-372, al-HuJwiri, A,

617, AI-Ghazali says that after having spi ritual ascent, the gnostlc people
(al-'arifin) agree tnat they only know (ma'rifah) the True One (al-Wal1id al-Haqq)
But sorne of them held that this state (ha~ becomes a gn0515 of knowledge

•
('irfanan 'llmiyan), while sorne of them consider thls state as a state of feoling
(ha/an dauqiyan). See Abü Hamid al-Ghazali, Mishkat al-Anwar, ad by Abü
al-'Ala 'Atm (al-Qahirah: al-Dar al-Qaumiyah Il al-Tiba'ah wa al-Nashr, 1964). 57.
 43

• TAUBAH (REPENTANCE)

Almost ail süfls agree that repentance is the tirst station. 64 It literally means toto

return", so that, ln sütism, taubah means to repent trom acts ot disobedience and to

promise not to return to them again, and to roturn to God. To return to God means to

perlorm good deeds. The Prophet said:" ... My servant continues to draw near to Me

with supererogatory works so that 1 shall love him. When 1 love him 1 am hls hearing

wlth which he hears, hls seemg with which he sees, his hand wlth whlch he strikes,

and hls toot with which he walks. "65

Repentance is an obligation for ail Muslims, since no Muslim is able to perlorm

his servanthood to God perlectly; he is not immune trom the machinations of the devil

as weil as hls own :ower soul's (nafs) deslre which leads to dlsobedience. 66 He who

• 64 AI-Ansari, however, considers repentance as the second stage. According to

hlm, the tirst stage is the awakening trom the heedlessness (ghaflah). See al-
Ansari, Manazil, 6. As an addition al reference, see al-Firkarwi,Mahmüd b. Hasan
b. Muhammad, Sharh Manazil al-Sa'irin, ed. by S. De Laugier De Beaurecueil
O.P. (al-Oahirah' Matba'at al-Ma'had al-'lIm al-Faran~! li al-Athar al-Sharqiyah,
1953), 8. Abû Sa'id considered repentance as the third '3tation. For him, the tirst
station is intention (niyah). The second is conversion (inabah). The third is
repentance (taubah). See Hossein Nasr in his "The Spiritual," 78.

65 Yahya b Sharaf al-Din al-Nawawi, al-Arba'in al-Nawawiyah Fi al-A hadith al-

Sal1ih al-Nabawiyah, translated by Ezzeddin Ibrahim and Denys Johnson Davies
(Damascus: The Holy Koran Publishing House, 1976), hadith, no., 38. For the
same notion, see tradition in Imam Ahmad b. Hanbal, Musnad al-Imam Ahmad
bm Hanbal (Beyrüt: Dar al-Fikr, 1980), Il, 412, 435, 472, 509, 509, 5024, 534; VI,
256 See also chapter on Adab ln Abû 'Abd Allah Muhammad b. Isma'il al-Ja'far
al-Bukhari, Sahih al-Bukhari ('Arabiyah: 'Tsa al-Bâbi al-Halabi wa Shirkah,
1953), hadith, no., 57. See also Abû al-Husayn Muslim b. al-Hajjâj al-Qushayri
al-Naysâbüri, Sahlh Muslim ('Arabiyah: 'Tsâ al-Bâbi al-Halabi wa Shirkah, 1955)
chapter on Dhikr hadith, no., 20, 21, 22. See also chapter on "taubah," hadith,
nO.,1.

66 The obligation ot repentance is illustrated ln a number of Our'ânic verses (24:31,

66:8, 2:222). Besides, there are also sorne prophetie accounts that encourage
one to repent. The Prophet said that God loves no one more th an a youth who
repents. See al-Qushayri, al-Rlsaiah al-Qushayriyah, 45. In another tradition,

• he aise said that the repentance from sin IS as if one has not committed the sin .
Even the Prophet hlmself always asked ferglveness trom God at least 100 times
a day For further elaboration on this discussion see 'Abd al-'Aziz al-Darâni's (d.
 - - - - - ~------------..,

44

• denies this point is considered an unbeliever. 67 For the elected people. ta.ubafl Ineôns

to turn away from everything save God. G8

ln regard to the comparison between the discussions of repentance ln al-Rlsâlall

al-Qushayriyah and Kashf al-Mahjüb, there are SIX slinilar paillis the eXéllTllnéltloll of

repentance's meanmg, ItS requlrement, ItS levels, ItS ways, ttle problern <IS ta wlwthnr

the repentant should forget his SII1 or not. and diSCUSSion of ttJosû who COllllTlIt the

sin after repentance. 69

Like other süfis, bath al-Qushayri and al-HuJwiri agree that the Illealllllg of

taubah is "ta return" fram dlsobedlence to obedience This is the fllst station

(maqama~ for the seeker (salik). It is of two kinds; taubafl al-'lnabal7 (repentancE:' of

penitence) and taubah al-istljabah (repentance of response). The formm IS for ttlose

who repent because of the fear of God's punishment, whlle the latter 15 for tl10se who

• repent out of shame before His generoslty. 70

Both al-Qushayri and al-Hujwiri are of the opinion that repentance has three

requirements. The first is the contritIOn over the acts of disobedlence The second is

the immediate abandonment of sin through tulfllllng the obligation and refralllmg tram

697/1297) elaboration in his Taharat al-Qulüb wa al-Khudhü' li 'AI/am al-Ghuyüb

(Misr: Mustafa al-Bâbi al-Halabi wa Auladuh, 1960), 102-104.

67 AI-Makki, Qüt al-Qulüb, l, 179.

68 Javad Nurbakhsh, Sufism IV (London: Khaniqahi-Nimatullahi Publications, 1988),

1. For the onginal notion see Abü al-Husayn al-Nüri's saymg 111 al-Sarral, al-
Luma', 44 and also in al-Kalabadhi, Ta'arruf, 111.

69 ln terms of references, almost ail the Quranic verses, prophetie traditIOns, süfi
master's traditions and stories are already mentloned ln the al-Rlsalah al-
Qushayriyah except thr~e; the quotation ot al-Quran, 50:31, one of al-Junayd's
poems and one story.

• 70 ln al-Risalah al-Qushayriyah thls tradition 15 denved trom Ibn 'Atâ, whlle ln Kashf
al-Mahjüb it is attnbuted to Dhü al-Nün. AI-Qushayri, al-Rlsalah al-Oushayrïyall,
47. AI-Hujwiri, E, 299; al-HuJwiri. A, 541. See also Nurbakhsh, Suflsm IV, 19
 45

• disobedlence. The last is the determmation not ta sin again.1 1 These aspects are

refleeted ln the prophetie tradition: "Contrition IS repentance." For, wh en regret is

present ln the heart, the second and the third requirements follow simultaneously. 72

ln terms of the raot of repentance, bath al-Qushayri and al-Hujwiri are in

agreement that the root of repentance is the awakening of the heart from the sleep of

heedlessness (ghaflah) , man's awareness of his own depravity. This is caused, al-

Qushayri explalns, by the heart's listemng ta the divine voice of reprimand in one's

conscience for, accordmg to the prophetic tradition, "God's preacher is in each

Muslim's heart. "73 Sy sa dOing, Gad will bestow on him repentance and release him

from disobedience.14

ln addition, both al-Qushayri and al-Hujwiri ho Id the same view about the causes

of remorse and the levels of repentance. For them, the causes of regret are three .

• Firstly, remorse cornes to the heart when the fear of God's punishment

the act of disobedience. Secondly, when the hope of God's reward enters the heart,

and one realizes that this reward cannot be obtained through disobedience, he
overpower~

regrets 75 The third is shame before Gad. In this case, the person regrets his own

71
AI-Qushayri, al-Risalah al-Qushayriyah, 45 and also al-Hujwiri, E, 294; al-
Hujwiri, A, 536 As an addition al reference, see Ibn al-Qudâmah al-Maqdisi,
Kitab a/- Tauwabin, ed. Khâlid 'Abd al-Latif (Seyrüt: Dâr al-Kitâb al-'Arabi, 1990),
8. For al-Junayd, the preconditions of repentance are remorse from having
commlted the sin, abandoning of disobedience and performing restitution for
mlsdeeds (mazallm). See Darâni, Taharat, 105, and al-Qushayri, a/-Risa/ah al-
Qushayriyah, 47.

72 See al-Qushayri, al-Risa/ah al-Qushayriyah, 45-46 and also al-Hujwiri, E, 294;

al-Hujwiri, A, 536.

73 AI-Qushayri, al-Rlsatah al-Qushayriyah, 46.

74 Ibid See also al-Hujwiri, E, 295: al-HuJwiri. A, 537 .

• 75 For al-Qushayri's notion, see the main point of Abü Hafs, Haddâd and AbC! 'Ali
al-Daqqaq's stones. AI-Qushayri, a/-Risalah al-Qushayriyah, 46.
 46

• weaknesses. 76

ln respect ta the levels of repentance, al-Qushayri quotes his own teacher. Abù

'Ali al-Daqqâq, ta the ete ct that repentance has three levels: the firsi level IS tauba/J,

the second is inabah and the last is aubaf1. The flrst group IS for those who repent

because of the fear of God's punishment. This is the mu'mm's attrlbute (al-Quran,

66:8). The second is for those who repent ln the hope of God's reward TIIIS IS the

level ot auliya' (saints) (al-Qur'ân, 50:33). The last class IS for those who repent

because of shame before Gad. This is the prophet's attribute (al-Quran, 38.30) 77 AI-

Hujwiri explains that the tirst group repent tram the wrong thing for the right one (al-

Quran, 3:135). The second group repent tram the right tor the more right (al-Quran,

7:143). They repent not because of sin but trom thelr "own volition (lk/JtJyâr) , tor in

love personal volition is a taint." The third group repent trom "selthood ta Gad." They

•
not only repert tram ail stations that have been achieved, but also tram "bell1g

conscious of any 'station' or 'state' whatsoever."78 While this explanatlon adds an

element, it is difficult ta see why Annemarie Schimmel writes that this division only

occurs in al-Hujwiri. She says

76 The notion of Abü 'Ali al-Daqqâq's tradition. See al-Qushayri, al-RisaJal1 al-
Qushayriyah, 47 and see also al-Hujwiri, E, 295; al-HuJwiri, A, 536.

77 AI-Qushayri, al-Risalah al-Qushayriyah, 47. This notion is quoted by al-Hu)wiri

See al-Hujwiri, E, 295; al-Hujwiri, A, 536. According ta Dhü al-Nün, taubal1 has
three levels: The level of the common people, those who repent fram the sin. The
second is the level of the elected people, those who repent from their
headlessness (ghaflah). The last is the class of the prophet who repents trom his
own weaknesses ta obtain full perfection. See al-KaHibadhi, Ta'arruf, 111. Ses
also Suhrawardi, 'Awaflf, 487. As an additional Information, the same division
also occurs III Ibn 'Arabi and Nawawi al-Bantani See Sri Mulyatl, "Sütism." 69
Muhammad Lâhiji divlded repentance into four levels: Flrst, ta repent trom
unbelief, the second, ta turn away tram the prohibition, the thlrd, ta repent trom
bad morality, and the last, ta repent tram everythll1g ather than Gad See
Nurbakhsh, Sufism IV, 11-12, based on the Sharh-e Golshan-e Raz by

• 78
Muhammad Lâhijl.

AI-Hujwiri, E, 297; al-Hujwiri, A, 539.

 47

• ln keeping with his inclination to systematization, Hujwïri speaks of tauba as

return trom great sins to obedience; inaba is the return from minor sin to love,
and auba the return from one's self to God. This tripartion is not found
eisewhereJ9

Both al-Qushayri and al-HuJwiri also discuss whether one should forget his sin in

repentance othis opinion was held by al-Junayd- or one should remember the sin, the

opinion which IS aUnbuted to Sahl b. 'Abdillâh and al-Sari. AI-Sarraj, as quoted byal-

Qushayri, explains the dlfference by relating the first opinion ta the state of gnostics

(muhaqqiqin) , the second opinion to beginners (muridin).80 AI-Hujwiri, in addition,

explalns that

the penitent is a lover, and the lover of God is in contemplation of God, and in
contemplation it IS wrong to remember sin, for remembrance of sin is a veil
between God and those who contemplate Him. This controversy goes back to
the difference of opinion concerning mortification (mujahadat) and
contemplation {mushiihadat)... Those who hold the penitent to be self-
dependent regard his forgetfulness of sin as heedlessness, while those who

•
hold that he is dependent on God deem his remembrace of sin to be
polytheism. 81

Both al-Qushayri and al-Hujwiri agree that repentance is valid even for one who

79 Schimmel, Mystical, 110.

80 AI-Qushayri, al-Risiilah al-Oushayriyah, 47, quoting Sarrâj. See also al-Sarraj,

al-Luma',43.
81 AI-Hujwiri, E, 296; al-HuJwiri, A, 538. For the argument in al-Risalah al-
Oushayriyah, see al-Junayd's statement. AI-Qushayri, al-Risalah al-
Oushayriyah, 47. According to al-Hujwiri, ail mystics have established the
necessity of sefl-mortification for obtaining contemplation (mushahadah). Some
of them assert that self-mortification (mujahadah) is asbiib (an indirect means) of
contemplation. Sahl al-Tustari, on the other hand, affirms that mujahadah is an
'ii/aIl (direct cause) of contemplation. Others, however, hold that there is no direct
cause of umon with God fot the union with Him is Divine grace (fad~. Thus, self-
mortification ai ms "to correct the vices of lower soul, not ta attain real proximity,
and inasmush as mortification is referred to Man, while contemplation is referred
to God, it is impossible that one should be caused by the other." See al-Hujwirï,
E. 201: al-Hujwiri. A. 432. For critlcal study of al-Tustari's discussion of man's

• power (heart and lower soul), see Gerhard Bôwenng, The Mystlcal ViSIOn of
Existence ln Classical Islam: The Our anic Hermeneutics of the Süfi Sahl at-
Tustari (d.283/896) (New York: Walter De Gruyter, 1980), 241-253.
 48

• returns to commit the sin again,82 and he gets a reward for hls repentance. 83 They

cite stories which prove that among masters cf sûfism there were those who return to

commit the sin, but they finally repented and achieved constancy. To support thls

notion, al-Hujwiri quotes three stories, two of which have been mentloned in al-

Risalah al-Qushayrïyah as weil; namely the story of Abû 'Ami b. Nujayd (d 366/976)

who had the intention of repenting, unfortunately, his he art disobeyed hllTl once more,

but then finally he repents again because of the advlce glven by Abû 'Uthman

Secondly, the story of a person who disobeys after hls repentance and regrets tliS

action, and asks himself whether God would still accept his repentance or not HIs

question was answered t'l',' voice saying that such kind of repentance IS still accepted.

This story was reported by Abû 'Ali al-Daqqaq.84

Both al-Qushayri and al-Hujwïri quote Abü Hafs al-Haddâd's statement that

•
"Man has no part in repentance, because repentance is frem God to Man, not from

Man to God." AI-HuJwiri concludes that repentance is God's glft, not the result of

acquisition. a5 ln addition, he also explains that "repentance is a DIvine strengthemng

82 Regarding repentance, al-Makkï classifies people Into four groups Ttle first class
includHs those who have tranquil souls (nafs mutma'mnafl) and are never
temptf.d to commit sin after repentance. This class is called al-sablqin (the
preceo:ng). The second level is the class of muqtasidin (moderate). ThiS Includes
those who possess nafs lawwamah (the blaming soul), who commit the 5111 and
repent, but their souls sometimes leads them ta commit the Sin agall1 The tturd
includes those whase souls are musawwlah (the entlclllg soul) thdt leads them ta
vacillate between good and bad deeds These people commit sin and tepent,
and then commit it agaln and repent. ThiS IS the notion of Quramc verse 35:32.
The fourth class are those who commit the sin and do not feel remorse over thelr
disobedience. These people are called fasiq (slllful) and their souls am of the
type that inspire evil (ammârah). ThiS IS the notion of Qur'anic verse 12;53 For
al Makki see Qüt al-Qulüb, l, 193.
83 AI-Qushayri suggest that such people should not lose the hope of belllg able ta
repent.
84 AI-Qushayri, al-Risâlah al-Qushayriyah, 46, al-HuJwiri, E, 298; al-Hulwiri, A,
540. The difference is that in Kashf al-Mahjüb, al-Hujwiri does not mention th(1

• 85
narrator of the second story .

See Abü Hafs's saylng III al-Qushayri, al-Rlsalah al-Qushayriyah, 48. See also
 49

• and sin is a corporeal act: When contrition (nadamat) enters the heart the body !las

no means of expelling it; and as in the beginmng no human act can expel repentance,

sa in the end no human act can maintain it. "86

1 should emphasize that although the above points are mentioned in both al-

Risalah al-Qushayrïyah and Kashf al-Mahjüb, the manner of discussion between

them is not the same. In al-Risalah al-Qushayrïyah, the discussion of taubah occurs

independently, while in Kashf al-Mahjüb, the discussion occurs in the chapter on

punfication (taharah) , since repentance is the tirst step of spiritual purification, the

same as the purification with water in worship. In al-Rlsalah al-Oushayrïyah, the

discussion occurs in the style of reporting a number ot Quranac verses, traditions,

and statements of the masters and the stories, while ln Kashf al-Mahjüb, the points

are arranged systematlcally .

• There is an important point that occurs only in al-Risalah al-Qushayriyah, namely

a special discussion about the steps of preparation for repentance. AI-Qushayri

states that one should stay away from everything that causes, stimulates and attracts

one to commit a Sin. Besides, he should contemplate in order to strengthen his fear

and hope toward God. Sy so doing, it is assumed that one IS able ta fultill his intention

of being repentant and stop his acts of disobedience. Thus, he is able to truly

repent. 87

WARA~ (ABSTINENCE)

The station of abstinence (wara') cannot be separated from the station of

al-Hujwiri, E, 299; al-Hujwiri, A, 541.

• 86

87
al-HuJwiri. E, 297; al-Hujwiri, A, 539 .

AI-Qushayri, al-Risalah al-Oushayriyah. 46.

 50

• asceticism (zuhd) for abstinence is the basis of asceticislll (zuhd).B8 According to a

tradition, abstinence is the foundation of religlon. B9 ln another tradition, the Prophet

said: "Be an abstinent persan, you wou Id be the best worshlpper (to God) 81110119

human kind." He also said that the best Muslim is one who leaves aSlde s0l118thl119

for which he has no need. 90

With regard ta this doctrine, al-Qushayri cites prophetlc and süfi traditions as

weil as some staries reflecting the practice of abstinence in life.9 1 HIs restatement. in

general, could be classified into three important pOints; namely, the denotation, the

divisions and the benefits of abstinence.

Compared ta Sarraj, AI-Qushayri does not systematlcallY divide wara' lOtO three

divisions. 92 However, examples of each may be found 10 various ways. Related ta the

first stage, al-Qushayri states that abstinence (wara') is to abstain from dublous

• 88

89
AI-Sarraj, al-Luma', 46. See also Suhrawardi, 'Awarif, 489.

Suhrawardi, 'Awarif, 488. In al-Risalah a/-Qushayriyah, thls tradition IS narrated

by al-Hasan al-Basri from "one among 'Ali's sons." AI-Qushayri, a/-R/sJ/a/l a/
Qushayriyah, 54.

90 ibid., 53.
91 Ibid., 54. There were staries quoted by al-Qushayri ta show how the sufi
masters practice abstinence. We might see, for example, the story of Mâllk b
Dinar who lived in Basrah for fort Y years but abstained from eatmg the famous
Basrah date. Another story is the story of Ibrahim b Adham who abstarned from
drinking the water of Zamzam because he did not have a bucket to draw the
water from the weil. Besides, there IS also the story that al-Muhaslbi, whenever
he took a dubious thing, hit hls head. See al-Qushayri. a/-Rlsalafl al-
Qushayriyah, 54,

92 AI-Sarraj divided abstinence (wara') IOta three stages' the level of the commor!
people, the stage of the elected people and the ecstatic people. The flrst 15 for
those who abstain from dubious things that are neither clearly lawful nor clearly
unlawful. The second is for those who abstain from whatever is doubted by the
inner heart. The third is for those who abstaln trom E lIerythlng that detracts
attention from God, al-Sarraj, a/-Luma', 44-46. As addrtional reterence, for al-
Ghazali, the abstinence from the unlawful is called wara: a/-'udtJ/, trom dubious

•
thing is called wara' a/-sâ/ihin, from ha/al is called wara' al-muttaqin and trom
everything save God IS called wara' al-slddiqin See al-Ghazali, Ihya', Il, 96-98.
This division IS fonowed by Nawawi. See Mulyati, "Süfism," 63.
 51

• things. 93 Ibrahim b Adham said that abstinence is the abstaining from the dubious

that is nelther clearly lawful nor unlawful as weil as to avoid tlle useless and the

superfluous things. 94 The second stage of abstinence may be implied by Sufyan al-

Thauri who says that abstinence is to avoid the things that affect the lower soul

(nafs). The last kind of deflmtlon of abstinence is made by Shibli. He said that

abstinence IS to abstain fram every thlng save God.

Yahya b. MU'ad, as quoted by al-Qushayri, divides abstinence into two kinds_

The first IS external abstinence and the second is internai abstinence. The former

denotes not moving save for God, whereas the second means that nothing enters the

heart save GOd. 95

The excellency of abstinence is unquestionable for it is the most excellent of

acts96 as weil as the foundation of the religion. According to Hasan al-Basri, even the

• value of very small acts of abstinence (wara') is higher than one thousand acts of

93 AI-Qushayri, al-Rlsalah al-Qushayriyah, 53.

94 Ibid. Related to this notion, the Prophet said: "That which is lawful is plain and
that which IS unlawful is plain and between the two of them are doubtful matters
about whlch not many people know. Thus he who avoids doubtful matters clears
himself in regard to hls religion and his honour, but he who falls Into doubtful
matters falls Into that whlch is unlawful, hke the shepherd who pastures around a
sanctuary, ail but grazing therein. Truly every king has a sanctuary, and truly
Allah's sanctuary IS His prohibition ... " See al-Nawawi, al-Arba'in, hadith, no., 6.
The same notion also can be inferred from both of Yahya b. Mu'adh's sayings
which emphasize the notion that the purpose of abstmence is to limit doctrine,
without interpretation, and Yûnus b. 'Ubayd's statement that abstinence is to free
oneself from every dublous thing and examine the lower soul (nafs) every time.
See al-Qushayri, al-Rlsâlah al-Qushayriyah, 54.
95 Ibid. 'Attar adds one pOint which dlstingUishes between these two. He said that
whoever IS in the former stage will not see God "if he opens his eyes tomorrow"
but it will not happen for those ln the second stage, for he sees God right now.
See Nurbakhsh, Sufism IV, 37.

•
96 Abû 'Abdallah Muhammad b. Khafif's (d.371/981) tradition. See al-Qushayri, al-
Risâlah al-Qushayriyah, 54.
 52

• fasting and prayers;97 it can reduce the difficulty of the judgment ln the hereafter. 98

It is clear that the difference between al-Qushayrl and al-Hujwïri 15

Qushayri clearly asserts that abstinence IS among the statlons,99 whlle al-Hujwïri's
that al-

point of view is unclear for he does not discuss thls matter.

ZUHO (ASCETICISM)

The ward zuhd, literai y means to minimlze something (al-Qur'an, 12.20) The

letters of zuhd (z, h and cl) themselves, according ta Abü Bakr Muhammad al-Warraq

(d. 290/903), indicate three abjects that should be renounced. The letter z Indlcates

the zinah (honour, fame etc.). The letter h indicates the hawa (passions) The loUer

d indicates the dunya (worldly things).100

ln the view of the süfï, the world IS like a snake that has a smooth sklfl but is

• deadly. This world is not permanent and is hated by God This IS tha world for

punishment of Adam 101 It IS the root of ail sin and renouncll1g It IS the source of ail

obedience and goodness. 102 Thus, those who are known as the people of ascetlclSITl,

would have 1,000 names of pralse. In contrast, those who are charactenzed by love

of worldly matters, would be named by 1,000 names of blame. 103

97 Ibid.

98 Ibid. See Abü <Uthman's saying.

99 Ibid., 32.

100 Muhammad Abdul al-Rabb, The life, Thought and Histoncallmportance of Abü
Yazid al-Bistami (Dacca: The Academy For Pakistan Affalrs, 1971), 82.
101 Peter J. Awn, "Süfism," The Encyclopedia of Religion (1987)
102 AI-Sarrâj, al-Luma', 46, and also al-Qushayri, al-Risalah al-Qushayriyah, 57
103 AI-Sarrâj, al-Luma" 46. According to al-Makkl, the world (Dunya) that

• represents the opposite of the hereafter is the desire or inclination of the lower
soul to love in seven ways: women, chlldren, hoarded heaps of gold and silver,
well-bred horses, and tilled land and chattel (al-Ouran, 3:14). See al-Makkî,
 53

• Since the doctrines of süfism are based on personal experiences, the meaning of

zuhd, technically, evokes different responses but ail with the same aim. 104 For

exarnple, al-Hasan al-Basri, 'Abdullah b. Mubarak and Abü 'Uthman emphasize the

meamng of zuhd as renunciation trom worldly matters, wh Ile al-Junayd emphasizes

ItS meamng in both the psychic and spiritual sense. 105 ln addition, Sufyân al-Thau ri

and Shibli emphasize its meaning only in the spiritual acts, for no one is able to

renunclate this world because we live ln the world. 106

As the y dlffer m the three Important aspects of religion, ie. Islam, Tmân and

Ihsan,107 each seeker (salik) has a different object of renunciation. Those who are in

the level of "Mushm", turn away from the furthest veil, namely the kaun (being). Those

Qüt al-Qulüb, l, 245. Based on Makki's point, it is understood that the world
which is the object of the ascetic is spiritual in meaning and not the "real" one.

•
Thus, it is also understood that being an ascetic IS not the final aim, but it is only
a tool to clean the lower soul (nafs). In other words, It is a training ground for
the lower soul (nafs) in the process of spiritual purification. Therefore, it is
permissible for the ascetic to live among, and to possess worldly things as long
as he can utilize them for the sake of God See, Zaki Mubarak, al- Tasawwuf
al-Islami fi al-Adab wa al-Akhlaq (Beyrüt: al-Maktabah al-'Asriyah n.d.),II,
127 -128. To mdlcate this notion, Shibli said that there is no real ascetic since
the attributes of an ascetlc cannat be attributed ta one who does not possess
matenal thlngs. If he possesses il, he cannot turn away from these worldly
things for it belongs to him. See al-Kalâbadhi, Ta'arruf, 112. AI-Kalabâdhi, The
Doctrine of Sufis (Kltâb al- Ta'arruf li Madhhab ah/ al-tasawwuf), translated by
A.J. Arberry (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1977), 84.
104 AI-Ghazali, in tl1ls case. also held the same notion For him, the very beginning
of zuhd is the renunciation ln the physical sense only. The middle level of zuhd
IS ta turn away from worldly matters for the sake of the other world, the
hereafter. The hlghest level of zuhd is ta refrain fram asceticism (zuhd) itself.
See al-Ghazali, Ihya', IV, 225-226. This 15 the reason why Abü Yazid disliked
those who are velled by their asceticism because asceticism itself is nothing but
a veil between Gad and his servant. See, 'Abd al-Rabb, Abü Yazid, 102.
105 AI-Kalabadhi, Ta'arruf, 112. AI-Kalâbâdhi, The Doctrine, 84.
106 SU'ad al-Hakim, al-Mu'jam al-Silfi al-Hikmah fi Hudüd al-Kalimah (Beyrüt:
Dandarah, 1981), 552-556.

•
107 See prophetlc tradition in al-Imam al-Nasa'i, Sunan al-Nasâ' i: bi sharh al-Hafiz
Jala/ a/oDin a/-Suyüti, ed. by Shaykh Hasan Muhammad al-Mas'üdi (Misr: al-
Maktabah al-Tijariyah al-Kubra, n.d.), XIII, 97-99.
 54

• who are at the level of "mu'min", refrain from the nearest veil. that IS thelr own IOWfl5t

soul (nafs).108 Those who are at the level of muhsin, renunclate everythillg excopt

God. 109

Historically, renunciation (zuhd) is among the virtues that had been practlced by

the prophets, the companions and the pious followers. 110 ln the early penod of Islam.

this term was ascribed to the al· Qurra' (the people of recitation) as weil as to alll a/-

Suffah.

With regard to the eomparison between al-Qushayri's and al-HuJwiri's concept of

renunciation, al-Hujwïri do es not discuss the matter any furtller. The oilly point III thls

connection mentioned by him is that the station of asceticism (zuhd) IS represented by

the prophet Noah. 111 It is a station after the stations of taubah and maball 112 Based

on these notions, it can be said that al-HuJwiri agrees wlth other süfls. Includmg al-

• Qushayrï, that renunciation is among the station that should be encountered by the

süfï during the spiritual journey.113

AI-Qushayrï, on the other hand, has a special chapter on this tapie and quotes

108 The reason is that the lowest soul is the seat of the Devii who leads orlB to
falsehood. See Rabb, Abu Yazid, 83.
109 SU'ad, al-MU'jam, 554. In a/-Luma', to refrain from lawful thing (ha/Iii) IS the
level of the beginner (mubtadtïn). To refrain from everythlng ln thl5 world for
the hereafter is the stage of the adept (muhaqqiqin). And ta refralll from
everything save God is the stage of' arifïn. See al-SarraJ, a/-Luma', 46-47
110 We find this claim, for example, ln Ibn Hanbal's (d. 241/855) book Kltab ar
Zuhd. See Ahmad b. Hanbal, Kitab al-Zuhd (Beyrüt: Dar al-Nahdhah
al-'Arabiyah,1981).
111 AI-Hujwirï, E, 371; al-Hujwiri, A, 616.
112 AI-Hujwïrï, E, 181; al-Hujwiri, A, 408.

•
113 AI-Hujwïrï cites Abù Bakr Warraq al-Tirmidhi's statement. Abù Bakr sald that
those who were satisfied about knowledge with disputatlon (ka/am) and do not
practice zuhd are heretics (zindiq). See al-Hujwiri, E, 17; al-HuJwiri, A, 211.
 55

• several süfï traditions and staries that can be summed up as follows: al-Qushayri

said that the süfi masters have made differen t statements as to the definition of zuhd.

Zuhd meant the turning away from worldly matters. Abü 'Uthman said that the

ascetic should turn away tram worldly matters and not care about them. 114 Sufyan al-

Thauri, Ahmad b. Hanbal, 'Isa b. Yünus and others held the view that renunciation of

worldly matters means ta minimize one's desire (qasr al-ama~ for them. These

above statements reter only ta the indication and cause of renunciation. Practically,

renunciation means turning away from worldly matters in order 10 contemplale the

Divine Lord. 115

The real ascetlcism (zuhd) is trust in GOd. 116 This can be understood from the

sayings of al-Junayd, Abü Sulaymân al-Darâni, Ruwaym and Bishr al-Hafi which

emphasized that the place of asceticism is in the inner part of the heart. 117 It is to

•
refrain trom everything except that which is for God. Yahya b. Mu'âdh said: "No one

reaches the reality of renunciation until three traits are found with him: actions without

attachment, words wlthout desire, might without leadership."118 Abu Sulayman al-

Darani and Shiblï, for example, emphasized that the notion of renunciation is ta

abandon everything other than GOd. 119

AI-Qushayri also quotes sayings that de al wilh the benefit of being an ascetic

persan. According ta the master's sayings, when the servant of Gad is an ascetic in

114 AI-Qushayri, al-Risalah al-Qushayriyah, 56.

115 Ibid. This notion is based on 'Abd al-Wahid b. Zayd, Hasan Basri, Abü
'Uthman, Abü 'Ali al-Daqqâq and Yahya b. Mu'adh.
116 Ibid. See the statements of 'Abdullah b. Mubarak, Shaqiq al-Bal hi and Yusuf b
Asbat.
117 Ibid., 56 - 57.

•
118 Ibid. See also Nurbakhsh, Sufism IV, 59 .
119 AI-Qushayri, al-Risalah al-Qushayriyah, 56.
 56

• terms of worldly matters, God appoints the angels to plant wisdorn ln

also stated that the world would come to those who renunclated It. Moreover. Abü

Fudayl b. 'Iyad also said that God made asceticisrn a key of ail goodness. 12U
hls heart. It was

According to al-Qushayri, the renunciation of that which is unlawful (l1aram) IS

unquestionable, because it is an obligation for ail Mushms. The renullclation of

somethi(1g which is lawful (hala~, however, is debatable among the Muslim scholars.

Some of them hold that asceticism (zuf1d) of the lawful is excellence (d'da/) slncc

reducing one's wealth together with rida toward the mercy ot Gad is more portect thall

being rich and cheerful. It is mentioned in the Our'an (4'77) that the livelihood of this

world is small. While others say that the

servant must neither choa se ta refrain trom what is lawful such that he burdons
himself, nor must he choose ta seek more than he needs. He must observe his
allotted portion. If Gad provides lawful possessions, he should thank Him, and

•
if He keeps him at the limit of sufficlency, he should not burden hllTlself by
seeking possessions that are superfluous. Patience is the best for the poor
man, while thanksgiving ls more suited for hlm who has lawful possessions 1;~1

Ahmad b_ Hanbal, as quoted by al-Qushayri, classifies the manner of

renunciation (zuhd) into three stages. The tirst IS to refrain trom the unlawful; thls i5

the class of common people. The second is ta refrain from the lawful whlcll i5

superfluous. This is the class of eleet people (kha"" IJS). The third IS to turn away

from being occupied wlth anything other than Gad. ThiS IS the class of gnostics

('arifin).122

Based on this elaboration, it is clear that though bath al-Qushayrï and al-Hujwiri

agree that renunciation (zuhd) belongs ta the stations, they differ in their treatment of

120 Ibid., 57.

• 121

122
Ibid., 55-56.

Ibid., 57.
 57

• this subject. AI-Qushayri treates the station of zuhd in long discussion by quoting

anumber of traditions, and sayings, while al-Hujwirï discusses this subject (zuhd) very

briefly _

QANkAH (CONTENTMENT)

Contentment (qana'ah) belongs to the station (maqam) upon whieh the station of

trust in Gad (tawakku~ is built. It is also among the virtues which is loved by God. The

Prophet said that the servent most loved by God is the poor who is pleased (qani')

with his sustenance (f1zq) as weil as pleased (rida) with God_ 123 ln another tradition,

the Prophet also said that he who has been guided in Islam, who finds his life

sufficient and who is pleased wlth this condition, is a lucky man. 124

Baslcally, contentment (qana'ah) is the antlthesis of ambition (tama'), the most

•
undesirable attitude in süfism. 125 For, aceording ta the prophet, sustenanee (rizq) has

been determined from preeternity. The Prophet said that four matters have been

determined for every person sinee he was in his mother's belly: "his means of

livelihood, his life span, his actions, and whether he is happy or unhappy."126

It is important to note that there is no particular discussion of eontentment

(qana'ah) in the al-Luma', Ta'arruf, Qüt al-Qulüb, Kashf aJ-Mahjüb, Manazil and

'Awarif_ ln al-Rlsa/ah al-Qushayriyah, however, al-Qushayri deals with this topie

through quoting a nurnber of statements and traditions as weil as Our'anie verses that

are summarized below.

123 AI-Ghazâli, Ihya', IV,199.

124 Ibid.
125 'Abd al-Qâdir al-Jïlàni, aJ-Ghunyah li Talibi Tariq al-Haqq 'Azza wa Jalla (Misr :
al-Mausü'ah, 1322), Il,221-222 .

• 126 This tradition is narrated trom both Bukhârï and Muslim, See al-Nawawi, al-
Arba'in, hadith no., 4.
 58

• Contentment (qana'ah) is the attitude of not expeetillg something that 15 abr,ent

or lacking (mafqüd) and to be pleased with that which IS already possessed t.:ï It

Bishr al-Hafï explains, an angel (malak) descendll1g only on the he art ot the Behever
IS,

(mU'min).128 It is, aeeording to Abü Sulaymân al-Dârânï. a basls of (Ida. Just as wcm:l'

is the basls of zuhd. 129

AI-Oushayri says that aeeording to many exegetes, qanfl'al7 IS Illeant by "Ilayat

tayibaf' (al-Oufan, 1C·97).130 It also the meaning of nzqa hasam'l( al-Quran, 1675)

and na'im (al-Oufan, 82:13) as weil as the sentence mu/kan la yanbag"ï " allad mm

ba'di (al-Qur'an, 38:35).131 It is, according to prophetie tradition, the treasum that 15

never destroyed 132 and 1hose who practice eontentment (qana'al1) are amollg the

most grateful people (ashkar a/-nas).133

Based on the above, it is apparent that al-Qushayri elearly states that

• contentment belongs ta the stations and that he discusses this

Hujwiri's stance is unclear for he does not diseuss this subject.

111 detall, while al-

127 See Abü 'Abdullah b. Khafif. This notion can also be interred tram Muhammad
b. 'Ali al-Tirmidhi's statements. See al-Qushayri, a/-RIsa/ah al-Qushayriyah,
74-75.
128 Ibid., 74.
129 Ibid.
130 Among them are 'Ali b. 'Abi Talib and Hasan al-Basri. See Muhammad b. JarÎr
al-Tabari, Jamt a/-Bayan fi Tafsir a/-Qur an (Beyrüt: Dar al-ma'nfah, 19B7),
XIII, 116-117. In his tafsir, al-Qushayri emphaslzed the meamng of thls
sentence in the spiritual sense, He said that the good life (hayat tay/bat) cannat
be described through words but only throl.l!:fh II1tUltlon. See al-Qushayri, Lata'if
al-Isharat Tafsir Süfi Kamil a/-Quran al-Karim, ed. by Ibrahim Basyüni (Mlsr'
al-Hay'ah al-MlSriyah, 1981), Il, 320.

131 AI-Qushayri, a/-Risa/ah al-Qushayriyal7, 75.

• 132

133
Ibid.,74. See the tradition reported by Jabir b. 'Abdillah

Ibid.
 59

• TAWAKKUL (TRUST IN GOD)

Trust in God (tawakku~, for the majority of the süfis,134 belongs to the stations. It

is even considered as one of the most important stations in süfism for the fa ct that it

cannot be separated from the very principle element of religion, namely faith (iman).

Schimmel claims that tawakkul is a key "for an understanding of classical Süfi

thaught "135 It IS a core of 1c;lam (submission) for the fact that without belief in God,

trust ln Hlm IS nothing. Without trust ln Him (tawakku~, submission to Him (from

which :he word Islam was adopted as the distinctive name of this faith)136 is

impo~~ible. In the spiritual sense, tawakkul is the reflection of pure monotheism that

demands oneness of belief (tauhid) in the superiority of God. Without this belief, the

seeker will commit the hidden association (shirk khafi) for relying upon other than

Gad. 137

• AI-Muhasibi,138 Najm al-Din al-Kubra 139 and Suhrawardi 140 agree that the level

of tawakkul is in accordance with the degree of falth that depends on the power of the

134 Shaqiq al-Balkhi was said ta be the first figure who introduced tawakkul. See
Louis Massignon, "Tasawwuf," Encyclopaedia of Islam, first edition (1987). See
also "Tasawwuf," Shorter Encyclopaedia of Islam (1961).
135 Schimmel, Mystlcal, 117. See also Darshan Singh, "The Nature And Meaning of
Tawakkulln Sufism," Islamie Culture LVI (October 1982), 267-268.
136 H.A.A. Gibb, Mohammedanism: An Historical Survey (New York: Oxford
University Press, 1979), 1. See also Singh, The Nature, 272.
137 Schimmel, Mystical, 119.
138 AI-Muhasibi says that humans differ in their trust in God (tawakku~, and their
tawakkul depends on the degree of their faith and knowledge. See Husayn al-
Quwatli, aL- Tasawwuf al-'Aql fi al-Islam: Namüdhaj al-Muhasibi fi Kitabih al-
Qasd wa al-RuJü' lia Allah (Malta: Iqra', 1988), 182.
139 He says that tawakkul is the fruit of certainty (yaqin) and the fruit depends on
the tree. See Najm al-Din al-Kubra, Fawa'ih, 88

• 140 According to him, tawakkulls in accordance with the degree of knowledge of

Gad (al- Waki~. See Suhrawadi, 'Awarif, 500.
 60

• knowledge (ma'rifah). The more knowledgeable the person, the greater his tawakkul.

For Suhrawardi, the imperfection of tawakkul is caused by the influence of the lower

soul (nafs), while its perfectness is caused by the absence of the lower soul. '41

According to Abù Turâb al-Nakhshabi, tawakkul has three preconditions. ta

throw the body ta submissiveness, ta attach the heart to the Lord and ta accept with

tranquillity God's decree. '42

Ta clarify the doctrine of tawakkul, al-Qushayri quotes a number of sayings

which, in my opinion, can be gathered in Abù 'Ali al-Daqqâq's statement ln whlch he

classified tawakkul into three levels. 143 The first stage, whlch is an attribute of the

corn mon people ('awwam) who trust in God's promise, is called tawakkul. This is !he

step of the beginner. Included in this class are the quotations that emphaslze

performing tawakkul together with an effort. One su ch example is the prophet's

• suggestion (to the one who wanted to leave his camel free for trust in Gad) to tie the

camel before relying on God (tawakku~.144 Sahl b. 'Abdillâh al-Tustari sald that "trust

in God (tawakku~ is the Prophet's 'state' (ha~ and the effort (for acquisition, kasb) IS

his tradition (sunnah). Whosoever remains in his (the Prophet's) state should not

abandon his (the Prophet's) tradition. 145

The second level is taslim, the attribute of the elect people (khawâss) or saints

(Auliya). This is the station wh en one contents himself with God's knowledge (yaktafi

141 Suhrawardi, 'Awarif, 500.

142 AI-Qushayri, al-Risalah al-Qushayriyah, 76, quoting Abù Turâb, from al-Sarrâj.
See also al-Luma', 51-52.
143 AI-Qu~h::t.vri, al-Risalah al-Qushayriyah, 77.

•
144 This tradition was reported by Anas b. Malik. Ibid., 76.
145 Ibid., 77.
 61

• bi 'IImih).146 ln this step, the seeker trusts in Gad for Gad always knows the exact

condition of His servant. This is the middle step of tawakkul. This is the point of Dhü

al-Nün's statement that tawakkul is whenever you know that God knows best what is

happening ta vou 147 and also the statement of the süfï who said that the owner of

trust in Gad IS like a chlld who only knows his own mother's teat. 148

The last is tafwid (entrustment or consignment). This is the attribute of the

people of gnosis (khawass al-khawass) and the pure monotheists (muwahhidin).

This is the station when one is totally resigned to the decree of fate determined by

God. Whereas ln the second stage, the seeker (salik) still relies on his belief that God

knows wh~t is best for him (this is the reason why he trusts in God), in the third, this

belief totally disappears. In this stage, the owner of entrustment (tafwia) is pleased

with the decree of God (yarda bi hukmih).149 This is parallel to the notion expressed

•
by Yahya b. MU'adh that tawakkul is ta be pleased that Gad is the only Reliable

(wakilan)150 and the notion illustrated by Sahl b. 'Abdillah al-Tustari that trust in Gad

is to be like a dead body whose movement totally depends on the hand of the human

who washes it. 151 ln addition, there are other similar statements in line with the above

146
Ibid. As an additional reference, Javad Nurbakhsh has collected varia us
statements about taslim in his work Süfism 11/ (London: Khaniqahi Nimatullahi-
Publications, 1985), 1-9.
147
AI-Qushayri, al-Risalah al-Qushayriyah, 76.
148
Ibid., 78.
149
Ibid., 77. Najm al-Din al-Kubra takes account of the branches of tawakkul into
five excluding tawakkul itSf::lf: they are taslim, tafwid, rida, sabr and shukr. See
Najm al-Din, Fawa'ih, 89.
150
AI-Qushayri, al-Risalah al-Qushayriyah, 76.
151
Ibid. Note, however, that is only the "first station in tawakkuf' according to Sahl .

• 152 Ibid.
 62

• notion, such as those of Abù Yazid,152 Dhù al-Nùn,153 'Abdullah al-Qurashi 154 and

Ibn Masrùq,155 Abù 'Uthman al-Hiri,156 Sahl b. 'Abdillah 157 and Abü Ya'qüb al-

Nahrajuri. 158

AI-Qushayri laid special emphasis on this topic. He said that as long as the

servant believes that the decree is from Gad, his outside effort (al-llarakafl bi al-

zahir), does not disturb the validity of his tawakkul (trust in God) for trust in God is in

the heart. 159

There is no special chapter on tawakkul in Kashf al-Mahjüb. ThiS do es not mean

that al-Hujwiri has no opinion concerning this topic. He agrees with al-Qushayri that

tawakkul is a station. But they have different opinions about the basis of tawakku/: for

al-Qushayri, the basis of tawakkul is qana'ah, wh Ile for al-Hujwiri the basls of

tawakkul is zuhd. 160

• AI-Hujwïri has the same opinion as Abu 'Ali al-Daqqaq that reslgnation (taslim)

is the station (maqam) attributed ta the prophet Abraham. 161 But al-Hujwiri dlvides

153 Ibid., 77.

154 Ibid.

155 Ibid.
156 Ibid.

157 Ibid.
158 Ibid. For al-Sarraj, the first is the stage of mU' mm. The second 15 for the elect
people. The third level is for the elect of the elected people. See, al-Sarraj, al-
Luma', 51-53. For critical study of tawakkul in early süfism see Benedikt
Reinert, Die Lehre vom Tawakkul ln der klassischen Sufik (Berlin: Walter De
Gruyter & C.o, 1968).

159 AI-Qushayri, al-Risalah al-Qushayriyah, 76.

160 See my previous discussion. 38,58 (Dârani's saying).

• 161 AI-Hujwirï, E, 371; al-Hujwiri, A, 616, and al-Daqqâq's saying in al-Qushayri,

al-Risalah al-Qushayriyah, 78.
 63

• thls station (Abraham's station) into two aspects: that of the body and that of the

heart. The former IS Makkah (i.e. Maqam Ibrahim, the place where Abraham was

supposed to have prayed. It is located near the Ka'bah),162 while the latter is

friendship of God (Abraham being Khalil Allah). Those who desire Abraham's bodlly

station should make the pllgramage to Makkah, and those who experiece Abraham's

"heart" station should fulfill the esotenc meanlng of pilgrimage. Esotencally, the

pilgrim IS not merely to visit Mecca, but is to obtain the vision of God

(mushahadah) 163 But to comprehend the real meaning of the pilgrimage is not an

easy task for there are man y more veils beyond the bodily pilgrimage,164 ln addition,

he says that before going on pilgrimage, one must be secure from threatening

enemles. The same is true for those who want to enter the inner pilgrimage; they

should be free from "separation (from God) and its consequences."165 Moreover, al-

Hujwiri says that

• Whoever seeks hls spiritual station must renounce familiar associations and bid
farewell to pleasures and take no thought of other than God (for his looking
towards the phenomenal world is mterdicted); then he must stand on the 'Arafat
of gnosis (ma'rifat) and from there set out for the Muzdalifa of amity (ulfat) and
from there send hls heart to clrcumambulate the temple of Divine purification
(tanzih) , and throw away the stones of passion and corrupt thoughts in the
Mina of falth, and ~acnflce his lower soul on the altar of mortifi·;ation and arrive
at the station of fnendshlp (khulla~.166

162 See al-Qur'an, 2:125-129.

163 AI-Hujwiri, E, 326; al-Hujwiri, A, 572. Related to this notion, Abü Yazid said
that in hls first pilgnmage, he saw the Ka'bah, in the second pilgrimage, he saw
the Ka'bah as weil as God, whlle in the third, he saw only God. See al-Hujwiri,
E, 327; al-Hujwiri, A, 573.
164 AI-Hujwiri, E, 327; al-Hujwiri, A, 573.
165 AI-Hujwiri, E, 326-327; al-Hujwiri, A, 572.
166 AI-HuJwiri, E, 326; al-Hujwiri, A, 572. Moreover, al-Hujwiri divides the spiritual
meaning of pllgrimage into two kinds: absent and present. For those who are
absent from God are in the same position when they are absent from God in

• their house. while those who are in the presence of God, are in the same
position as wh en they are present with God in their house. AI-Hujwiri, E, 327;
al-Hujwiri, A, 573.
 64

• From this elaboration, it is clear that the most important thing in Abraham's station is

the vision of God for He is the Beloved. 167

RIQA (SATISFACTION)

The süfis have different statements regarding the definition of nda. AI-Junayd. for

example, said: "Satisfaction is the relinqUishing of free will."168 Ibn 'Ata' sad

"Satisfaction is the heart's regard for what God chose for HIs servant at the beglnlllllg

of time, for what He chose for him IS the best."169 Rida, accordliig to lTIany süfis, IS a

further development of trust ln God (tawakku~ 170 whlch is inseparable tram bellet

(iman) particularly on HIS decree. For that reason, God condemned hllTl who IS not

satisfied with His decree. It was stated ln the DIVine tradition that God sald' " .

Whosoever is not pleased with My decree and not patient wlth My own tribulation and

never thanks for my blessing, he should search a lord other than Me "171 To be

• displeased with God's decree is to oppose His determinations and tollow one's own

lust (al-hawa). This effort, however, is useless since it IS Impossible to change God's

d'~cree.172

Both al-Qushayrï and al-Hujwiri discuss the problem of whether nda belongs to

the states {ahwa~ or to the stations (maqama~. However, they differ ln their

167 AI-Hujwirï, E, 327; al-Hujwirï, A, 572.

168 AI-Kalabadhi, Ta'arruf, 121; al-Kalabadhi, The Doctrme, 93
169 AI-Kalabadhi, Ta'arruf, 122. See also al-Kalabadhi, The Doctnne, 93 See also
al-Sarraj, al-Luma', 53-54.
170 Related to this statement, Abü al-Sari Mansür b 'Ammar sald that nda dwells
in the heart of those who trust (mutawakkJlïn). See al-Hujwïri, E, 126; al-
Hujwiri, A, 338.
171 'Abd al-Qadir al-Jilani, al-Fath al·Rabbani wa al-Fayd al-Rahman; (Msr.

• 172
Mustafa al-Babi al-Halabi wa Auladuh, 1960),235

AI-Jilani, al-Ghunyah, Il,219. See also Zaydân, al- Tariq, 93.

 65

•
discussion. AI-Qushayri says that süfis of Khurasan held that the rida is a station for

it is a high level of tawakkul, while the 'Iraqis categorized rida as among the states

(ahwa~.173 AI-Hujwiri, however, seems to criticlze al-Qushayri by expressing the

opposite view. He argues that al-Muhasibi was the first master to Include rida in the

states (ahwa~, and that Khurasanis followed him on this. The 'Iraqi's, on the other

hand, held that rida belongs to the stations (maqamat), for it is a hight level of trust in

God (tawakku~ 174

It appears to me that thls problem may be understood by referring to al-

Qushayri's and al-Hujwiri's comment on the famous saying of Abü 'Uthman (Abü

'Uthman said: "Durir.g the last of fort Y years God has never put me in any state that 1

disliked.").175 Si:1ce Abü 'Uthman was a Khurasani, al-Hujwiri's generalization

seems, at least, to be more logical than al-Qushayri's. However, no such labeling the

•
fact corresponds to the hlstorical reality .

Both al-Qushayri and al-Hujwiri try to reconcile these two different opinions

(whether rida IS among the states or the stations). According to them, both views

may be theoretically reconciled by saying that the beginning of rida may be acquired

(muktasabah) , while its end may not. 176 Moreover, al-Hujwiri explains that rida has

two levels: one IS the level of "acquisition and effort" and the other level is the level of

"love and rapture." ln regard to the first level, rida is the ultimate acquisition and effort,

whlle on the second level. mujahadah (effort) perishes, for it is the stage of love. Thus

its beginning is acquisition, while its end is Divinp {lift. Therefore, rida may be

173
AI-Qushayri, al-Rlsalah al-Qushayriyah, 89.
174 AI-Hujwiri, E, 177; al-Hujwiri, A, 404.
175
AI-Qushayri. al-Risalah al-Qushayriyah. 89; al-Hujwiri, E, 180.

• 176 AI-Qushayri. al-Rlsalah al-Qushayriyah, 90; al-Hujwiri, E, 182; al-Hujwiri, A,

410.
 66

• eategorized as either a station or a state. l77

Regarding the definition of rida, both al-Qushayri and al-Hujwiri agree that tho

süfis have made a number of differing statements The only dltterence is that al-

Qushayri asserts that rida IS obhgatory only toward the thmg whicll is decreed and

ordered by GOd,178 while al-Hujwiri emphasizes to be pleased (rida) wlth ail sides of

decree. 179 Because ail are gifts fram God and whatever denves tram God IS good III

his eyes. Related to this notion al-Hujwiri cites Muhammad b. Yazid al-Mubrad's

question to Husayn b. 'AIL about Abü Dharr who preterred praverty to nches, and

sickness to health. Husayn explains that, for hlm, whatever is chosen by God IS an

excellent choice. 18D ln addition, al-Hujwiri points out that ail sorraw Will pensh tram

the servant's heart when he is pleased wlth God's chOice and turns away trom hls

own preference.

• ln light of certain Qurânie verses 181 and a prophetie tradition,182 al-Hu]wiri

divides rida into two kinds: God's with man and man's with God. God's rida wlth man

eonsists of God's willingness to reward man "for his good works" and HIS blpsSlIlg

upon him. Man's rida with God, however, IS expressed thraugh performance of

religious obligations, and accepting God's determinatlons (qada').183 But thls rida

177 AI-Hujwirj, E, 182; al-Hujwiri, A, 410.

178 AI-Qushayri, al-Risalah al-Qushayriyah, 90.
179 For al-Hujwiri, God's mercy is a manifestation of DIVine Beauty Uama~, while
God's wrath is a manifestation of His majesty Uala~. See al·HuJwiri, E, 177, al-
Hujwiri, A, 404.
180 AI-Hujwiri, E, 177-178; al-Hujwiri, A, 404. ThiS saymg also appears in al-
Qushayri, ai-Rlsaiah al-Qushayriyah, 90.
181 AI-Qurân, 48:18,99:8.

•
182 The prophet said: Dhaqa ta'ma al-Iman man qad radiya bi Allah rabb.
183 AI-Hujwiri, E, 177; al-HuJwïri, A, 404.
 67

• (man's "da with God) comes after God's rida with man, because man can obey Gad

only after recelvlng God's help.184 This distinction between two kinds of rida, it seems

to me, may be based on Ibn Khafif's explanation of it, which is quoted by al-

Qushayri. 185

ln addition, al-Qushayri elaborates on the possessor of rida. He says that the

owner of rida should not be dazzled with the joy of "da itself. If it is sa, he will be

veiled tram God. This is why al-Wasiti warns sütis not to enjoy rida. He said: "Use

the rida as much as Vou can, but do not let rida use you ... " ln another saying he also

said: "Beware of havmg delight through obediences (al-ta<a~ for they are deadly

poisons. 186 This point, however, seems to be critisized by al-Hujwiri wh en discussing

rida of gnosis (ma'rifah), as will be seen shortly.

AI-Hujwiri divides "man who IS pleased" (radi) into four groups. The first is those

• who are pleased with God's gitt ('ata'), namely gnosis (ma'rifah). These people are of

two kinds Those who turn away from the Giver to the gitt and accept the gift whole

heartedly, both trouble and grief perish fram their hearts. This is the first kind. The

secondis

he who looks away fram the gift ta the Giver loses the gift and treads the path
of satisfaction by his own effort. N(\w effort is painful and grievous, and gnosis
is only realized when its true nature is divinely revealed; and inasmuch as
gnosis. when sought by effort, is a shackle and a veil, such gnosis IS non-
cogmtlon (nakirat).

The second group is "those who are pleased with happiness (numa'), which is this

world." For these people, it is real happiness only when it it leads to the Giver of

184 AI-Hujwiri, E, 178; al-Hujwiri, A, 405.

185 According to him, there are two kinds of rida: "ta agree with" ("da bih) and "ta

• 186
be satisfied" (nda 'anh). See AI-Qushayri. al-Risalah al-Qushayriyah. 89 .

Ibid.
 68

• happiness; otherwise, it is an affliction. The third group is those who are pleased wlth

affliction (bala'). These people can endure the

contemplating that its Author is their Beloved. The fourth group

pain of affliction

IS
through

those who are

pleased with being chosen (istifa') , which is love (mahabbah) These people "have no

thought of created things and have escaped from the bonds of 'stations' and 'states'

and have devoted themselves to the love of Gad" Thelr heart is always 111 the

presence of God. Their rida IS permanent. 187

.tIUZN (SORROW)

Unlike al-Muhasibi,188 al-Qushayri holds that sorrow (huzn) belongs to the states

(ahwa~. Huzn is the state (ha~ which restriets the heart trom being separated in the

valleys of heedlessness (audiyat al-ghaflah) This is among the attributes of ahl al-

sulük (the seekers).189

• To clarify this topic, al-Qushayri quotes twenty-two quotations: one from the

Qur'an (" ... Praise be to God, who has removed trom us (ail) sorrow: ..... (al-Quran,

35:34), one from Taurah ("Whenever God loves a servant, He creates erying ln Ilis

heart and whenever God dislikes a servant, He makes a flute ln Ills heart n ), three

from prophetie traditions and seventeen sayings of promlnent süfls that rnay be

summed up as follows:

187 AI-Hujwiri, E, 178-179; al-Hujwiri, A, 405-406.

188 According to al-Muhasibi, sorrow is a part of the stage that can be acquired He
said that there are three methods to aehieve the stage of sorrow (huzn). The
first is through thinklng about the sin that had been commltted and thmklrlg to
face God without any preparations (zad). The second IS to eomprehend the
fulfillment of God's right and God's obligation. The thlrd IS to realtze or to
acknowledge the disobedienee toward God. See al-Muhaslbi, al-Oasd wa al-

• 189
Rujft ila Allah, 162.

AI-Qushayri, al-Risalah al-Oushayrïyah, 65.

 69

• Sorrow (huzn) is needed for the safety of a human being for whenever the heart

lacks it, the heart will break like a building without pillars 190

huzn guards the soul (nafs) trom excessive emotion. 191 Sorrow (huzn)
According to Ibn Khafif,

IS also among

the virtues (hasam'it) whlch have a lot of rewards ln the hereafter. 192 It is an attitude

whlch pleases God. According to Sufyan b. 'Uyaynah, the sorrow (huzn) might even

attract God's mercy 193 The Prophet explained that sorrow might grant the pardon of

sin. 194 It IS considered as the "almsgiving of the intellect" (zakat al-'aq~.195

From its obJect, huzn (sorrow) is divided into two classifications; worldly sorrow

(huzn al-Dunya) which is categorized by süfis as an evil (sa) and otherworldly sorrow

(huzn al-Akhirah) that IS considered goodnesses (hasanat) by sütis. But for Abü

'Uthman, ail forms of sorrow (huzn) are good for Muslims as long as they are not the

result of bad action (ma'swah), because each of them is the process of specification

•
(takhsis) or purification (tamkhis) for Muslims. 196

To end this diSCUSSion, 1 would like to emphasize here that al-Hujwiri, in Kashf

al-Mahjüb, does not have a long discussion of sorrow (huzn). He only states that

sorrow belongs to the station represented by David. 197 Moreover, al-Hujwiri says that

the real huzn is sorrow from "Ioss of the Beloved and failure to gain the object of

190 Ibid.
191 Ibid.
192 See Ibid., 66, (the sayir.g trom the previous 'uJama').
193 Ibid .. 65.
194 Ibid. This prophetie: tradition was reported by Abü Sa'id al-Khudri.
195 Ibid., 66.

•
196 Ibid .
197 AI-Hujwiri, E, 371; al-HuJwiri 1 A, 616.
 70

• desire."198 Thus, it is clear that the differences between al-Hujwiri's and al-Qushayri's

views about huzn are that al-Qushayri holds that huzl1 IS a state (l1a~.

Hujwiri states that huzl1 belongs to the stations. AI-Qusl1ayri glves detniled
wllile al-

explanations about this stage, whereas al-Hujwirï does not.

WAJD AND WUJDD

The word wajd which is often translated as "ecstasy" is derived fram wajada. "ta

find." Therefore, the way to reach the state of ecstasy thraugh outward means ( for

example, listening ta the recitation of the Ouran, the mUSIC, dancing and slnglng) is

ca lied tawajud. For al-Qushayri, there is a stage of ecstasy beyond wajd whlch IS

called wujüd. 199

Unlike al-Qushayri, al-Hujwiri asserts that both wajd and wujüd are states For

•
him, "wajd is a painful affliction of the heart, arising either fram jest or earnest, either

from sadness or gladness; and wujüd is the removal of grief tram the heart and the

discovery of the object that was its cause."200 AI-Qushayrï, however, asserts tllat

producing wajd (tawajud) is the beginlllng of wajd, and wujùd is the end of tawaJud

and wajd. In Abü 'Ali al-Daqqaq's statement, tawajud is hke the step of semg the

ocean, wajd is like the step of plunging into the ocean, and wUJùd IS hke the step of

sin king into the ocean. 201

There are difterent views as to whether wajd is supenor to wUjùd or vice versa.

Some of the süfis (including al-Junayd) held that wajd is more perfect than wUjùd. The

198 AI-Hujwiri, E, 413; al-Hujwiri, A, 661.

199 AI-Qushayri, al-Risalah al-Oushayriyah, 34. See also Schimmel, Mystical,
178-179.

•
200 AI-HuJwïri, E, 414; al-HuJwiri, A, 661.
201 AI-Qushayri, al-Risalah al-Oushayriyah, 34.
 71

• reason was that Gad is Infinite and cannat be fund. Seeking (wajd) of Gad is

unending. Whlle wujüd is applied ta a thing that may be found (other than Gad).

Therefore, the former is an attribute of gnostics and the latter of novices. Some of

them (including Shibli), however, he Id the opposite view, reasoning that in wujüd, the

süfi enjoys the gift, while in wajd, he is in the pro cess of seekmg. Therefore, the

wUJüd IS for the gnostlcs whlle the wajd is for the novices. 202

With regard ta this problem, it appears ta me that al-Qushayri agrees with the

second group. This may be inferred from his statement that tawajud (taking pains ta

produce wajd) IS the beginning. It is the step of qusüd ("aiming"). Wajd is the middle

step between tawtljud and wujüd. This is thE step of wurüd (arrivai). In this stage,

one's humanity IS calm for he is m the presence of Gad (shuhücl). Then he ascends

ta wUJüd, therefore, wUjüd IS the end of bath tawajud and wajd. After possessing the

•
wujüd, the süfï then moves ta khumüd (calm) which depends on the degree of wujüd

itself. 203 AI-Hujwiri, on the other hand, agrees with the flrst group. He argues that

whenever the seeker knows that Gad (the object of finding through worshiping) is not

genus. his grief (wajd) is never ending. 204 Therefore wajdis more perfect that wujüd.

Bath ai-Qushayri and al-Hujwiri agree that wajd and wujüd are two stages in the

audition lsama') and those who have experienced the advanced stage should

maintain the shari'ah because in this stage the y are in dangerous circumstances. 205

The dlfference IS that al-Hujwiri holds that wajd and wujüd are states, while al-

Qushayri's api mon IS unclear.

202 AI-Hujwiri. E. 414; al-Hujwiri. A, 662.

203 AI-Qushayri, al-Risâlah al-Oushayriyah, 34-35.
204 AI-Hujwiri, E, 414; al-Hujwiri, A, 662.

•
205 AI-Qushayri, al-Risâlah al-Oushayriyah, 35; al-HuJwiri, E, 415; al-Hujwiri, A,
662 and see also the notion of al-Hujwiri's quotation from al-Junayd in the
same page.
 72

• AL-QAHR (VIOLENCE) AND AL-LUTE (KINDNESS)

ln the Quran, both al-Qahr(al-Quran, 12:39,13:18.38:65,39:4,1448) alld lutt

(al-Quran, 6:103, 12:100,22:63,33:34,42:19) are attributes of God III SÜflSl1l, these

two, according to al-HuJwiri, are states of the süfls Qal1r (violence) 15 tl1eoretlcally

God's "reinforcement" to His servants "In annihilatlllg thelr deslres and III restrallllllg

the lower soul fram its concupiscence." Lutf (krndness), on the other hand, IS "God's

help towards the subsistence of their hearts towards the cOlltlllUance of

contemplation and towards the permanence of ecstasy ln the degree of steadfastllcss

(istiqamat). "206

Theoretically, when the süfi is in the state of qahr or of lutf, his action IS dlvrne

grace (karamah) for he is overpowered by either God's qaf1r or lutt. The people of

• kindness (lut~ claim that the divine grace (karamah) is "the attamment of olle's

desire." While the people of violence (qahr) held that tlle divine grace (karflfnal1)

(reinforcement resulting in this) that "God through His will should restraln a mail trom
15

hls own will and should overpower him with will-lessness."207

There is the question as to whether qahr is superior to lutt or vice- versa This

question can be inferred from the story of two dervishes of Baghdad whlch al-Hujwiri

mentions, but withol.lt stating his preference. For hlm, choosing one would be an

affliction (ba/a'). He has no "choice beyond His choice."208 AI-Qushayrî, on thn other

hand, did not discuss these two as 'states'.

206 AI-Hujwiri, E, 377; al-Hujwiri, A, 622.

207 AI-Hujwiri, E, 377-378; al-Hujwiri, A, 622-623.

• 208 AI-Hujwiri, E, 379; al-Hujwiri, A, 623. Husri's saying IIldlcating that the saint
who does not follow his samtship is more perfect than those who follow Il.
 73

• KHAUF (FEAR) AND RAJk (HOPE)

Accardlng to son teachlng, fear and hope are like the two-wings of a bird. These

two cannot be separated from the love of God, for love wlthout both of them IS

Impossible 209 The beneflt of both hope and fear, accordmg to al-Ghazali. depends on

the condition of the seeker hlmself For those who feel safe from God's punishment,

the state of fear IS better for them Whereas for those who feel hopeless, the hope is

better for thern 210 According to DhO ai-NOn, "Fear guards the works and hope

mtercedes ln tribulations (shafi' al-mihan) 211

The sOfls have different vlews about the status of hope and fear. AI-Sarraj and

al-Qushayrî hold that both fear and hope are states. AI-Hujwîrî, Suhrawardi and al-

Ghazali, on the other hand, assert that bath of thern are stations. 212 But almost ail

sOfis agree that both of them are for novices .

• Accordlng to al-Qushayri, fear corresponds to something that will happen in the

future, whether It 18 fear cf an unde81red object or of losing the Beloved. 213 Khaufis a

movement of the heart that derives trom GOd. 214 It IS, accordlng to AbO Hafs al-

Haddad, a lamp of the heart in which both goodness and badness are illuminated. 215

It gUides humankmd toward the path. DhO ai-NOn sald:"Humankind remains in the

209 AI-Sarra). al-Luma', 63

210 AI-Ghazali, "WEi', IV, 164.
211 'Abd al-Rahman al-Sularni, Tabaqat dl-Süfiyah, tahqiq Nur al-Din Shuraybah
(Misr: Car al-Kltab al-'Arabi, 1953),24.
212
Ses. al-Qusllayri. al-R/salall al-Qushayriyah, 32. Suhrawardi, 'Awarif, 397-398.
AI-Ghazali. Il7yËf, IV. 155 and 167.
:!13 AI-Qushayri. al-R/salal7 al-Qusf1ayriyaf1, 59.

•
:!14 Ibid .. 61
215
Ibid., 60
 74

• path as long as fear is not lost frem them, whenever t!ley lose ttleir tear,

astray from the path." Abù 'Uthman al-Hiri also sard' As long as tear separates

the heart, the heart rs ln rUlns. 216 Fear functions as the tlalter of the lower soul Abu
tlll~y go

trOI11

Bakr al-Wasiti sald that "tear and hope are two halters UpOIl tlle self tllat prevellt Il

from embarking upon fnvolity "217 Accordmg to Abü Sulayrnall al-Dar~lIlï, Cl sùfï WI"

ascend through fear, if he loses hls fear, he WI" descend 218

Abü 'Ali al-Daqqaq, as quoted by al-Qusllayrï, dlvlded fear UltO tbren levels.

khauf (fear), khashyah (apprehenslOn) and haybatl (awe) Khauf!s a precondltlon of

faith (iman). Gad said: " .. Fear Me, if ye have falth."219 Kl7ashyall IS precolldltloll of

knowledge ('ilm). God said. "Those truly fear Gad, among HIs servants, who havo

knowledge. "220 Haybah is a requlrement of gnosis God said' God cau lions vou 10

beware of Himself. 221 The dlfterence between ral7bah and kllasl7yall, accordl1l9 10

•
Abü al-Qasim al-Hakim,222 is that the possessor of ral7bah, wllen he IS dreadillÇ),

takes flight while the possessor of khashyah, when he IS apprehenslve, !noves to

GOd. 223

As far as al-Qushayri's elaboration IS concerned, the obJect of tear cali bo

classified into three things: God's punlshment, the lower soul, and God. Rnlated to

216 Ibid.

217 Ibid., 61. See also Nurbakhstl, Süflsm, 23.

218 AI-Qushayrï, al-Risâlah al-Qushayrïyah, 61. For the same notion see also al-
Nüri's saying.

219 AI-Quran, 3 175.

220 Ibid., 35; 28.

221 AI-Qur'an, 3:28

222 His full name IS Abù al-Qaslm al-Hakim I-;hâq b Isma'il al-Samarqandi (d. 342/

•
953). See, Gramlich, Das Sendschrelben, 574

223 AI-Qushayri. al-Rlsâlah al-Qushayriyah, 60.

 75

• the tirst point, al-Qushayrï sais that tear ot God means to tear His punishment eithe r

in this world or hereafter. This is an obligation upon believers. God SHld:"Fear me, if

you are believers."224 There is also aflother saying stating that ~;-kha'if (one who

tears) IS he who abandons the thing which leads to tne J-lUnishment. 225 Regarding the

second point, Abü 'Amr al-Dimashqi says that fearing of his own soul is much more

than tearing of Shaytân. 226 Aelated to the third point, al-Hallâj said:

When someone tears something other than God, the doors of ail things are
locked toward him and fear takes mastery over him. It veils him with seventy
veils, the least of which is doubt. That which imposes upon such servants the
intensity ot their tear is thlnking about outcemes and their dread of changing
their state. 227

This division is based on the different levels of the seekers. The commen people

would tear God's punishment, the e!ect people would tear the lower seul, and the

elect ot the elect would tear nothing but God .

• Fear, tor the adept people, is a veil between them and God. AI-Wâsiti said that

"tear is a veil between Gad and servant." For al·Qushayri, it means that those who

tear still look tor another time (waqt than), while "the saints" (abna' al-waqt)228 never

look tor the tuture. 229

Dealing with raja', al-Qushayri says that hope is ta hang one's heart on the

224 Ibid.
225 Ibid.
226 Ibid.
227 Ibid., 61. See also Javad Nurbakhsh, Süfism (New York: Khaniqahi-Nimatullahi
Publications, 1982), 23-24.
228 These words mean "the sons of the moment", but in süfism this is applied to
one who posseses an unchangeable state. See my previous discussion on the

• 229
relationship between state and tlme. 41-42 .

AI-Qushayri. ai-Rlsalah al-Qusflayriyah. 60.

 76

• abject desired in the future. Sy hope, the heart lives and becomes independent. It is

the opposite of tamanni (wishing), which leads ta indolence and loss of effort The

attitude of the owner of hope is ln contrast with the attitude of one who IS wishlng.

Therefore, hope is praiseworthy, while wishing is defective (ma'Iü~.

Hoping for God's mercy is important for, according to the Prophet, God responds

ta His servant's thought (zann).230 Therefore, every Muslim must have tllis hope for

God is The Most Generous. Gad promised that as long as His servant worships Hlln

and hope for Him and makes no association with Hlm, He Will forglve ail of his S1115. 231

According to another tradition, even he who has but a sm ail amount of fmth, he might

be sate trom H sil. 232

AI-Qushayri not only quotes and collects arguments showing the excellence of

hope, but also cites a number of sayings that emphasize the importance of the

• balance between fear and hope. ThiS notion can be seen ln Abü 'Uthman al

Maghribi's statement who said that emphasizing only one of either fear or hope

defective. The ideal way would be to attain a balance between them. 233 Abü 'Ali al-
15

Rüdbari also said that fear and hope are like two wings of a bird, whenever both are

in balance, the bird will tly perfectly and be stable. 234

Ibn Khubayq,235 as quoted by al-Qushayri, divided the owner of hape into three

kinds. He who pertorms good works hopes that his acts are accepted by Gad. This IS

230 Ibid., 63-64.

231 Ibid., 62.

232 Ibid.

233 Ibid., 63.

234 Ibid., 62-63.

• 235 His full name is 'Abdullah b. Khubayq b. Sabiq al-Antâki Abü Muhammad (d.
200/815-16). See Gramlich, Das Sendschreiben, 566.
 77

• the first kind. The second is he who eommits sins and then repents to God. This man

hopes for God's forgiveness. The third is he who continues to commit the sin while

hoping that God would forgive him . This is a Har. This person must have greater fear

than hope. 236 Accordlng to me, this divisIOn, however, is not in accordance with the

level of the seekers: the common people, the elect people and the eleet of the elect.

To end the discussion of these two stages, 1 would like to emphasize that

although al-Hujwiri do es not diseuss them specifically, he agrees with al-Qushayrï

that bath fear and hope are stages of the novices, the stages whieh then become the

basis of contraction and expansion 237 Both of them also agree concerning the

significance of stability between hope and fear. Even al-HuJwiri himself criticizes one

who only practices hope. For hlm, this practice leads to indolence. 238

ln spite of these similarities, they differ on sorne pOInts. AI-Qushayrï elaborates

• at length these two stages, while al-Hujwïri do es not. AI-Qushayrï asserts that both

of them are states, but al-Hujwïri holds that both of them are stations whieh are

represented by two different prophets (tear was represented by John, and hope by

Jesus).239

QABI;) (CONTRACTION) AND BAST (EXPANSION)

Contraction (qabd) and expansion (bas~ are gifts trom God. These are states

(ahwa~. In reality, both of them are impossible to describe for they correspond to the

Act of God The saylngs of süfï masters about t.lese terms are only indications or

236
AI-Qushayri, a/-Rlsalah al-Qushayrïyah, 62-63.
237 AI·Hujwïri, E, 274; al-Hujwïri, A, 619.

•
238 AI-HuJwïri, E, 133: al-Hujwïri, A, 345 .
239 AI-Hujwïri, E, 371; al-Hujwïri, A, 616.
 78

• signs of them. 240

Both al-Qushayri and al-Hujwiri agree that both qabd and bast are states found

after the servant has passed beyond the stages of fear and hope Contraction, for

gnostics, is like fear for the beginner {musta' m~, whlle expansion for the gnostlcs is

like hope for the beginner. 241 However al-Qushayri and al-HuJwiri difter III tl181r

further elaboratlon. AI-Qushayri explains the distinction between the state of

contraction and expansion and the state of fear and hope He says that the difference

between the states of contraction and expansion and the states of fear and hope IS

that both hope (either hope for deslred thmgs or escaping an affliction or undeslred

thing) and fear (either fear of losing somethlng whlch IS dear or the corning of an

unexpected affliction) are hanging ta something which will happen. wllile both

contraction and expansion correspond to an unseen influx that overcornes ngl1t

now. 242 ln addition, al-Qushayri explains that when thls influx enters the Ileart, and

• indicates a repnmand to tl1s ~ervant, the contraction occurs ln the heart, but when the

influx that enters the healt indicates proxlmlty, the expansion occurs ln the Ileart 24:1

AI-Hujwiri, however, agrees with his Shaykh who says that whenever the spiritual

influence, which descends from God on man, "fills the heart wlth JOY and subdues the

lower soul," the expansion of the heart occurs, and whenever thls spiritual Influence

"subdues the heart and fills the lower soul with JOY," the contraction of the heart

occurs. Abu Yazid says: The contraction of hearts consists ln the expansion of souls,

and the expansion of hearts in the contraction of sOUIS."244 For al-Hu)wÎri , ln the

240 Suhrawardi, 'Awarif, 517.

241 AI-Qushayri, al-Risâlah al-Qushayriyah, 32; al-Hujwiri, E, 374; al-HuJwiri, A,
619.
242 AI-Qushayri, al-Risâlah al-Qushayriyah, 32-33.

•
243 Ibid .
244 AI-Hujwiri, E, 375; al-Hujwiri, A, 620.
 79

• process of love, both of them are needed, because contraction of soul protects from

disturbance, and the expansion ot heart guards trom making a mistake. 245

Unlike al-HuJwiri, al-Qushayri says that as they differ in their states, the süfis

differ in their experiences of contraction and expansion. Some of them are totally

dominated by these two states, but there are also those who undergo these two

states but are not totally dominated by them. In general, one's contraction would be

the same as his expansion and vice - versa. 246 ln addition, he says that these two

states, for the people of the Truth (ahl al-tahqiq), are among the dangerous things

from which one must seek refuge in God. In relation to what lies beyond them, they

represent poverty and loss.247

Moreover, al-Qushayri elaborates the ways to accept these two states. He says

that the best manner to expenence the state of contraction IS to be resignated to

• one's condition until this spiritual state cornes to an end voluntarily. If he negates it or

tries to handle It, it would result ln the increasing of contractions and such effort is

consldered bad behavior (sO' adab) , if he submits , however, the contraction will

perish in a short time. Sometimes, an expansion may suddenly arrive and overpower
its owner without any reason

Joy appears in hls heart and agitates him. In su ch a case, his way should be to
remain at rest and to observe adab, for in such a spiritual moment he faces
great danger and must be wary of hidden deceptlon. In reference to this, one of
the süfls had sald, 'A door was opened for me Into expansion, but 1suffered a
lapse and became veiled trom my station.' This is why it is also said, 'Remain
standing on the carpet (bisat) and beware of cheerful expansion (inbisat).248

245 AI-Hujwiri, E, 375, al-Hujwirï, A, 620.

246 AI-Qushayrï, al-Risalah al-QushayrTyah, 33.

•
247 Ibid .
248 Ibid. See also Nurbakhsh, Süfism, 38.
 80

• Unlike al-Qushayri, al-Hujwiri addreses the question as ta wh ether qabd

(contraction) is superior ta bast (expansion) or the contrary. Some sühs held that

qabd is superior for two reasons. The tlrst IS that. in the OUr'an , qabd was mentloned

before bast, indicating ItS superionty. The second IS that ln qabd both Ilumalllty and

the lower soul are disintegrated and oppressed. whlle III bast both of tlwlll am

nourished. Fostering of both humalllty and the lower soul IS IIlfenor to oppressing

them for both humanity and the lower soul are considered to be the greatest veils.

Sorne of them, however, held that bast IS superior ta qabd for two reasons. The first IS

that, bast being mentioned in the QUr'an before qabd shows its IIlferiority. As

evidence, in the Our'an (35:246) God mentions the bad person before the plOUS

people. The second is that bast Involves joy which IS resultlng fram the stage of

union and in qabd there is grief whlch IS caused by separation Thus, for gnostlcs, to

rest in the halter of union is better than to stop III the stage of separatlon. 249

• Therefore, the state of bast is superior to the state of qabd. 250

It is important that al-Hujwiri attnbutes the state of expansion ta Jesus who

smiled since his birth because of his hope for the mercy of Gad, and the state of

contraction to John who cned since his blrth feanng separation fram God 251

Bath al-Qushayri and al-Hujwiri agree that contraction and expansion belong ta

the states (ahwà~.252 Therefore these cannot be acqulred. God sald." . It IS God that

giveth (you) wantor plenty, ... " (al-Qur'an, 2'245) They also agree that contraction is

like fear for the novices and an expansion is slmillar to the beglnner's hope. 253

249 AI-Hujwiri, E, 375; al-Hujwiri, A, 620.

250 AI-Hujwiri, E, 375; al-HuJwiri, A, 619-620.
251 AI-Hujwiri, E, 376; al-Hujwiri, A, 620.

•
252 See al-Qushayri, af-Risàlah al-Qushayrïyah, 32-33; al-Hujwiri 1 E, 374; al-
Hujwiri, A, 619.
 81

• UNS (INTIMACY) AND HA YBAH (AWE)

Both al-Qushayri and al-Hu]wiri hold that both intimacy and awe are two states.

Intimacy is astate following a state of expansion, just as expansion follows hope.

Whereas awe is astate after contraction, It is like a contraction above fear. 254 It is

clear that the süfi will ascend fram the stages of hope and fear to the states of

expansion and contraction, and then ascend to states of intimacy and awe.

Unlike al-Qushayri, al-Hu]wiri explains the pracesses of both intirnacy and awe.

He says that the states of intimacy and awe are undergone in the heart when the

heart is bemg illummated with the Divine Light. The intimacy occurs wh en God's

beauty descends into It, whlle whenever God's :najesty domlnates the heart, the awe

occurs. For that reason, the owner of uns feels joy because of his illumination toward

• God's beauty, while the possessor of haybah feels distress because of hls burning in

the tire ot love. 255

AI-Qushayri, however, tries to elaborate the level of awe. He says that the level

of one's awe depends on his awareness of being absent from God, while the level of

hls mtimacy depends on his consclousness of being intimate to God. Thus, the reôl

awe IS an absence of personal consciousness, while the real intimacy is the sobriety

ot being mtlmate wlth God. 256 The lowest type of mtlmacy IS illustrated by one who is

253
AI-Qushayri, al-Rlsalah al-Qushayriyah, 32; al-Hujwiri, E, 374; al-Hujwiri, A,
619.
254 AI-Qushayri, al-RisaJah al-Qushayriyah, 33; al-Hujwiri, E, 374; al-Hujwiri, A,
619.
255 AI-Hujwiri, E, 376; al-Hu]wiri, A, 621 See the previous discussion, 71-72.
256 AI Qushayri. al-Rlsalah al-Qushayriyah. 33 AI-Sarraj divides the intimate

• people into three kinds. The first are those who are intimate through the
recollection of God and obedience to God. The second those who are mtimate
wlth only God and turn away fram everything that distracts them trom Him.
 82

• thrown into laza (the name of Hell) and his intimacy do es not change. AI-Sari said

that his heart achieved the state where If his face was eut by a sword, he would not

feel it. 257 But both of these states, for people of gnosis (al1l al-tamkin) are IInperfoct

states because both of them Involve the servant's change. The only state whlcll may

be attributed ta ahl al-tamkin IS an unchangeable state, for the y are Hl the "flndmg ot

Reality" (wuJüd al-'ayn), in whlch there is no awe, no mtimacy, no knowledge, no

feeling for them. 258

AI-Hujwiri, in addition, discusses the problem as ta whether Intimacy IS supenor

ta awe or the contrary. Some süfls held that awe is prior to intimacy for three reasol1s

The first is that awe dominated intimacy, sa that the more the seeker possesses the

awe, the more he refuses the mtimacy The second IS that Intllnacy wlth Gad IS only

possible through recollectlon of Him, while awe with Gad 15 possible through God

•
directly. Therefore, intimacy IS Infenor ta awe, for the true lover IS he WllO IS nover

satisfied but with the Beloved. The last reason IS that awe IS a degree of gnostlcs,

whlle intimacy is a stage of novices 259 Sorne of the masters, however, held the VI8W

that intimacy is superior to awe because awe IS causeCl oy separation and

punishment. while intimacy is the direct effect of union and mercy. TtlUs, the fnends

of God must be free from awe and always attached to the intimacy 260

"The third class are they whose feelings of awe ln the presence of God causes
them to become unconscious of being 'intimate"'. AI-Sarraj, al-Luma', 64-65.
For this quotation, see partial translation of al-Luma', 19.
257 Paraphrase from al-Junayd's report. See al-Qushayrî, al-Risâlah al-
Qushayrïyah, 33.
258 AI-Qushayri, al-Risalah al-Qushayrïyah, 33-34.
259 AI-Hujwiri, E, 376, al-HuJwiri, A, 621
260 AI-Hujwiri's shaykh sald that the Intimacy wlth Gad cannot be denied as God
often called his servants with the words "My servants" ln several Our'arllc

• verses. (al-Qur'an, 2:186, 15:42, 15 31, 43'68) Whenever Goers servant snes
this favour, he automatically loves Hlm. As a result, he IS Intimate wlth God. Tho
nature of men 15 to be Intlmate wlth the benefactors See al-HuJwiri, E, 376; al
 83

• ln al-Hujwïri's view, both of these opinions are right. He argues that for the

followers of annihilation (fana'), awe is superior because the power of awe tends to

annlhllate human nature (fana'), whereas the follower of subsistence (baqa'), holds

that Intlmacy IS supenor, for the power of Intlmacy tends to strengthen gnosis. 261

ln the elaboration above, it is important to note that both al-Qushayrï and al-

Hujwïrî, although they have different explanations, agree that intimacy is astate after

the state of expansion, while the state of awe is astate after the state of contraction.

MUSAMARAH (NOCTURNAL DISCOURSE) AND MUHADATHAH

(CONVERSATION)

According to Divine tradition, Gad said; "1 created vou ta consult with Me, if you

cannot do it then make conversation with Me, if you cannot do it then make secret

•
conversation wlth Me, If you cannot do it then listen ta Me." Sahl b 'Abdillah also said

that "God created His creatures in order that He might converse with them in secret

(yusarrahum) and they wlth Him."262 8ased on these two traditions, it is clear that

conversation between God and creature is not only pOSSible, It is even encouraged.

These conversations, however, occur in esoteric ways.

To clarify this pOint, al-Hujwïri says that when the seekers achieve the state of

spintual adepts, they make esoteric conversation with God either in the night or in the

day. In outward meafllng, the former is called musamarah, while the latter is called

muf7adatl7ah. These two esotenc conversations are states of the pertect süfis.

Hujwiri, A,621.
261 AI-Hu]wïri, E, 377; al-Hujwiri, A, 622. As an additional reference as weil as
diSCUSSion of both intimacy and awe trom different süfi treatises see
Nurbakhsh, Sût/sm III, 63-90

• 262 See al-Sarrâj. al-Luma', 349 For this quotation, see partial translation of al-
Luma', 92.
 84

• "Muhadathat (conversation) is really spiritual talk conjoined with silence of the tongue,

and musamarat (nocturnal discourse) is really contlnuace of unrestralllt (inblsat)

combined with concealment of the most secret thoughts (kitman-I slrr)."~'6,~

MusJ.marah is based on occultation (al-satr). while muhâdatl1all 15 based on

revelation (kash~.

For the lover, musâmarah is more perfeet than mul7âdathal1 for the following

reasons. The first IS that muhadathah is esotene conversation between God and mail

at the time wh en the servant services hls master (in the day). In contras t,

musâmarah is esoteric conversation takmg place in the time when lovers are intirnate

with their Beloved (in the night). The former IS Moses' state when he asked to seo

God but he was unable to see Hlm (al-Quran, 7:139), whereas the latter 15

Muhammad's state during hls nocturnal ascent to hls lord (mrraj).264 Sa, 111 other

•
words, the tirst is the state of one who came to see God, while the second 15 tllH state

of one who was brought to come before God. 265 The diSCUSSion of these two states is

not available in al-Risâlah al-Qushayrïyah.

263 AI-Hujwiri, E, 380; al-Hujwiri, A, 624.

264 During this journey, the Prophet prayed secretly ta God for his tongue bocame
dumb and hls heart was "amazed at HIS mfinite greatness." AI-HuJwiri, E, 381;

• 265
al-HuJwiri, A, 625

AI-Hujwiri, E, 380-381; al-HuJwiri, A, 624-625.

 85

• OHIKR (REMEMBRANCE OF GOO)

Dhikr, (remembrance of GOd), which is often translated as "invocation" is an

Important pillar of the süfi Path because, according to many süfis, ail Islamic

doctrines and obligations are aimed at awakenmg remembrance of God in the soul.

AI-Ghazali says that dhlkr IS a medium to assume "the traits of divine names (a/-

takhalluq bl a/-asma' a/-lIIahïyah)" whlch is the very definition of süfism for Ibn 'Arabi.

Ibn 'Ata' Allah al-Iskandari (d. 709/1309) considered that the dhikr, as part ot worship,

will be preserved until the Day of Resurrection. It is an indication of love,266 and

those who love a thing will always mention and remember it. As a result, in Ibrahim

al-Harawi's words, his heart has become the dwelling place of remembrance

(dhikr) 267

According to Chittick, in order to understand the real implications of dhikr, one

• should know about three Important aspects of Islamic teachings, i.e. "divine unity,

prophecy, and return to God (In its widest sense, embracing both the 'compulsory

return' through death and the 'voluntary return' through spintual practice)," because

these three are Inseparable tram the Invocation Itself. 268

Like other süfis, AI-Qushayri, in his Risa/ah, dlscusses the excellence of the

dhikr. He says that it is among the virtues whlch are obligatory upon Muslims. 269 The

Prophet stated that dhikr is the best act, the purest wealth and the most precious

266 William C. Chlttlck, "Ohlkr," The Encyc/opedia of Religion (1987).

267 Abü NU'ayrn Ahmad b 'Abd Allah al-Isbahâni, Hi/yat a/-Au/iya' wa Tabaqat a/-
Asfiya' (Mlsr: Maktabat al-Hanji, 1932), 10, 44, see also Schimmel, Mystica/,
168.
268 See Chittlck, "Ohikr"

• 269 God said: "0 ye who believe! Celebrate the pralses of God, and do this often;
and glory Him morning and evening." (al-Qur'an. 33:41-42).
 86

• thing,270 It is the pillar of the world; without it, the Day of Judgrnent will corne

prophet said that the Day of Judgment will not come as long as ttlem IS a slI1gle

person saying "Allah, Allâh",271

The

AI-Qushayrï also emphasizes that dhlkr IS amollg the dlstlllCt vlrtue5 for thme

reasons, Dhikr does not reqUire a special time,272 thls IS tl1e flrst reason Tl1e secolld

is that dhlkr IS among God's attributes, and whatever IS attnbuted tn God IS better

than that whlch is attributed to anyone other than Hlm For UliS rea501l ai-Sulallli and

Abü 'Ali al-Daqqaq assert that dhlkr IS better than tlkr (ttllnklllg of God) Tlw final

reason is that, accordlllg to a prophetic tradition, dhlkr IS a vlrtue exduslvely granted

to Muhammad's communrty (ummah) and not to the others, rnoreover, it 15 a vlrtue

which is reciprocated between a servant and God,273

ln addition, al-Qushayri asserts that dhlkr i.:, the pnnclpal pillar of the tariqélll (the

• path tO\'Vards God), Dhlkr is dlvlded into two kinds: pralse wlth the tonguo (dlllkr bl é//-

Iisan) and praise wlth the heart (dhlkr bl a/-qa/b), The fonner functlolls as él tool to

270 This tradition is also quoted by al-Hujwiri. See, al-Hujwiri, E, 87; al-Hujwiri, A,
297,
271 AI-Qushayri, a/-Risa/ah a/-Qushayriyah, 101 Sorne süfis sald that the bust
invocation is to mention only the name of Allâh for It is safer than forrnulrl La
lIaha ilia Allah, The reason IS that. accordrng to Abû al-'Abbàs al 'Uraybi, thorn
is a posslbility for ttlose who rnvoke the completed Invocation (la /leN/éI IIhi Alléïll)
to die in a most dangerous tlme, the lime of negatlon (la lIal7a) , wllll(~ for tllOSU
who only invoke the word "Allâh" the only possible clrcurnstance at tllO tllrH! of
death is that of an affirmation of God See, Ctllttlck, "dtllkr" ln ordm to
succeed ln dhlkr, NaJm al-Din Razi explélllled that, rn the beqllllllllq, tll(~ c;a/lk
should place his hand on hls thighs, make hrs tlHart conœlltré-.ltr~. closo III'> flyW"
and then begin to utter the words La lIàha whlle bnnglllq tlll"; word trom tllf>
navel up, and saylng the words ilia Allah by bnnglllg It dowll Into the heart Ttns
Invocation should be pronounced slowly Soe NaJm al Dili Rr:lzï, TlIU Patll of
Gods Bondsmen trom Of/gm to Return, translation of MJr.'Ji1d al Ibad mm dl
Mabda' lia a/-Ma'ad by Hamld Aigar wlth an rntroductlon and annotation (New
York: Caravan Books. Delmar, 1982),272

• 272

273
AI-Quran, 3 191

AI-Qushayri, al-Risa/ah a/-Qushayriya/l, 102

 87

• achieve the latter. namely dhikr bi al-qalb. Whoever is able to praise God with both

the tangue and the heart. is perfect in his or her search (sulük).274

Although al-Qushayri composed a special chapter 011 dhikr, he did not state

clearly wheiher dhikr belongs to the states or to the stations. AI-Hujwiri, on the other

hand, notes that dhikr belongs to the station (maqâm) represented by the prophet

Muhammad. 275 This point may be based on a propheti,~ tradition (dfJikr is a vlrtue

exclusively granted to Muhammad's community) which is already cited by al-

Qushayri. 276

According to al-Hujwiri, d/likr is the inner aspect of sa/ah (prayer), which literally

means "remembrance of Gad and submissiveness." To clarify his own statement, al-

Hujwiri gives his interpretation ta almost ail of the preconditions as weil as the

required obligations of sa/ah (as understood by the fuqahii'). He says that punhcatlon

• from filth indicates purification of passion; weanng clean garments means freedorn

from anything which is unlawful; purification from self-contamination IS a syrnbol of

being free from distraction and sin; facing the qiblah (Ka'bah) indicates concentrating

on the majesty of Gad; standing before takbir is a symbol of standing in the garden of

proximity ta Gad (qurbah). The time of prayer means the time of "reality" (haqiqah);

and saying takbir (Allah Akbar, is a symbol of entering the stage of awe (haybah).277

Prostrating indicates knowing oneself, profession (tashahhud) means ente ring

274 Ibid. AI-Qushayri, in his Tartib al-Sulük, explained the neccesary steps for the
seeker (salik) in arder ta be successul in his dhikr. He elaborates the method of
dhikr starting from dhikr by tongue then moving into the heart, then moving into
the inner part of the heart (al-si", and finally to annihilatiofl. For detailed
information see F. Meier, "al-Qusayri's Tartib as-Sulük, " in Driens XVI (1963),1
- 39. See also Landolt, Nuruddin, 108. See also al-Qushayri, Rasa'il al-
Qushayri, 63-80.
275 AI-Hujwiri, E, 371; al-Hujwiri, A, 216.

•
276 AI-Qushayri. al-Risalah al-Qushayriyah. 102 .

AI-Hujwiri, E, 300; al-Hujwiri, A, 542.

 88

• intimar::y, and salutation means freedom from other than God, including stations .

ln addition, there are two important points mentioned only in Kashf a/-Mahjüb:

the goal of dhikr and the psychological influence of dhikr upon the seeker. The goal

of the dhikr is different from that of sa/ah. The sa/ah is not a means of obtaining

either hudür (presence) or ghaybah (absence), but it is a Divine command by its

essence. 278 Dhikr, on the other hand, is a tool (not the essence) to be near God,

which is why al-V~àsiti said that dhikr without remembering God is more dangerous

than forgetting the dhikr itself. 279 ln regard to the psychological influence of dhikr, al-

Hujwiri says that when the servant remembers God, He too remembers him; and

whenever God remembers his servant, the latter is overpowered, his humanity is

totally replaced, and his acquisition is annihilated. 280 As a result, God's remembrance

is also his remembrance, as is sometimes uttered in the words of ecstasy such as

•
Abù Yazid's statement: "Glory to me ! How great in my majesty!"281

To conclude, it may be stated that though in a/-Risalah al-Qushayriyah there is a

discussion similar to al-Hujwiri's about the excellency of dhikr, al-Qushayri does not

atttribute this virtue to either states or stations. Instead, he only mentions that dhikr is

a basic pillar of the spiritual Path. On the other hand, al-Hujwiri clearly states that it

belongs to the stations. and is symbolized in the prayer ($alah). In spite of these

disimilarities, they both agree that dhikr is an important virtue which is crucial for

advancement on the spintual journey.

278 AI-Hujwiri, E, 301 ; al-Hujwiri, A, 543.

279 AI-Hujwiri, Et 154-155; al-Hujwiri, A, 366-367.
280 According to al-Qushayri, this state is called the state of union of union (Jam

• 281
al-Jam'). See F. Meier, "al-Qusayri's Tartib as-Sulük." 22 .

AI-Hujwiri. E, 254; al-Hujwiri, A, 495.

 89

• MAHABBAH (LOVE)

AI-Ghazali says that mahabbah is the final goal of the stations (al- maqamat) and

is the highest of stages (al-Darajat): the stages before, like taubal1, ztlf1d, sabr, Htc

are to be an introduction to it, while the stages after, su ch as uns, sfmuq, and rida,

are its effects. 282 According to Ibn al-'Arif, love is the beginning of the Illystlcal path

as weil as the end of it. 283

For the lover tribulation is a gift from his Beloved which should be sincerely

accepted. 284 Related to this point, 'Abd al-Qadir al-Jilanï says that there are servants

of God who are tested by tribulation, and they realize that such kinds of tests are a

beneficial thing from God and they even thank Him for that. The tribulatior· cornes to

them but their hearts are absent from it. Whenever they possess this kind of station,

Gad will place them in the highest stage. 285 Because of the longing for God, the süfis

• never fear death, for death, for them, is the gateway ta the meeting of the lover and

the Beloved. If they do not want it, it may be only because they are not ready yet to

meet Him. Instead, they would spent the rest of their lives dedicated to thelr

Beloved. 286 With such a view of things, we might understand why al-HallaJ danced

before he was killed. 287

282 AI-Ghazali, Ihyii', IV, 294

283 See Ibn al·'Arif, The Attraction of Mystical Sessions (Mahasin al-Majalis),
translated by William Elliott and Adnan K. Abdulla (England: Averbury
Publishing Company Limited, 1980), 64.
284 Ibn 'Atâ) Allâh in his al-Hikam explains that the knowledge that God is the Giver
of temtation (ba/a) diminishes the pain of tribulation. Ibn 'Ata' Allah, al-Hikam,
edited and translated by Paul Nwyia (Beyrouth: librairie Orientale B.P, 1989),
verse 97-98.
285 See 'Abd al·Qadir al-Jilani, AI-Ghunyah, Il, 221.
286 R.A. Nicholson, "Love (Muhammadan)," Encycfopaedia of RelIgion and Ethics

• 287
(1955).

Schimmel, Mystical, 135 - 136. There are sorne verses in the Quran as weil,
 90

• AI-Qushayri clearly asserts that mahabbah is a state. He said that mahabbah

(love) IS a hlgh state which God attested for His servant. 28B God said: "0 ye who

believe! If any from among you turn back from his faith, soon will God produce a

people whom He will love as they will love Him ... "289 Likewise, al-Hujwiri also holds

the same view that mahabbah is among the states. This notion can be seen in his

statements that "satisfaction (rida) is one of the 'stations' (maqamat) of the beginning,

and love is one of the 'states' (ahwa~ of the end."290 ln addition. he also says that

"love IS a DIvine glft, not anything that ean be aeqUlred."291 They also share the view

that mahabbah cannot be described by definition nor in words, for love is a feeling

whieh is never expressed in adequate words. 292

ln dealing with this doctrine, al-Hujwïri seems to have based his ideas on al-

Risalah al-Qushayriyah. He cites the QUr'ânic verse and three prophetie traditions

•
whieh are already mentioned in al-RisaJah al-Qushayriyah. Moreover, he paraphrases

al-Qushayri's elaboratlon of the root of the word ma/1abbah. He says that the 'ulama'

have different opinions about this matter. Sorne of them said that the word

mahabbah is derived from hibbah whieh means "seeds whieh fall ta the earth in the

desert," for hubb (love) is the cause of life in the same way as the seeds are for

according to which, tribulations for the believers are processes for the selection
of God's servants_ See for example, al-Qur'an, 29:2, 2:214,67:2.
288 AI·Qushayri, al-Risalah al-Qushayrïyah, 144.
289 AI·Qur'an, 5; 57.
290 AI·Hujwïrï, E, 157; al·Hujwiri, A, 369.
291
AI·Hujwiri, E, 310; al·Hujwiri, A, 553. According to hi m, ail süfis agree that love
is the very pnnciple of the Path to God. They, however, sometimes called it
purity (safwah) or poverty ('aqr) and sainthood (wiUiyah). See al-Hujwiri, E,
308; al-Hujwiri, A, 552. For sainthood, see al-Hujwïri, E, 211; al-Hujwiri, A,
443 .

• 292
AI-Qushayri, al-Risalah al-Qushayrïyah, 144. AI-Hujwïri, E, 309; al-Hujwiri, A,
553.
 91

• plants. Others said that mahabbah originated from Iwbb which Illeans "a jar full of

stagnant water," for whenever love enters the heart. there IS no rooln left for othHr

than the Beloved. AI-Shiblï sald: "Love IS called mahabbal1 because It obhteratos

(tamhü) fram the heart everythmg except the beloved ""93

Others said that mahabbah onginated from IJUbb, mealllng "the four cOlljolllod

pieces of wood on which a water-jug IS placed." The reason for tllis is tl1at the lover

al ways bears whatever the beloved does to him For others. mal7abball IS denvcd

from habb (core) for love is placed m the core of the heart. Others sa id that It

originated from habab "bubbles of water and its effervescence ln a heavy rainfall". for
love causes the bubbles ln the heart whenever the heart IS longing ta rneet tho

beloved. Some others said that mahabbah is derived from hubb meantng "pure love."

It is like the Arabs' statement, habbat al-qalb, meaning "pure black (core) of the

•
heart."294

Moreover, al-Hujwiri also paraphrases al-Qushayrï's explanatlon of the 'ulama"p,

opinion concerning mahabbah. He says that, accordlng to saille theologians, thorn

are three possible meanings of maflabbah: the tirst is (iràdah)295 i e. Will, mclinatlon,

passion and the heart's expectatio'l of mutual affection between the lover and the

beloved. This meaning cannat be applied to Gad since Gad has no need of anythmg.

The second is God's blessing which causes the servant ta be nearest ta Hlm and to

293 AI-QushayrÎ, al-Risalah al-Qushayriyah, 144. See ais a al-HuJwiri, E, 305; al-
Hujwiri, A, 547.
294 AI-QushayrÎ, al-Risalah al-Qushayriyah, 144. AI-Hujwiri, E, 305-306, al-HuJwiri,
A,548-549.
295 AI-Qu-:hayri divided God's will into three types. The tirst IS HIS Will ta punish His
servant. This is called 'iqab (punishment). The second 15 HIS will to confer

• general mercy on His servant. This IS called rahmah (blesstng). The third IS His
will ta bestow the selected beneficence ta HIs servant. ThiS 15 called mahabbaf1
See, al-Qushayri, al-Risalah al-Qushayriyah, 144.
 92

• achieve the highest states. This specialization is called "love".296 The third is God's

pralse for a good action. It is the divine ward which is uncreated. Bath the second and

the third, according ta the maJority of ahl a/-Sunnah, can be attributed ta Gad The

traditionallst (sa/af) , however, rejected ail of the se meamngs. According ta them,

ratlonally, the ward "love" cannat be attnbuted ta Gad. Since love is among the

proclaimed attnbutes of God (a/-sifah a/-khabariyah) , our dutY IS ta affirm and ta

believe them, "but suspend our owr, judgment concernlng them."297

Man's love for Gad, meamng "veneration and magnification" manifests itself in

the hearts of pious behevers in search of the Beloved's satisfaction. Because of his

love, the believer constantly strives ta see Him, and always remember Him. 298

Unlike al-Qushayri, al-Hujwiri dlfferentiates love from its abject into two types:

•
(1) the love of like towards hke, whlch is a desire instigated by the lower soul
and which seeks the essence (dha~ of the beloved abject by means of sexual
intercourse; (2) the love of one who is unlike the abject of his love and who
seeks ta become intimately attached ta an attnbute of that abject, e.g. hearing
without speech or seeing without eye. 299

He also describes the way ta accepting God's love. He says that the süfis have

296 AI-Hujwiri E, 306-307; al-Hujwiri, A, 550.

297 AI-Qushayri, a/-Rlsa/ah al-Qushayriyah, 144. AI-Hujwiri, E, 306-307; al-Hujwiri,
A,550.
298 AI-Hujwiri, E, 307; al-Hujwiri, A, 550-551. AI-Junayd, as quoted by al-
Qushayri, described the notion of love wl(h a reference ta a servant who turns
away from hlmself for the sake of the remembrar.ce of Gad and who fulfills his
obligations towards Gad while he sees Him with his inner heart. Ccnsequently,
the servant's heart IS burned by the light of God't" najesty, his love is free from
everything, and God's majesty is revealed ta him through the veil of invisibility.
Wh en he speaks (takallama), he speaks by Gad, when he talks (nataqa), he
talks trom Gad, when he moves, his movement is a result of God's command,
and when he is siient, he IS with Gad (ma'a Allah). He is by Gad, for God and
with Gad (bi Allah wa /i Allah wa ma'a Allah). See AI-Qushayri, a/-Risalah a/-
Qushayriyah, 147. ThiS IS the notion of Hadith al-Nawâfil. This, according ta al-

• 299
Sarrâj, is the highest level of love. See al-Sarraj, a/-Luma', 59.

AI-Hujwiri, E, 308; al-Hujwiri, A, 551.

 93

• different attitudes towards accepting God's love Sorne of thern enjoy tlllS mercy

while always remernbering the Giver. Others, however, conslder that tllIS kllld of

mercy is a veil. This is the mm:;t excellent class of SÛfIS. 300 The former IS for th05e

who are pleased (rida) with happiness of tbis world (numit) Whiln tho latter IS fOI

those who are pleased with belng chosen This IS the class of the lover of God .lOI

ln the last section of the chapter, al-Hujwiri drscusses flve of al-Qusllayri's

sayings about love. One of the sûfis sald that "love is the effacement of the lovm's

attributes and the establishment of the Beloved's essence" For the Beloved rs

subsistent and the lover is annihilated. The reason rs that every lover !leeds é:l

beloved, and therefore the lover is never independent ln hrs own attnbutes Thrs 15 the

first statement. The second is a statement by Abû Yazid. Abû Yazid says

Love consists in regarding your own much as httle and ~ our Beloved's httle as

•
much. This is how God Himself deals wlth HIS servants, for He calls 'littlo' that
which He has glven to them in this world (kor. Iv,79), but calls therr pralse of
Him 'much.'302

The third is Sahl al-Tustarï's sayrng that "Love consists ln embracing ::lcts of

obedience (mu'ânaqat al-ta'a~ and in avoiding acts of dlsobedlence " The reason 15

that when the power of love enters in the heart, the lover would perform the comrnand

of his beloved easily. This statement, accordlng to al-Hujwiri, rejects the opinIOn that

those who have achleved the state of mahabbah are free fram rellglous obligations.

He argues that the praphet Muhammad himself contrnued to malntaln hls rehglous

obligations throughout his Iife. 303

300 AI-Hujwirï, E, 308; al-Hujwirî, A, 551.

301 See my previous discussion, 67-68.
302 AI-Qur'an, 33:35.

•
303 As far as the various statements quoted by al-Qu5hayrî are concerned, there 15
not a single quotation which states that those who achieve real love are free
from religiou5 obligations. Instead, there are quotatlons emphaslzrng the
 94

• The fourth is Samnü;"s statement. Samnün says: "The lovers of God have borne

away the glory of this world and the next, for the prophet sald, 'A man is with the

object of I1ls love.'" ln otner words, "they are with God in both worlds, and those who

are with God can do no wrong." The fifth is Yahyâ b Mu'âdh al-Râzi's statement.

According to him, "Real love is neither diminished by unkindness nor increased by

kindness and bounty." The reason, al-Hujwiri explains, is that when the lover

contemplates that the author of both kindness and unkindness is his beloved, he

cornes to see no dlfference between these two traits, since both are gifts from the

beloved. 304

Both al-Qushayri and al-Hujwiri discuss an excessive love ('ishq) , but from

different angles. AI-Qushayrï reports a number of sayings to prove that 'ishq is

acceptable, while al-Hujwïrl discusses the different views on whether or not 'ishq is

•
aliowed. 305 ln my view, If al-HuJwiri shared the same difinition of 'ishq with al-

Qushayri (an excessive love due to the heart's yearning to encounter the beloved),

he would agree with al-Qushayri's view. AI-Hujwïri's own statement that 'ishq is

applicable to God as long as its meaning does not contradict God's attributes, seems

to confirm my assumption.

significance of observing religious obligations for those achieving the

experience of love. This can be seen, for example, in Sahl's statement as weil
as in two other statements by süfi masters. See al-Qushayri, al-Risalah al-
Qushayriyah. 144.
304 AI-Qushayri, al-Risalah al-Qushayriyah, 144-145. AI-Hujwiri, E, 311-313; al-
Hujwiri, A, 554-556.
305
There are four opinions on this matter. The first is that 'ishq is applicable only to
man in relation to God since 'ishq consists of debarment. Second, 'ishq
consists in passing beyond limits; Since there is no limit for God, therefore,
'ishq is unacceptable. Third, 'ishq is only applied to the desire of obtaining the
essence, whereas to achieve God's essence is impossible. Therefore, 'ishq is

• rejected. Fourth, '/shq is applicable to God as long as its meaning does not
contradict to the attributes of God. See al-Hujwiri, E, 310; al-Hujwiri, A,
554-555,
• CONCLUSION

Tilis thesis is a comparison between al-Qushayri's and al-Hu]wirï's doctrine of

maqamat (stations) and ahwal (states) as expressed 1;1 the former's al-Rlsfllall and

the latter's Kashf al-Mahjüb. AI-Qushayrî was a Sunni Shâfl'î Asll'arite who was Ilot

solely dedicated to süfism, but was also involved in pohtics, theology, QUl'flnic

exegesis and prophetie tradition. AI-Hujwïri, his contemporary, was a Sunni Hanafi

who devoted his life to sufism at a very early age. AI-Qushayri hved under the

Saljüqs. AI-Hujwiri, on the other hand, lived under the Ghaznavid dynasty. Desplte

such differences, there are many similarities between the two figures. Both of them

were the followers of al-Junayd's school and they also had the same motivation 111

•
composiny their books, namely: to lay out the true süfî path and to prevent

malpractice of süfism.

ln their doctrines of maqamat and ahwa/, both al-Qushayri and al-Hujwîri argue

that the stations can be earned, while states are gifts from God that cannot be

acquired. They also agree that to enter a certain station requires a process of 5elf-

mOf"t:~;cation that becomes a precondltion for that station. The only dlfference is that

al-Qushayri seems to view that station is a kind of conduct, while for al-Hujwiri, the

station is the nature of the seeker himself, not his conduct.

AI-Hujwiri not only agrees with al-Qushayrï but also sometimes paraphrases

from al-Qushayri's Risalah when discussing the stations of taubah, nda and

mahabbah. For example, he paraphrases al-Qushayri's discussion about the

meaning of taubah, its pre-conditions, its levels, whether one who repents should

• forget his sin or not, and the vahdity of repentance even for those who commit a sin

again. His discussion of mahabbah and of nda IS mostly based on al-Risalah al-
 )
96

• Qus.'1ayriyah. Moreover, al-Hujwïri agrees with al-Qushayri that zuhd, tawakkul, and

taslim belong to the category of stations and rida can be either a station or astate.

They, however, dlffer in regard to the total number of stations: al-Qushayri never

stated a certain number of stations. In addition, he asserts that taubah - which he

subdlvides into three types: taubah, inabah and aubah - wara', zuhd, qana'ah,

tawakkul - which he also classifies into three: tawakkul, taslim and tafwid - and the

beginning of rida are stations. For al-Hujwiri, however, the total number of stations is

the same as the number of prophets (more than 124,000). Each prophet represents

one statiùn_ ln his elaboration, al-Hujwiri not only attributed a station to a certain

prophet, but also attributed astate to a particular phophet. AI-Qushayri does not

clearly identify dhikr as elther a state or a station, but al-Hujwiri holds that dhikr is a

station. AI-Qushayri identifies both wara' and qana'ah as stations, whereas al-

•
Hujwïri's point about these two stations is unclear.

ln respect to their doctrines of states (ahwâ~, both al-Qushayri and al-Hujwiri

agree that mahabbah, qabd, bast, uns and haybah belong to the states (ahwa~. They

alw agree that the stages of love consist of both fear and hope; whenever fear

develops, It becomes contraction (qabd) , and whenever the contraction develops, it

becomes awe (haybah). Like fear, hope in love will develop into expansion (bast) and

from expansion into intimacy (uns).

They, however, disagree in identifying huzn (sorrow), khauf (fear) and raja'

(hope): al-Qushayri states that sorrow, tear and hope are states (ahwa~, while al-

Hujwiri asserts that ail these three are stations (maqamât). The disagreement on

identifylng khauf and raja' as a station or astate is caused by the difference in

analysis not on the level of doctrinal concept. For, as was clearly pointed out by

• Suhrawardi, the station is encompassed by the state, whereas the state is tilled with

the station. Besides, there are states (ahwa~ which are clearly stated only by al-
 97

• Hujwiri, namely the states of a/-qahr, a/-lutf, musamara/7, mul7adatl7al7, wajd and

wujüd.

AI-HuJwiri criticizes al-Qushayri on three importants issues. The flrst IS about al-

Qushayri's opinion on the denotation of maqam. For al-Qusllayri, maqam means the

place where the seeker performes self-mortification whlch IS reqUired in that station.

For al-Hujwiri, however, maqam IS a nature of the seeker l1irnself Therefore, flvery

sin!=lle seeker remains in his own station from the v~ry beginning untll the t:md of lm;

searching. AI-Qushayri states that Khurâsanis held tl1at rida is a station whlle ïraqïs

asserted that It is astate. AI-Hujwiri holds the Opposite vlew and cntlclzes al

Oushayri by saying that the 'Iraqis held that rida is a station, while Khurasârus

considered rida as a state He adds that this notion of "da as astate onglnated from

al-Muhâsibi and then Khurâsânis followed his view. The third pOint whlch al Hujwiri

•
criticizes is al-Qushayri's statement that the "one who is pleased wlth God" (radj)

should not enjoy the gift itself, but should look away tram the glft towards the Glver

For al-Hujwiri, however, this view only applios to those who aceept the happiness of

this world (nL1ma') but it should neither be applied to ahl ma'rifah, nor ahl ba/a' nor

ah1 istifa'.

As far as the style of these two books is concerned , two points ean be made.

The first is that, in al-Risalah a/-Qushayriyah, the doctrine of maqamat and a/lwâl is

discussed in the style of a report aecompanied by eareful references. In Kasllf a/-

Mahjüb, the discussion occurs in a more systematic order. AI-Qushayri elaborates

his doctrine through dividing his book into different sections. each of whieh mcludes a

number of quotations relevant ta a specifie theme fram al-Our'an, al-hadith, the

'ulama"s sayings as weil as the stories of süfi masters. AI-Hujwiri, although he

sometimes also uses the same method, diseusses the doctrine of maqâmat through

• giving an esoteric interpretation of the religious obligations (fara'id) Le. taubah as the
 98

• esoteric mcanlng of taharah (purification), taslim as the esoteric meaning of the hajj

(pilgrimage) and dhikr as the esoteric meaning of salat (prayer).

It is Important to note that there are a number of points which are only discussed

in Kashf al-Mahjûb. For example the notion that every prophet represents a certain

station, the discussion of relatiol1ship between maqam and tamkin, hal and waqt, the

division of radi, the classification of mahabbah, the discussion of state al-qahr, al-Iutf,

al-musamarah and al-muhadathah.

Beyond the secondary differences between them. it seems to me, that al-

Qushayri's and al-Hujwiri's views can be combined as follows; Basically, the doctrine

of maqamat and ahwal is the Path of self-purification from otherness (ghayriyah)

through the doctrine of love (mahabbah), to establish (tamkin) realization of Oneness

of God (tauhid) ln this process, the stations of taubah, inabah and aubah are

• human's efforts to leturn trom ail otherness to God. While the stations of wara', and

zuhd are the ways to purify one's own self fram otherness, and the stations of

qana'ah, tawakkul, taslim, tafwid and rida are the ways to reach total submission to

The One God. The station of dhikr, however, is like the fuel of love. Without dhikr,

love does not work.

Ahwa/, in this case, are feelings of love which are caused by God's

manifestations (either in His beauty or in His majesty). Because the lover is always

dependent on the Beloved, therefore the lover is always in hope (raja') of the

presence of the Beloved. At the same time, the lover also has fear (khau~ of the

absent of the Beloved. As a result of the presence of the Beloved, the lover is happy,

while when the Beloved is absence, the lover is in sadness (huzn).

Whenever the oegree of love develops, fear becomes a contraction (qabd) and

• hope changes into an expansion (basf). Whenever the degree of love develops into
 99

• its highest stage, the contraction becomes awe (haybatl) and the expansion becollles

intimacy (uns). Ali of these, theoretically, are the direct effect of God's manifestation,

therefore, they are known as God's gifts.

ln the process of love, the dialogue between lover and Beloved is necessary. If

the dialogue takes place during the day, It is called muMidathal1 (conversation). If It

occurs at night, it is called musamarah (nocturnal discourse). Whenever the

relationship between the lover and the Bploved IS intense, one of two possl~ilities

may occur: either the Beloved will overpower H,s lover (al-qahr) or the Beloved will

give anything which is asked by His lover (al-Iutf).

•
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