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 American Voices

AVA01 1 21/7/05, 10:48 AM

AVA01 2 21/7/05, 10:48 AM
 AMERICAN VOICES
How Dialects Differ from
Coast to Coast

Edited by Walt Wolfram

and Ben Ward

AVA01 3 21/7/05, 10:48 AM

 Editorial material and organization © 2006 by Blackwell Publishing Ltd

blackwell publishing
350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148-5020, USA
9600 Garsington Road, Oxford OX4 2DQ, UK
550 Swanston Street, Carlton, Victoria 3053, Australia

The right of Walt Wolfram and Ben Ward to be identified as the Authors of
the Editorial Material in this Work has been asserted in accordance with the
UK Copyright, Designs, and Patents Act 1988.

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in

a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic,
mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, except as permitted by the
UK Copyright, Designs, and Patents Act 1988, without the prior permission
of the publisher.

First published 2006 by Blackwell Publishing Ltd

1 2006

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

American voices : how dialects differ from coast to coast / edited by Walt
Wolfram and Ben Ward.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references.
ISBN-13: 978-1-4051-2108-8 (alk. paper)
ISBN-10: 1-4051-2108-4 (alk. paper)
ISBN-13: 978-1-4051-2109-5 (pbk. : alk. paper)
ISBN-10: 1-4051-2109-2 (pbk. : alk. paper) 1. English language—
Dialects—United States 2. English language—Variation—United
States. 3. English language—Dialects—Canada. 4. English language—
Dialects—Caribbean Area. I. Wolfram, Walt, 1941– II. Ward, Ben, 1962–

PE2841.A77 2006
427′.973—dc22
2005017255

A catalogue record for this title is available from the British Library.

Set in 10.5/13pt Minion

by Graphicraft Typesetters Limited, Hong Kong
Printed and bound in the United Kingdom
by T J International Ltd, Padstow, Cornwall

The publisher’s policy is to use permanent paper from mills that operate a
sustainable forestry policy, and which has been manufactured from pulp
processed using acid-free and elementary chlorine-free practices. Furthermore,
the publisher ensures that the text paper and cover board used have met
acceptable environmental accreditation standards.

For further information on

Blackwell Publishing, visit our website:
www.blackwellpublishing.com

AVA01 4 21/7/05, 10:48 AM

 Contents

List of Illustrations ix

Preface xi

1 Language Evolution or Dying Traditions?

The State of American Dialects 1
Walt Wolfram and Natalie Schilling-Estes

Part I The South

2 Sounds of the South 11

Guy Bailey and Jan Tillery
3 Defining Appalachian English 17
Kirk Hazen and Ellen Fluharty
4 If These Hills Could Talk (Smoky Mountains) 22
Christine Mallinson, Becky Childs, Bridget Anderson,
and Neal Hutcheson
5 Doing the Charleston (South Carolina) 29
Maciej Baranowski
6 The Lone Star State of Speech (Texas) 36
Guy Bailey and Jan Tillery
7 Speaking the Big Easy (New Orleans, LA) 42
Connie Eble

AVA01 5 21/7/05, 10:48 AM

 8 Sounds of Ole Man River (Memphis, TN) 49
Valerie Fridland

Part II The North

9 Yakking with the Yankees (New England) 57
Julie Roberts, Naomi Nagy, and Charles Boberg
10 Beantown Babble (Boston, MA) 63
Jim Fitzpatrick
11 Mainely English 70
Jane S. Smith
12 Steel Town Speak (Pittsburgh, PA) 77
Barbara Johnstone and Scott Kiesling
13 New York Tawk (New York City, NY) 82
Michael Newman
14 Expressions of Brotherly Love (Philadelphia, PA) 88
Claudio Salvucci
15 Maple Leaf Rap (Canada) 93
J. K. Chambers

Part III The Midwest

16 An Introduction to Midwest English 101

Timothy C. Frazer
17 Straight Talking from the Heartland (Midwest) 106
Matthew J. Gordon
18 Words of the Windy City (Chicago, IL) 112
Richard Cameron
19 Different Ways of Talking in the Buckeye State (Ohio) 118
Beverly Olson Flanigan
20 Spirited Speech (St. Louis, MO) 124
Thomas E. Murray
21 Saying Ya to the Yoopers (Michigan’s Upper Peninsula) 130
Beth Simon

vi Contents

AVA01 6 21/7/05, 10:48 AM

 Part IV The West

22 Getting Real in the Golden State (California) 139

Penelope Eckert and Norma Mendoza-Denton
23 Desert Dialect (Utah) 144
David Bowie and Wendy Morkel
24 Dialects in the Mist (Portland, OR) 149
Jeff Conn
25 Arizona’s not so Standard English 156
Lauren Hall-Lew

Part V Islands

26 Topics from the Tropics (Hawai’i) 165

Miriam Meyerhoff
27 Speaking Strictly Roots (West Indies) 172
Renee Blake
28 Gullah Gullah Islands (Sea Island, SC, GA) 178
Tracey L. Weldon
29 Islands of Diversity (Bahamas) 183
Walt Wolfram, Becky Childs, Jeffrey Reaser, and Benjamin Torbert
30 Dialects in Danger (Outer Banks, NC) 189
Walt Wolfram
31 Fighting the Tide (Smith Island, MD) 196
Natalie Schilling-Estes
32 From Cod to Cool (Newfoundland, Canada) 203
Sandra Clarke
33 The World’s Loneliest Dialect (Tristan da Cunha) 210
Daniel Schreier

Part VI Sociocultural Dialects

34 Bridging the Great Divide (African American English) 217

John Baugh

Contents vii

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 35 When Linguistic Worlds Collide (African American English) 225
Walt Wolfram and Benjamin Torbert
36 Talkin’ with mi Gente (Chicano English) 233
Carmen Fought
37 Stirring the Linguistic Gumbo (Cajun English) 238
Megan E. Melançon
38 From the Brickhouse to the Swamp
(Lumbee Vernacular English) 244
Walt Wolfram
39 More than Just Yada Yada Yada (Jewish English) 251
Cynthia Bernstein
40 Fading Future for Ferhoodled English
(Pennsylvania German) 258
Marion Lois Huffines

Notes on Contributors 264

viii Contents

AVA01 8 21/7/05, 10:48 AM

 List of Illustrations

1 Dialect areas of the United States, based on telephone

survey data 1
2 A group of Confederate soldiers awaits orders during
the re-enactment of a Civil War battle 11
3 A farmer hoes beans in the mountains 17
4 A creek running through the Great Smoky Mountain
National Park 22
5 Historic building in Charleston, South Carolina 29
6 A traditional Texas welcome 36
7 Bourbon Street, New Orleans during Mardi Gras 42
8 Paddle steamer docked on the Mississippi River 49
9 A row of houses on Martha’s Vineyard 57
10 Boston street scene 63
11 The joys of eating Maine lobster 70
12 Downtown Pittsburgh from the West End overlook 77
13 New York contemplating the Hudson River 82
14 Professionals in Philadelphia 88
15.1 Urban life on Toronto’s Yonge Street 93
15.2 The literacy gap 96
16 Hiding in a wheatfield 101
17.1 A typical barn in the cornbelt 106
17.2 The pattern of vowel changes known as the Northern
Cities Shift 109
18 Work on a construction project in the Chicago River
North area 112
19.1 Dusk falls in Dayton, Ohio 118

List of Illustrations ix

AVA01 9 21/7/05, 10:48 AM

 19.2 Traditional dialect boundaries based on the Linguistic
Atlas of the United States 120
20 St. Louis skyline and Gateway Arch 124
21 Ice fishing is a popular pastime among the “Yoopers” of
Michigan’s Upper Peninsula 130
22 Soaking up the rays in southern California 139
23 The chapel at Temple Square, Salt Lake City, Utah 144
24 Fishing on the banks of the Willamette River,
Portland, Oregon 149
25 Monument Valley, Arizona 156
26 Place of Refuge, located on the Big Island, Hawai’i 165
27 Women preparing crayfish, Jamaica 172
28 South Carolina river basin 178
29 Governor’s Island, Bahamas 183
30 Ocracoke Island 189
31 Fisherman, Smith Island, Maryland 196
32 Excavations have proven that the Vikings were
the earliest European visitors to Newfoundland 203
33 Edinburgh, Tristan da Cunha 210
34 Young man in the city 217
35 Boy in a field 225
36 Time out on the railroad tracks 233
37 Boaters at the mouth of Bayou Cane, Louisiana 238
38 Lumbee girls 244
39 Young Orthodox Jews 251
40 An Amish buggy in Lancaster County, Pennsylvania 258

x List of Illustrations

AVA01 10 21/7/05, 10:48 AM

 Preface

The collection of dialect profiles that led to American Voices began inno-
cently. But it was hardly by accident. In fact, it developed from a shared
vision by the co-editors of this volume. In 1997, publisher Ben Ward
launched a magazine dedicated to bringing language issues to the atten-
tion of allied service professionals and to the American public in an at-
tractive, readable format. Linguists sometimes talk about the need to make
language issues more accessible to the general public; the editors of Lan-
guage Magazine made it happen. It was a bold venture, premised on the
assumption that many people were curious about language apart from the
highly specialized field of linguistics. If the development and distribution
of Language Magazine over the last several years is any indication, the
assumption of interest was more than justified.
Meanwhile, Walt Wolfram’s sociolinguistic research over several dec-
ades taught him that just about everyone is curious about dialects. After
all, one can hardly avoid noticing and wondering about language differ-
ences in daily interactions with people from all walks of life. The problem,
however, is bridging the chasm between highly technical, microscopically
detailed studies of language variation and popular, broad-based levels of
interest. With all due respect to linguists, they often have a way of trans-
forming inherently interesting subject matter into jargon-laced presenta-
tions that are comprehensible only to the few thousand professional
linguists in the world. This collection of articles is intended to do better. It
attempts to translate the detailed research of professional dialectologists
into readable descriptions for those who are curious about language dif-
ferences but have neither the background nor the desire to be professional
linguists. We systematically attempt to cover (for the most part) a range of
North American English dialect communities, including both well-known

Preface xi

AVA01 11 21/7/05, 10:48 AM

 and rarely recognized cases in which speakers may not even be thought to
speak a dialect. By selecting our dialect profiles in this way, we hope to
convince readers that everyone really does speak a dialect – and that they
are all of interest. We also attempt to cover a few major sociocultural
varieties, though our focus is on regional space rather than social place.
Chapters in the book, all of which appeared originally in Language Maga-
zine, are not intended to be read in sequence since they are independent
articles that do not build on each other; in fact, we would suggest that the
reader choose articles on the basis of interest and curiosity.
The idea for this collection was born in 2000 when Ben Ward contacted
Walt Wolfram about writing an article for Language Magazine on the
unique Ocracoke dialect spoken on the Outer Banks of North Carolina.
Though Wolfram was quite happy to do so, he wondered if it might be
more appropriate to write a more general article on the state of American
dialects, and suggested that this might be followed up by an ongoing series
of articles highlighting some of the notable dialects of North American
English – and slightly beyond. The seed was planted. Germination and
cultivation of the idea was another matter. Who would write these art-
icles? Could linguists actually write trade articles without resorting to
the jargon that so frequently typified their technical descriptions? Would
they consider this a worthy venture given their active research lives? We
hope that the articles that appear in this collection answer these questions
satisfactorily.
Prominent dialect researchers on particular American English dialects
were contacted to see if they would accept the challenge of writing up
their sophisticated research for a broad-based audience. Amazingly, prac-
tically everyone accepted, despite the fact that the presentation was a jour-
nalistic challenge. The incentive was simply the offer to tell their story in
a way that might be comprehensible to their friends, family, and non-
linguist colleagues and students. The reward was seeing their story attrac-
tively presented in a glossy magazine format with cool images and rapid
turn-around time in publication. The response has been one of the high-
lights of our publishing careers. The most eminent scholars in the field
wrote their dialect stories and, in the process, also subjected themselves to
editing decisions on behalf of the audience. Happily, the authors greatly
exceeded our expectations. A great debt of thanks goes to each of the
authors, not only for their splendid contributions in terms of content and
presentation but also for being such good sports in accommodating the
editorial process sometimes necessary to ensure readability and compara-
bility. Thanks also to Sarah Coleman and Tami Kaplan at Blackwell for

xii Preface

AVA01 12 21/7/05, 10:48 AM

 encouraging us in this project, even though it was slightly different from
the usual book project. We hope that the collection will be of interest both
to the leisure reader interested in language differences and to under-
grad students in courses on the English language, American dialects, and
sociolinguistics.
For convenience, the articles are arranged in broad-based sections that
may stretch traditional notions of region. A section is also devoted to
island dialects, a favorite breeding ground for distinct language mainten-
ance and development, and another section is devoted to some promin-
ent sociocultural varieties. Admittedly, the collection does not include all
of the dialects that might have been covered, and we can image the reader
asking, “But what about the X dialect?” In most cases, this is probably a
valid concern, and we can only apologize for our sins of omission. We
fully recognize that there are many other regional and social dialects of
North America beyond those described here. To a large extent, coverage
was dictated by the availability of active researchers to write about the
dialects they were researching, with an eye toward regional and ethnic
representation. Since we follow a case study format, it is bound to exclude
many situations worthy of inclusion. Perhaps our oversights will inspire
the description of other worthy dialect cases so that we can produce a
second volume in the future.
If nothing else, we hope that readers will understand that American
dialects are alive and well – and that they remain every bit as interesting
today as they were during their presumed heyday, whenever that was
supposed to have been. In fact, our point is that dialects are not artifacts
of the past, but ongoing, contemporary social statements about people
and place. We also hope that some of the excitement that inspires dialecto-
logists and sociolinguists to devote their entire lives to the description of
a speech community will rub off on the reader. If these descriptions do
that, then we will have succeeded beyond our imagination. Dialects are
such fun – and such an essential part of who we are and what America is.
Don’t believe the myth that dialects in American society are dying!

Walt Wolfram
William C. Friday Distinguished Professor
North Carolina State University

Ben Ward, Editor

Language Magazine

Preface xiii

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AVA01 14 21/7/05, 10:48 AM
 1
Language Evolution or Dying
Traditions? The State of
American Dialects
Walt Wolfram and Natalie Schilling-Estes

Canada
Atlantic
Provinces

ENE

The North Inland

WNE
Inland North
The West North
NYC
W. Pa
Mid-Atlantic

The Midland

Inland
South

Texas South
The South Charleston

Florid

1 Dialect areas of the United States, based on telephone survey data (from Labov, Ash, and
Boberg 2005). © 2005 by William Labov, Sharon Ash, and Charles Boberg from Atlas of North
American English (New York/Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter).

Most people find dialects intriguing. At the same time, they have lots of
questions about them and often have strong opinions as well. Probably
the most common question we encounter about the condition of Amer-
ican dialects is, “Are American dialects dying, due to television and the

Walt Wolfram and Natalie Schilling-Estes 1

AVC01 1 21/7/05, 10:48 AM

 mobility of the American population?” Certainly, media, transportation,
and technology have radically compressed the geography of the United
States and altered American lifestyles over the last century. So what effects
do these significant changes have on America English dialects? What about
the future of American dialects as English assumes a global role?

Basic Dialects of American English

The methodical collection of data on regional dialect variation in America

began in earnest in the 1930s when the Linguistic Atlas of the United
States and Canada was launched and dialectologists began conducting
large-scale surveys of regional dialect differences. This effort was buoyed
in the 1960s through an extensive national survey that has now led to the
publication of the first four volumes of the six-volume Dictionary of
American Regional English (Cassidy and Hall 1985, 1991, 1996, 2002),
the premier reference work on regional American English dialectology.
These surveys focused on the regional vocabulary of older lifetime
residents of rural areas and so captured a picture of dialect differences as
they existed in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The result
was a number of useful dialect maps of the primary and secondary dialect
areas of the mainland US, including the one featured at the beginning of
the chapter.
To a large extent, traditional dialect divisions in the US reflect differ-
ences first established in Colonial America by people from different parts
of the British Isles. These differences were cemented in early cultural
hubs such as Richmond, Philadelphia, Boston, and Charleston and later
diffused outward as English speakers moved inland. But do these differ-
ences still hold at the beginning of the twenty-first century, after a century
of demographic shifts, economic growth, and sociocultural change? Linguist
William Labov and his colleagues at the University of Pennsylvania are
currently conducting an extensive telephone survey of dialect pronunci-
ations throughout the US. Though still ongoing, his survey reaffirms the
persistence of the same major dialect boundaries that were established in
earlier studies. However, Labov’s research reveals more than the mere
maintenance of fundamental dialect boundaries; it shows that in some
ways the major dialects of the US are actually becoming more different
from one another rather than more alike.

2 Language Evolution or Dying Traditions?

AVC01 2 21/7/05, 10:48 AM

 In large Northern cities such as Chicago, Detroit, Cleveland, and
Buffalo, certain vowel pronunciations are changing in ways that distance
them from Southern vowels. For example, the augh sound of a word like
caught is now pronounced more like the vowel of cot. Meanwhile, a word
like lock sounds something like lack, while tack sounds a little like tech. At
the same time, Southern vowels are changing in different ways. For exam-
ple, red sounds something like raid, and fish sounds almost like feesh. So
much for the presumed homogenization of Northern and Southern speech.

Changing Trends in Dialects

The continuity and enhancement of basic dialect boundaries during a

century of demographic and social change is certainly a feature story, but
there are some sidebars that point to change in the dialects of American
English as well. Several factors have had a significant impact on the reposi-
tioning of American English dialects at the turn of the millennium. These
include changing patterns of immigration and language contact within
the US, shifting patterns of interregional movement within the US, and
expanded transportation and communication networks. To go along with
these demographic and technological developments, changes in social struc-
ture and cultural values have affected the development of dialects.

Language Contact

One factor that has always contributed to the distinctive flavor of

American English is the influence of other languages, from the earliest
Native American influences on the vocabulary of general American Eng-
lish (raccoon, moccasin, pecan, etc.), to the later influence of Scandinavian
languages on the pronunciations of the Upper Midwest, to the influence
of African languages on Ebonics. But the languages influencing American
English change as the cultural mix changes.
The languages of more recent immigrant populations from Asia and
different areas of the Hispanic world are now affecting English just as
various European languages have done throughout the history of the US.
Furthermore, new ethnic varieties of English are arising from more
recent language contact situations. For example, there are various types of

Walt Wolfram and Natalie Schilling-Estes 3

AVC01 3 21/7/05, 10:48 AM

 Hispanic English in regions of the Southwest and Southeast with heavy
concentrations of Hispanics. And these dialects are spoken not only by
those who learn English as a second language but by those whose first and
primary language is English as well.
Long-established ethnic varieties also change, as patterns of contact
among ethnic groups shift. The desegregation of ethnic communities is an
ongoing process in American society that continually brings speakers of
different groups into closer contact. However, the result of contact is not
always the erosion of ethnic dialect boundaries. Ethnolinguistic distinc-
tiveness can be remarkably persistent, even in face of sustained, daily
inter-ethnic contact. Ethnic dialect varieties are a product of cultural and
individual identity as well as a matter of simple contact. One of the dialect
lessons of the twentieth century is that speakers of ethnic varieties like
Ebonics not only have maintained but have even enhanced their linguistic
distinctiveness over the past half century. In addition, Ebonics has become
a supra-regional dialect that unites African Americans across urban and
rural areas that range from Boston to Los Angeles.

Population Movement

Dialect boundaries often follow the migratory routes of the major

population movements. Historically, the significant migrations of English-
speaking people in the US have run along east–west lines. However, the
last half of the twentieth century was characterized by some different
patterns of population movement. For example, some areas of the South
have been inundated by speakers from Midland and Northern dialect areas.
At first glance, the effect of this trend seems enormous, especially in areas
such as Miami, Houston, and the Raleigh–Durham area of North Carolina,
where Southerners are overwhelmed by non-Southerners to such a degree
that it is becoming increasingly rare in these areas to locate young people
with genuine “Southern accents.” But there are also factors that work to
counter the “dialect swamping” that may result from such situations.
Many Southerners view their dialect as a strong marker of regional
identity and a source of cultural pride. Such feelings may help preserve
certain dialect features even in the face of massive linguistic pressure from
outside groups. Dialectologist Guy Bailey and his team of researchers have
found that some Southern dialect features in Oklahoma and Texas,
including the use of fixin’ to in They’re fixin’ to go the mall, have persisted

4 Language Evolution or Dying Traditions?

AVC01 4 21/7/05, 10:48 AM

 and even spread in the face of increasing settlement by non-Southerners.
The nature of regionalized American English is certainly changing, but we
can hardly say that regional dialect forms are subsiding.

Expanding Transportation and Communication Networks

The broadening of transportation and communication networks through-

out the twentieth century now provides access to even the most remote
dialect areas. These locations were once the sites of some of America’s
most distinctive dialect traditions. A potential linguistic consequence of
this increased accessibility is dialect endangerment, in which a distinctive
variety spoken by relatively small numbers of people in a once isolated
community is overwhelmed by encroaching mainstream dialects. For ex-
ample, a number of island communities on the eastern seaboard of the US
are currently in grave danger of extinction. These communities have been
transformed from small, self-contained marine-based communities into
service-based tourist meccas in a matter of decades. The traditional dialect
features of some of these communities are receding rapidly, often within
a couple of generations. At the same time, though, some communities,
or sub-groups within a community, may maintain and even enhance
certain noticeable dialect features in order to distinguish themselves from
outsiders.

Shifting Cultural Centers

Throughout its history, the US has undergone a number of major popula-

tion shifts as its economic and social structures have changed. In the
process, its centers of cultural influence have shifted as well. In the latter
part of the twentieth century and the early twenty-first, the major stream
of population movement is no longer toward the heart of the city but into
the suburbs. As cultural centers shift, so too does the locus of linguistic
change. Important dialect changes often are now initiated in the suburbs,
not the city proper. For example, sociolinguist Penelope Eckert of Stanford
University has shown that some of the most innovative speakers in the
North are suburban teens – not people from the middle of the city. In
addition we find that dialect features may spread across geographic space

Walt Wolfram and Natalie Schilling-Estes 5

AVC01 5 21/7/05, 10:48 AM

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 [1] Final Report of the Joint Legislative Committee Appointed to
Investigate the Public Service Commissions, March, 1917, p. 67.
[2] Ibid., p. 68.
 CHAPTER XXXVII
TAMMANY’S PRESENT STATUS
1914-1917

U
pon the removal of Governor Sulzer from office, Martin Glynn, as
has already been noted, had become Governor of New York
State. A Democrat, he consequently appointed men of the party to
which he belonged to various offices. Tammany and its auxiliaries
now had control of the Public Service Commission, First District.
But this control was abruptly ended by the effect of the
disclosures made in the testimony before the (Thompson) Joint
Legislative Committee probing into the affairs of the Public Service
Commissions. Mr. Glynn was succeeded as Governor by Charles S.
Whitman who had done such notable service as District Attorney of
New York County. During 1915 the Joint Legislative Committee held
many hearings at which much testimony of an upheaving nature was
given.
One result of this inquiry was a series of grave charges against
Edward E. McCall, Chairman of the Public Service Commission, First
District, and, as we have seen, recent candidate of Tammany Hall for
Mayor. Accompanied, by a request for Mr. McCall’s removal from
office, these charges were made to Governor Whitman by the Joint
Legislative Committee on December 12, 1915, and were
supplemented by a bill of particulars, specifying twenty charges,
formally filed ten days later.
The charges declared that Mr. McCall’s acceptance of his
appointment to the Public Service Commission was in violation of
law; that he was at the time the owner of stock in a corporation
subject to the Public Service Commission’s supervision; that
thereafter he attempted to transfer this stock to his wife “which
attempt was a mere subterfuge and a clumsy effort to evade the
statute”; and that as Chairman of the Public Service Commission he
participated in the consideration of matters affecting the value of
this stock.
Further, the charges accused Mr. McCall of accepting a retainer for
legal services from a corporation, the chief owner of the stock of
which was commonly reputed to be a controlling factor in the
management of the Interborough Rapid Transit Company; and that
in another case he accepted a retainer in an action then pending in
the Supreme Court “in which action the engineers in the employ of
the Public Service Commission will be necessary as material
witnesses.” Other charges specified that he favored the public
service corporations to the detriment of public interests. The
sixteenth charge particularized that in the matter of the third
tracking of the elevated railroads in Manhattan he failed to reserve
the power of supervision to the Commission “and that as a result of
such failure the lessee of the Manhattan Railway Company [the
Interborough] has entered into extravagant and improvident
contracts under which its stockholders and the people of the City of
New York have suffered and will suffer large losses”. The
seventeenth charge arraigned McCall for having authorized the
construction of connecting lines by the Interborough Rapid Transit
Company “at an extravagant and exorbitant price and without
competition to the disadvantage of the city of New York and its
inhabitants.” The eighteenth charge set forth that in the execution of
the dual subway contracts “he permitted the inclusion of a provision
under which the New York Municipal Railway Corporation will be
permitted unwarrantedly to deduct from the earnings of that
company, before the division of the net earnings between the
company and the city can be accomplished, a sum aggregating more
than $10,000,000.” In brief, the charges declared that McCall
showed misconduct in office, favoritism, neglect of duty, and
inefficiency.
After consideration of the charges, Governor Whitman, on
December 6, 1915, removed Mr. McCall from office as the Chairman
of the Public Service Commission, First District. The particular charge
substantiated was that McCall violated that section of the Public
Service Commissions law forbidding a Commissioner to hold stock in
a corporation subject to the Commission’s supervision.
McCall, however, was not the only Public Service Commissioner
involved in the revelations before the Joint Legislative Committee. At
a session on December 16, 1915, Sidney G. Johnson, vice-president
of the General Railway Signal Company, testified that Robert Colgate
Wood, another Public Service Commissioner, demanded $5,000 from
the Union Switch and Signal Company for using his influence as
Commissioner to give that company a subway signal system
contract. The offer, it was testified, was refused. On January 25,
1916, the Grand Jury in New York County indicted Mr. Wood for the
alleged solicitation of a bribe. Meanwhile, on December 27, 1915,
George V. S. Williams, another Public Service Commissioner, resigned
from office on the plea that for some time he had been
contemplating this step, and now that he was no longer “under fire”
he could retire in justice to himself.
Serious as these developments were, they did not have the
damaging effect upon Tammany that might ordinarily be supposed.
Except in certain offices here and there Tammany was out of power,
and therefore, not being prominently on the defensive, could not be
effectively assailed. Moreover, in view of the results of a recently
tried libel suit, it was anything but a propitious time for Tammany’s
Republican opponents to make capital from such incidents.
This libel action, which conspicuously held public attention, was
one brought by William Barnes, Jr., Republican State leader, against
Theodore Roosevelt. In a published article, Colonel Roosevelt had
practically charged that there was a corrupt alliance between Mr.
Barnes and Charles F. Murphy, the Tammany leader, and that Mr.
Barnes had worked through a corrupt alliance between crooked
business and crooked politics. The article did not charge personal
corruption in the sense of bribery, but emphasized the nature of the
political methods used. The trial of this action resulted, on May 22,
1915, in the jury finding a verdict in favor of Roosevelt.
The proceedings of this trial directed general notice much more to
the workings of the Republican machine system than to Tammany
methods. To the initiated it had long been known that the
Republican machine, as the power usually controlling the
Legislature, was the preferred instrument through which the
powerful financial, industrial, utility, commercial and other
corporations operated to get the legislation that they wanted. This
fact was now confirmed and disseminated by the outcome of the
libel suit. Long, too, had it been suspected that between the
apparently hostile political machines there often existed secret
understandings or alliances cloaked over by pretended political
warfare which was merely mock opposition intended for credulous
public consumption. The court proceedings and the verdict showed
that the stating of this fact was not a libel.
The effect upon public opinion of this libel action was far more
injurious to the Republican State organization than to Tammany, a
reaction naturally to be expected in judging an organization which
had so long found campaign material in strong virtuous
denunciations of “Tammany corruption.” At the same time public
disfavor of the Republican organization was increased by the bad
record of the Republican Legislature in 1915—a record that in many
respects was worse than that of a Tammany Legislature. These
influences were to Tammany’s advantage. Always rushing to
excesses when in prosperity, Tammany in times of adversity
moderated its action by observing prudence and deferring to public
proprieties. Its chief candidates in the 1915 election were men of
accredited good character and reputed ability. These conditions,
together with the fact that the Republicans and the Progressives did
not unite in opposition to Tammany, helped to bring a measure of
success to Tammany. For the first time in more than fifteen years
Tammany managed to elect a District Attorney in the County of New
York in the person of Judge Edward Swann, and it elected Alfred E.
Smith to the office of Sheriff.
 From the beginning of 1916 Tammany was thus in full control of
the criminal machinery of the law in New York County. District
Attorney Swann showed such energy in the sustained prosecution of
the infamous “white slavers,” that the formulating of charges against
him came as a surprise to many citizens who had formed a good
estimate of his activities in office. These charges, made by Judge
James A. Delahanty of the Court of General Sessions, on December
30, 1916, alleged misconduct in office in the matter of certain
assault cases resulting from the garment trades strike of 1914.
In the list of charges forwarded to Governor Whitman Judge
Delahanty accused District Attorney Swann of having deliberately
presented a false recommendation to a Judge of General Sessions
on the strength of which he obtained the discharge on bail of more
than a score of defendants indicted in March, 1914, on various
charges of assault, riots, and injuries to property occurring during
the course of labor disputes on the East Side. Judge Delahanty
further charged that District Attorney Swann even sought to have
the indictments against these men dismissed, although seven of
them had offered to plead guilty. Judge Delahanty had been an
Assistant District Attorney when Mr. Whitman was District Attorney,
and hence could claim an intimate familiarity with the details of
those very cases. Among the characters concerned in the clothing
trades strike were such notorious gangsters as “Dopey Benny” Fein,
“Waxy” Gordon, “Jew” Murphy and others such widely known for
their activities in the section east of the Bowery.
Assistant District Attorney Lucian S. Breckinridge who had had
charge of the preparation of many of these cases for trial, had
resigned on March 28, 1916, on the ground that District Attorney
Swann’s action in the cases was “a travesty on justice, and an
outrage to decency,” and that he (Mr. Breckinridge) did not purpose
to acquiesce in that action either actively or by silence. In his letter
of resignation Mr. Breckinridge asserted that the investigation of the
strike “disclosed a tale of wrong and outrage, and a use of gangsters
and thugs in labor troubles unparalleled in the history of this
country.” On the other hand, Morris Hillquit, chief counsel for the
labor unions involved, asserted in an interview that “the indictments
were based on evidence furnished by a combination of notorious
lawbreakers, who were known as such to the prosecuting officials.”
Mr. Hillquit denounced their story as “a most clumsy concoction,
bearing evidence of deliberate fabrication.”
After the filing of the charges against him, District Attorney Swann
declared that the charges were actuated by politics. He made a
bitter personal attack upon Mr. Breckenridge, and retaliated later by
causing Mr. Breckinridge to be indicted upon the allegation that he
had received a bribe from manufacturers. On January 14, 1917, the
City Club presented charges to Governor Whitman and asked for
District Attorney Swann’s removal from office. The first charge
included Judge Delahanty’s statements, and declared that District
Attorney Swann’s efforts to procure the dismissal of indictments
against labor union men charged with assault constituted an attempt
to perpetrate a fraud on the Court of General Sessions, and that its
object was to pay a Tammany election debt to East Side labor
unionists. The second charge asserted that by various means Mr.
Swann had sought to coerce and intimidate Mr. Breckinridge, who
was a valuable witness into any inquiry into the charges against the
District Attorney.
At this writing (March, 1917), it is not possible to give the
outcome of these charges; the determination of them and the
decision are still to be forthcoming from Governor Whitman when
sufficient time shall have been allowed for adequate inquiry.
By the end of 1916 the municipal administration headed by Mayor
John Purroy Mitchel had been in power for three years with another
year to serve. Usually in past times after a fusion administration had
been in office for a year or two its unwise repressive acts only the
more strengthened Tammany, which always put forth the boast that
it was the real democratic bulwark against aristocratic property rule
and that it was the genuine representative of the masses. On this
claim it generally had succeeded in elections for nearly two decades,
returning a majority of from 75,000 to 100,000 for the Democratic
candidates, especially in State and National elections. In the 1916
election Tammany was able to give Wilson a plurality of only about
40,000 over Hughes. To accept the results of any one particular
election would be unsafe. Nevertheless, it would seem to be the
case that as compared with its past Tammany is in a moribund
condition; its only large hold, the decline of which is relieved by but
an occasional victory, is in Manhattan Borough. The population of
Manhattan is not growing nearly as rapidly as some of the other
boroughs which at the same time show an increasing anti-Tammany
or Republican tendency.
While Tammany has been clinging to outworn tactics and aims out
of keeping with the rising standards of the times, the anti-Tammany
farces have learned much from the experiences of previous
movements. Likewise they have proved responsive to the broadening
currents of the age. Whatever their minor mistakes they have not
regarded New York City as an object of low political tyranny and
brutal spoliation. They have, in the main, applied constructive ability
to administration, and have evinced a keen sense not merely of the
cleanly appearance and well-ordered functions of the great city but
of its architectural and other aesthetic values as well, as shown by
several measures recently adopted. This is a very different condition
from that prevailing during the times when the city’s affairs were
dictated by ignorant politicians whose sole aim was to enrich
themselves quickly and satisfy the predatory desires of their
followers.
The anti-Tammany forces have learned, too, that repression only
nullifies in the popular mind the good effects of other
accomplishments. In the last few years New York City officials have
allowed absolute freedom of speech and freedom of assemblage on
the public streets, designating certain places for the purpose, and
qualifying this liberty only by the salutary proviso that the speakers
be held responsible for any unlawful utterances. An instructively
different attitude, this, from that in days not so long gone by when
assemblages of citizens were forbidden to use streets and were
mauled and clubbed by the police, and when they were prohibited
from holding discussions in public buildings.
Judged by the performances of many exploiting administrations
that have ruled and robbed New York City, Mayor Mitchel’s
administration has been one of wholesome tendencies and
accomplishments. Its opponents have bitterly attacked some of its
policies, but however of a debatable nature these may have been or
are, the antagonists of this administration have not been able to
assail it on the score of endorsed graft and incompetence as has
been the case with so many other city administrations. It is not
contended that evils have entirely disappeared, but at any rate the
base, ignoble practices and the repellant incompetence characteristic
of past “boss” rule have been much supplanted by improved
methods, expert judgment, technical experience, a higher tone, and
good spirit.
The police department, so long the special canker, has been
placed on a different basis. A recent report of the Bureau of Social
Hygiene, which has closely investigated that department, does not
claim that graft has been entirely eliminated but it points out that
“tremendous gains have been made.” The “vice ring,” it reports, has
been broken up; the gambling evil has been greatly reduced;
organized graft is no longer the sinister and secure system that it
was. “Collusion between exploiters of vice and officials in the Police
Department has ceased. Petty grafting still occurs. The man on the
beat may take a small bribe to overlook a breach of the law, but
protection can no longer be purchased.” The Committee of Fourteen
gives credit for this transformation largely to the “clean-up”
movement started by Police Commissioner Cropsey under Mayor
Gaynor, and continued and elaborated by Police Commissioner
Arthur Woods under Mayor Mitchel’s administration. Some survivals
of old standards still remain, particularly in the selection of
policemen too much for physical capacity and not enough for
technical intelligence as applied to detective work. From these
continuing old standards serious incapacity has often resulted in the
unearthing of crimes.
 Had New York City a homogeneous population the movement for a
general elevation of civic standards would have proceeded faster. But
New York City’s conglomerate population with its polyglot diversities
has naturally presented great difficulties in the solid formation of a
unity of understanding and purposes. Nevertheless the progress has
been very considerable. In spreading its educational measures for
the conservation of health, the Health Department of New York City
for example, has obviously encountered serious obstacles, in dealing
with a heterogeneous and in many quarters a congested population.
Yet by intelligent perseverance it has succeeded so well that in 1916,
notwithstanding an infantile paralysis epidemic, the death rate was
only 13.82 per 1000—the lowest death rate in New York City’s
history. The notable improvements brought about by these and other
departments attest ever-increasing proficiency. Where formerly the
traditional conception of politics in New York City was one cynically
regarding office as a legitimate means of spoils, graft, corruption
and corporation pillaging, new traditions have been gradually
substituted. The old influences may here and there persist, but they
are no longer accepted by masses of voters as a fixed creed. The
stage has been passed when the open venality of politics can be
successfully flaunted; it is now the subtle influences often seeking
surreptitiously to use government for their own invidious ends that
require the watching.
The supporters of Mayor Mitchel’s administration hold that by
eradicating partisan politics it has been able to concentrate its whole
attention upon the one duty of providing efficient government for
the city. They point out, that contrary to the careless methods of
some former administrations, the Mitchel administration has, by
prudent supervision of finances reduced the budget annually by
several million dollars, and yet has made notable extensions in
service. They further call attention to the fact that the Mitchel
administration has put a stop to the ruinous practice of mortgaging
the credit of the city for generations in advance. For the first time,
they also tell, New York City has protested against the old arbitrary
practice of making enormous State appropriations for objects in
which New York City had no share; that as result of this protest the
State has already made partial restitution; and that the program of
city relief in this direction should eventually mean an annual
reduction of $12,000,000 in New York City’s tax burdens. The
Mitchel administration forces emphasize the great increase in the
collections from taxes, assessments, water rates, docks, ferries,
subway and miscellaneous revenue. These are some of the financial
improvements enumerated.
In the line of departmental progress Mayor Mitchel’s
administration is credited with a large list of reforms and
innovations: The transformed morale of the Police Department; the
efficiency of the Fire Department in greatly curtailing the number of
fires while at the same time that department has cost $200,000 less
a year than formerly; the humanizing of the activities of the Charities
Department and of the correctional system; the progressive work of
the Health, Education and other departments; the enterprise of the
Dock Department in adding seven miles of wharfage and vast areas
of dock space to New York harbor’s piers. This is but the merest
synopsis of the abundant details set forth showing what Mayor
Mitchel’s administration has done.
So attractive is this record that the description may possibly seem
open to the suspicion of being one-sided, if not effusive. Recalling
how often New York City has suffered from flagrant
maladministration, the skeptic may be tempted to regard these
attributed deeds as being too good to be true. Besides, campaign
documents are to be scrutinized not so much for their assertions as
for their omissions.
It is true that the great bulk of the accomplishments of Mayor
Mitchel’s administration may be justly claimed by his supporters as
genuine services which are bound to become fixed standards any
overthrow of which will not be easily tolerated by the educated
public. These Administration annalists, however, have not separated
the reforms essentially enduring from those which by their nature
are merely experimental, as, for example, certain educational
policies. But experiments have their distinct value; better that they
should be tried than inertia should prevail.
One of the few specific charges brought against Mayor Mitchel’s
administration is the assertion that a coterie of real estate
speculators has profited unduly by the sale of park sites and other
real estate to the city and State during recent years. In reply the
supporters of Mayor Mitchel’s administration say that the acquisition
of these properties was indispensable to great public improvements
planned; that whatever payments have been made have been paid
by the regularly determined award of the courts; and that there is
not the slightest evidence of collusion on the part of city officials.
Thus far the opponents of Mayor Mitchel’s administration have
devoted much of their energy to attempts at personal onslaughts.
This line of action has called forth the comment that it is because of
the very absence of administrative scandals that the administration’s
adversaries resort to vague personal attacks. From these opponents
has come the persistent innuendo that because of Mayor Mitchel’s
occasional social associations with rich and powerful personages, his
official activities must necessarily be influenced by that contact. It is
aptly pointed out that the hypocrisy and demagogery of such an
aspersion may be properly estimated when it is recalled that the
elements mainly concerned in spreading it have been the identical
organized forces that year after year were the tools of designing
men and corporations that by the adroit use of corrupt politics
vested in themselves huge corporate privileges and powers and
enormous wealth.

THE END
 INDEX

A
Abolitionist movement, 122-123
Ackerman, Simon, 24
Adams, John, 5
Adams, John Quincy, 5, 61-65, 70-74, 82
Ætna Fire Insurance Co., 97
Ahearn, John F., 316, 324-326
Aldermanic corruption, 81, 98-99, 103, 105, 132-133, 155, 156,
167-171, 181, 197-198, 252, 263-265
Allds, Jotham P., 312
Allen, Stephen, 57, 60, 88, 89, 106
Alley, Saul, 106
Amory, William N., 293, 320-321, 332, 334-335
Andrews, Avery D., 279
Anti-Masonic party, 83, 87
Anti-Monopolists, 103, 109, 113-114, 119
Apollo Hall Democracy, 254
Arcularius, Philip I., 23
Astor, John Jacob, 232

B
Bailey, Benjamin, 88
Baker, Gardiner, 7
Baker, Ray Stannard, 321
Bank of America, 96, 126
Bank of the Metropolis, 64
Bank of the United States (see U. S. Bank)
Banks, abuses of, 13-14, 18, 79, 96-98, 106-107, 114
Bannard, Otto, 341-342
Bar Association, 253, 276, 284, 373
Barker, Isaac O., 179-180
Barker, Jacob, 13, 31, 44, 48, 49, 66, 70-71
Barker, James W., 174
Barnard, George G., 223, 242, 244, 248, 268
“Barnburners,” 140-149, 161
Barnes, William, Jr., 395
Barr, Thomas J., 163, 165, 170
Barrett, George C., 237
Becker, Charles, 356-357, 359-360
Bedell, Louis, 347
Beecher, Henry Ward, 237
Bell, Isaac, Jr., 192
Belmont, August, 230-252, 350-351
Bennet, William M., 338
Bennett, James Gordon, 72, 144
Bermel, Joseph, 329-30
Bensel, John A., 389
Betts, Peter, 96
Biddle, Nicholas, 89
Billings, Rev. H. W., 225
Bingham, John, 24-25
Bingham, Theodore A., 339-340
Binkerd, Robert S., 331
Birney, James G., 137
“Blackbirds,” 186
Blake, George W., 363, 369-370, 377
Bleecker, Anthony J., 179-180
Bloodgood, Abraham, 118
Bloodgood, John M., 118, 125, 144
Blunt, Orison, 205
Bogardus, Cornelius, 165
Bogert, John A., 147
Boole, Francis I. A., 199, 202, 203, 205, 206, 208
Bowne, Walter, 42, 81, 82, 88, 89, 98, 121, 127
Breckinridge, Lucian S., 397-398
Bradley, Gaffney & Steers, 365
Brady, Anthony N., 332, 351, 383, 385-386, 390
Brady, James T., 144, 194
Brady, William V., 141-142
Briggs, John R., 213
Broadway Railroad Co., 263-264
Broadway Surface Railroad Co., 263-264
Brooklyn Rapid Transit Co., 378
Broome, John. L., 16, 50, 60
Brown, E. D., 232
Brownell, J. Sherman, 141
Brush, Jacob, 165
Bryan, William J., 281
Bryant, William Cullen, 100, 116
Buchanan, James, 178, 180, 194, 251
Buckmaster, George, 40, 41, 60
Buckley, William H., 343
Bureau of Municipal Research, 325
Bureau of Social Hygiene, 400
Burr, Aaron, 12, 13, 14, 15, 17, 126
Butler, Benjamin F., 206
Butler, W. O., 143
Byrnes, Thomas F., 316

C
Calhoun, John C., 64
Cambreleng, C. C., 89, 140
Campbell, Allan, 262
Cardozo, Albert, 220, 248
Carroll, John F., 284-298
Cass, Lewis, 87, 143, 157
Cassidy, Edward F., 341-342
Cassidy, Joseph, 330, 386-387
Catholics, feeling against, 30, 134
Cebra, John Y., 95
Chatham Fire Insurance Co., 97
Cheetham, James, 26, 27, 28
Chemical Bank, 96-97
Chittenden, S. B., 197-198
Choate, Joseph H., 240
Church, Sanford E., 252
Cisco, John J., 150
City Club, 278, 291, 303-304, 325, 327, 331
Citizens’ Union, 282, 327
City Reform party, 172-174, 178-180
Civic Alliance, 341
Civil War, 49, 194, 196-197, 306
Cleveland, Grover, 262, 265, 271, 274-275
Clark, Aaron, 109, 110, 118, 120, 144
Clark, William H., 273
Clay, Henry, 82, 137, 157
Clinton, DeWitt, 16, 17-19, 26, 28-30, 31-32, 34, 36, 38-40, 45-
48, 52, 54-55, 61, 64, 68, 75, 88
Clinton, George, 2, 17-19, 26
Cochran W. Bourke, 267-273
Cochrane, John, 165, 172, 188
Cockroft, William, 168
Coddington, Jonathan I., 134-135
Cohalan, Daniel F., 353-354, 355, 373-374
Colden, Cadwallader D., 8, 47, 48, 51, 52-53, 60
Coler, Bird S., 304, 316
Commercial Bank, 103
Committee of Seventy, 253, 278
Conkling, Frederick A., 218-219
Conner, William C., 192
Connolly, J. A., 373
Connolly, Richard B., 122, 152, 165, 202, 214-215, 221, 227,
235, 240-241, 244, 248, 249
Conover, Daniel D., 182
Cook, Noah, 119
Coogan, James J., 271
Cooper, Edward, 184, 259, 260
Cornell, Alonzo B., 260, 262
Cornell, William H., 273
Corruption, 77, 96-98, 126, 132-133, 153-154, 167-171, 181-
182, 191-192, 197-199, 200, 203, 206-207, 212-213, 219-
220, 222-223, 227, 229, 232-233, 238, 239, 241, 263-264,
271-273, 277-278, 288-289, 307-308, 317, 318, 338, 342-
350, 358-359, 363-371, 372, 386-387
Coulter, James E., 167
Cram, J. Sergeant, 383-385
Cravath, Paul D., 334
Crawford, William H., 61, 63-64
Creek Indians, 6
Croker, Richard, 226, 255, 263-264, 267-270, 278-282, 284,
287-289, 292, 293, 295-298, 310, 360, 389
Crolius, Clarkson, 86
Cromwell, George, 317
Cullen, Edgar M., 376-377
Cutting, Francis B., 147

D
Darling, William A., 208
Darlington, Thomas, 389
Davies, Thomas E., 168
Davis, Matthew L., 12, 24, 25, 28, 45, 70-71
Davis, William A., 16, 83
Davis, Vernon M., 367
“Dead Rabbits,” 186, 189, 191
Debt, imprisonment for, 94-95
Delaney, John H., 364-365, 368, 383
Delavan, Daniel E., 152
Delahanty, James A., 396-397
Democratic Club, 388
Denniston, Isaac, 51
Devlin, Charles, 182, 204
Dix, John A., 259, 331, 353, 354
Dolan, Thomas, 293
Douglas, Stephen, 195
Dowd, William, 260
Downes, Samuel, 197
Drake, Ellis G., 141
Dunn, Bartholomew, 326, 328, 389
Dunn, Thomas J., 326
Duryea, Stephen C., 152

E
Eckford, Henry, 70, 71
Edson, Franklin, 262, 264, 268
Edwards, Ogden, 89
Eighth Avenue railroad, 167
Einstein, Edwin, 274-275
Elder, Robert, 350
Election frauds, 73-75, 90-91, 114, 118-122, 135, 137, 147,
158-159, 177-180, 191, 195-196, 203-204, 206, 208-209,
218, 220, 275, 276
Election violence, 73-75, 92, 159, 177-180
Ellingwood & Cunningham, 346-347
Ellis, William A., 275
Elkins, William L., 332
Ely, Smith, Jr., 208, 259
Emmett, Thomas Addis, 46
Empire Club, 136-138
Engeman, William A., 349
Equitable Life Assurance Society, 307-308, 334
Equal Rights party, 93-95, 98, 100-102, 105-108, 110-111, 114
Erhardt, Joel B., 271
Erie Canal, 16, 40, 45, 48, 49, 54, 65-68
Erie Railway corruption, 223, 231
Evarts, William M., 237-242
Exchange Bank, 48, 70

F
Fairlie, James, 72
Farley, Terrence, 200
Fassett Committee, 263-264, 272-274
Fassett, J. Sloat, 272
Federalists, 9, 11, 13-14, 16, 25-26, 29, 34-37, 40-41, 44, 45,
47, 49, 61, 109, 114
Fellows, John R., 264
Fenton, Reuben E., 208
Ferguson, John, 38, 39
Fidelity & Casualty Co., 344
Fields, “Tom,” 244
Fillmore, Millard, 80
Fish, Preserved, 101
Fisk, James, Jr., 223, 230
Flack, James A., 271
Flannery, Joseph A., 328
Foley, Charles A., 390
Foley, John, 232, 242
Foley, Thomas F., 389
Fornes, Charles V., 306
Fowler, Isaac V., 146, 165, 190-191, 194
Fowler, John Walker, 195-251
Fox, John, 225, 389
Francis, John W., 4
Franklin, Morris, 134-135
Freedman, Andrew, 296-297
Free Soilers, 161
Fremont, John C., 80
French Revolution, 8, 9
Fulton Bank, 71

G
Gaffney, James E., 302, 310-311, 313, 349, 362, 366-369, 371-
372, 385, 389
Gallagher, Ernest, 329-330
“Gangs,” 130-132, 185-186, 267, 299
Gardiner, Asa Bird, 289
Garvey, Andrew J., 216, 221-222, 248-249
Gaynor, William J., 340-341, 349, 356, 378-379, 400
General Railway Signal Co., 394
Genet, E. C., 50
Genet, Harry W., 225, 226, 244
George, Henry, 269, 270, 282
George, Henry, Jr., 282
Gibbs, Frederick S., 262
Gilbert, Garrit, 103
Gilroy, Thomas F., 267, 274, 275
Glynn, Martin, 388-392
Goff, John W., 276
Goodsell, Louis F., 347
Gorham, Daniel, 114
Gould, Jay, 223
Grace, William R., 260-261, 262
Grady, Thomas F., 343-4, 349
Grant, Hugh J., 262-264, 265, 267-269, 271-272, 274, 278
Grant, U. S., 218, 256
Greeley, Horace, 115, 117, 188, 254
Green, Andrew H., 241, 248
Green, Duff, 87
Greene, Francis V., 304
Gresser, Lawrence, 316, 330-331
Grinnell, Moses H., 119
Griswold, John A., 217
Grout, Edward M., 306
Gumbleton, Henry A., 260
Gunther, C. Godfrey, 189, 201, 205, 208, 252
Guthrie, W. D., 328, 373

H
Hadfelt, Richard, 36
Haff, John P., 13, 51, 60
Haffen, Louis F., 294, 297, 298, 316, 326-329
Hackett, John K., 204
Hackley, Andrew J., 198
Hagan, James J., 363
Haight, D. H., 168
Hall, A. Oakey, 216, 218, 224, 227, 230, 239, 240-242
Halleck, Fritz Greene, 11
Hallett, William Paxen, 95, 124-125
Hamilton, Alexander, 2, 3, 14, 19, 66
Hamilton, Andrew, 308, 381
Hammond, Judah, 1, 10
Hancock, Winfield S., 260
Hanford, Benjamin, 295
Hanger, Harry B., 366
“Hardshells,” 161-165, 173, 174-175
Harlem Railroad, 99, 103, 123
Harper, James, 134-136
Harrison, William Henry, 129-130
Hart, Emanuel B., 141, 184
Haskell, Job, 104, 114
Havemeyer, William F., 138-139, 140, 142, 152, 192-193, 237,
239, 241, 252, 254, 255, 256, 261, 279
Hayes, Jacob, 13
Hearst, George, 309
Hearst, William R., 309, 322-323, 341-342
Hennessy, John A., 363-365, 369, 377, 382-386
Herrick, John J., 174-175
Hewitt, Abram S., 268-271, 273
Hill, David B., 275
Hillquit, Morris, 397
Hoffman, John T., 208, 216-218, 224, 230, 250
Hoffman, Josiah Ogden, 7
Holmes, Silas, 96
Home Insurance Co., 343
Hone, Philip, 69
Hotchkiss, William H., 342-347
Houston, Sam, 141
Hoyt, Gould, 41
Hoyt, Jesse, 106, 124
Hubbard, Ruggles, 50, 60
“Huckleberry” railroads franchises, 280
Hudson Insurance Co., 98
Hughes, Charles E., 323, 326-331, 334, 346, 347, 398
Humbert, Jonas, 23, 24, 25, 60
“Hunkers,” 140-149, 159, 161
Hunn, John S., 44
Hunt, Wilson G., 174-175
Hyde, Charles H., 348-349

I
Ice Trust, 286
Immigration, 134, 154-155, 209
Immigrants, marshalling in politics, 128-129, 151, 188, 209, 217
Ingersoll, James H., 214-215, 221, 238
Interstate Commerce Commission, 315-318
Interborough Rapid Transit Co., 378-380, 393
Ireland, W. H., 72, 89
Irish, prejudice against, 30, 45
Irish, mob Tammany Hall, 46
Irving Hall, 226
“Irving Hall Democracy,” 258, 260-262, 274
Irving, “Jimmy,” 244
Ives, Henry S., 272
Ivins, William M., 322-323

J
Jaehne, Henry W., 264
Jackson, Andrew, 5, 52, 61-65, 70, 73-76, 80, 85-89, 90-91,
115, 123, 188
Jacques, Moses, 94, 106, 110
Jefferson, Thomas, 4, 5, 9, 15, 116, 188
Jerome, William Travers, 291-292, 294, 319-322, 331-335
Johnson, Sidney G., 394
Judah, Naphtali, 51, 60

K
Keating, James P., 272
Kelly, John, 215, 218-219, 250-257, 258-261, 267, 268
Kendall, George H., 372
Kennedy, John J., 389-390
Kennedy, William D., 196
King, Charles, 41
Kingsland, Ambrose C., 152
Kingsley, Darwin P., 345
Kipp, Solomon, 167
Knights of Labor, 269
Know-Nothings (see also Native Americans), 174, 191

L
Laimbeer, Francis E., 287
Lawrence, Abraham R., 254
Lawrence, Cornelius W., 92, 102
Lawrence, John L., 72
Ledwith, Thomas W., 229-230
Lee, Gideon, 101
Legislative corruption, 77, 96-98, 103-104, 200, 222-223, 227,
244, 342-350, 352, 372
Leggett, William, 100, 110, 116, 122, 123
Lexow, Clarence, 276
Lewis, Morgan, 18
Liberal Republicans, 253
Libby, James S., 177, 179-180
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