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in the politics of the free States.
This was evinced by the aggressiveness of anti-slavery legislation, the repeal of slave sojournment laws, the enactment of personal liberty laws, the increasing preference manifested by Whig and by Democratic electors for antislavery Whig, and anti-slavery Democratic leaders.
Seward and Chase, and Hale and Hamlin, Thaddeus Stevens and Joshua R. Giddings, were all in Congress in 1849.
A revolution was working in the North; a revolution was working in the South.
New and bolder spirits were rising to leadership in both sections.
On the Southern stage were Jefferson Davis, Barnwell Rhett, David Atchison, Howell Cobb, Robert Toombs, and James M. Mason.
The outlook was portentous, tempestuous.
The tide of excitement culuminated in the crisis of 1850.
The extraordinary activity of the underground railroad system, and its failure to open the national Territories to slave immigration had transported the South to the verge of disunion.
California, fought over by the two foes, was in the act of withdrawing herself from the field of contention to a position of independent Statehood.
It was her rap for admission into the Union as a free State which precipitated upon the country the last of the compromises between freedom and slavery.
It sounded the opening of the final act of Southern domination in the republic.
The compromise of 1850, a series of five acts, three of which it took to conciliate the South, while two were considered sufficient to satisfy the North, was, after prolonged and stormy debate, adopted to save Webster's glorious Union.
These five acts were, in
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