Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3

[35] other arm must suffer, either by neglect or by the conflict of ideals—the religious becoming the critic of the political, and the political in turn denying and disowning the¹ religious. Such, in fact, became the attitude of the Abolitionists (whose name henceforth is as technical as Whig or Democrat) and the anti-slavery party in its various transformations down to the Rebellion.

For like reasons it was impossible that two purely moral agitations could be kept up side by side, as some had fondly imagined who would have let the sectarian seceders from the old organization go their own way, without exposure or refutation. The field from which one barely derived sustenance could not have given material support to both, and the weaker must have become, in the mere struggle for existence, less a propaganda of common doctrine than a professional opposition, thriving by the discredit it could throw on its rival and the recruits it could seduce from it. New organization, in short, had but one destiny—to be swallowed up in the Liberty Party. Its nominal head at New York, the American and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, was a mere mask for Lewis Tappan, who drew up its annual report, and bore the expenses of its single (annual) meeting and of its short-lived organ, the² (monthly) Anti-Slavery Reporter, which Whittier helped edit.³ It had no agents in the field; it rendered no⁴ financial accounts. Joshua Leavitt, who had been made its