Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4

[136] extinction of slavery; and secondly, peace, especially with England; and both seemed about to be defeated through the English government. We are all more tranquil now,—not from any positive assurance of peace from England, but more from the conviction that the English government will not open that interminable chapter of war which many even think now already opened on their side. The French minister¹ who was with me for two hours yesterday, thinks that the ships will not be allowed to leave, and that there will be no trouble; and this is Lord Lyons's opinion. Baron Gerolt, the Prussian, and doyen of the diplomatic body here, who understands our affairs better than any of his associates, writes to his government, so he tells me, that England ought not to provoke a war with this government; that it would be a terrible conflict; and he adds that he does not doubt, if we are not interfered with by England, that the Federal power will be re-established. He had a conversation yesterday with Lord Lyons, which was quite satisfactory.

It has seemed to us an obvious duty of the English government to take the responsibility of enforcing its own statute of neutrality, which is little more than the requirement of international law, and that it was enough for us to direct attention to the reported fact. Some of our Cabinet were so strongly of this opinion that they were unwilling that our minister or agents should take any further steps, and insisted that after what had passed the English government should be left to do as they pleased, and we should simply wait the result, it being generally understood that the sailing of the ships would be a declaration of war. I insisted most earnestly that while I did not differ from others as to the obvious duty of the English government, yet, as it had become a question of peace or war, I would not stand upon any form; that I would employ agents, attorneys, and counsel; institute law proceedings,—in short, do all that we thought the British government ought to do, so far as we might be able to do, whether in courts or out of courts. The President at last adopted this view, and Mr. Evarts,² who is a very eminent lawyer, without a superior in the country, has been despatched to do all that he can, in consultation if possible with your law officers or with others, to arrest the guilty vessels. He is a friend of Mr. Seward, who had hoped that he would take his place in the Senate; but he has never been in public life, and is purely a professional man. I think that his visit will do good; and I am so much interested in it that I shall give him a letter to the duke, and also to Mr. Gladstone, whom I admire, notwithstanding his deflection from the line where I should like to see him.

I may err,—it may be that I shall be disappointed; but I feel sure that slavery cannot prevail. Blood and treasure will be lavished, and tears will flow in torrents; but justice will be established at last, before this war can end. In this conviction I am firm. I do not speak of sixty or ninety days, nor do I see any immediate prospect of this peace; but I am none the less certain that it must come.

The duke's article on Lord Dalhousie³ makes me hungry for the next.⁴ I have read it with intense interest, and have enjoyed the way in which it is