The
Paris correspondent of the N. O. Picayune communicates the following important intelligence, under date of July 31st:
‘
Judge Rost continues at his post, and exerts all his energies to push forward the grave interests confided to him. I have already mentioned the favorable impression he makes here on all classes of people.
I am not at liberty to repeat all I know, having been expressly desired to be most guarded in my language; nevertheless, I may quote to you what the
Paris correspondent of the London Times said in a recent letter: ‘"The recognition of the
Confederate States is looming up here,"’ and I assure you it is the truth.--The most influential men connected with the
Government are strongly in favor of it.--
The Emperor himself said to a well known American gentleman a few weeks ago: ‘"I regret to see civil war waged in the
United States, especially as a policy of conciliation would have averted it, had
Mr. Lincoln resorted to it; but it is the interest of
France the
Union should be dissolved, and I cannot deplore that."’ A pamphlet has been published here; its author, I suspect, is
Mons. Esparbie, one of the editors of
La Patric, which is a semi- official paper, and the Belgian newspapers say it was written to prepare the public mind here for a recognition of the
Confederate States.
It is entitled, ‘"The American Revolution Revealed."’ Here is its conclusion:
‘"The struggle has begun.
If the
South triumphs, its victory will forever free it from a system of commercial vassalage which militated against its production; but it the fate of arms should replace it under a political economical yoke, against which it is determined to struggle to the very last extremity, and which it is resolved never to bear against; its defeat would be the signal for the annihilation of its production; its defeat would superinduce the ruin of the
South, and its ruin would be felt in
Europe in a most disastrous manner, for it would dry the sources whence
Europe draws the raw materials which have become one of the most necessary elements of its labor, for they are the indispensable bases of the manufacture of articles of the first necessity.
Can
England and
France allow themselves to be suddenly deprived of the cotton which supplies their manufactories?
We ask the question, for such will be the terrible problem which will rise before them the moment the
North is victor.
Providence will not allow this victory, and the clear far reach of foresight of Napoleon III.
cannot be deceived about the importance of a question which interests the prosperity of
France in so high a degree, and which we hold can receive no practicable nor equitable solution except in the independence of the
Confederate States Of America."’
Here is an article which appeared in Friday's La Patrie, and which I commend to your attention, for it shows the change taking place in public opinion here:
"Public opinion is forming daily in
France upon the true character of American events, and as event after event takes place, a change gradually occurs in the best minds — a change which so thoroughly corroborates the policy we have adopted, we must not neglect it. What were our assertions?
We asserted in the first place: The Southern States had a right to separate; the
Constitution was silent touching the chances of secession, and an amendment to the
Constitution had provided that all powers not expressly delegated to the
Constitution are reserved to the several States or to the people.
In the second place: That the right of secession being admitted, it is the evident interest of
Europe to favor, or at the least not to throw obstacles in the way of a revolution which obliterates from
European polities great State whose action might become embarrassing to
European powers at any moment; a revolution which simplified by separation the commercial relations of
Europe with the several States of
North America.
Nobody now contests the right of separation possessed by the
Southern States, unless it be by those men who are voluntarily blind, who have obstinately formed their opinions.
We find this right inscribed on the frontispiece of the
Constitution, which mentions that ‘"when the thirteen American Colonies were acknowledged George III.
to be free, sovereign and independent States, they united together to form a more perfect Union."’ And impelled by the fear of giving themselves a new master by instituting a Federal Government without any check upon it, the resolutions called "the
Virginia resolutions of '88 which were adopted by Congress on the 28th June, 1788, declared' the several States of the
United States of American have not and do not unite together to enter upon a blind and unlimited submission to the authority of the
Federal Government; but by the compact known as the
Constitution of the United States (which is made open to amendment) they constitute and form a General Government for a certain specified object, to which they delegate certain well defined powers, reserving at the same time to each and every State all the other rights of sovereignty not delegated to the
Constitution.
‘"The same resolutions declare that whenever the
Federal Government arrogates to itself the possession of any powers other than those specified, its acts shall be null and void.
We have it in our power to support these solemn declarations by numerous articles of the
Federal Constitution, by the deliberate opinions of the illustrious founder of American Democracy, and by other important documents, all of which prove beyond a question that the several States of the
Union have a right to secede.
La Press now understands this question as we do. It says, in a very remarkable article: There is now between the
South and the
North no longer any question of right, it is a question of fact — that is, a revolution.
It is with the revolution the
North must now reckon.
Can you reduce it?
This is the only and the true point of the debate."’ These are the very words used fifteen days again discussing this question with L' Opinione Nationale. As for the interest
Europe has to establish direct relations with Southern consumers of her goods, without being obliged to pay at New York duties, transportation and commissions to New York bankers, La Presse says with us: In fine, the question, as far as the
Union is concerned, is not a question of life or death, as deprived of the eleven
Confederate States, it will still be a great maritime power, and its liberty will be in no wise menaced.'
‘"It is evident that public opinion in
Europe is changing upon a great many ideas, upon a great many prejudices fostered by interested declamations.
The anti-humane, inconsequential conduct of Northern men in the exciting question of slavery, their stooping to admit into the
Union slave States from whose products they reckoned to make money, while in their newspapers and their books they hold themselves out to
Europe with all the advantages of an easy but hypocritical humanity, are things which do not tend to conciliate the sympathies of nations to them.
What will the world say, if, with its mind filled with these thoughts, it receives such telegrams as that we received yesterday?
What ! the whole world is astonished at the exorbitant demands of men and money made by the
President; and it next hears the Senate, excited by some strange ardor, bids more men and more money!
It is not $400,000,000 but $500,000,000 given!
It is not 400,000 defenders accorded the
Union, but 500,000!
Of a truth, isn't this a comedy!
What impressions can these rhodomontade make on
Europe, when we read in the same telegram that 4,000 Federal troops attacked 1,200 Confederate men and fell back before the latter?
Was it to fight such battles, announced so long beforehand, the Senate felt it their duty to augment
Mr. Lincoln's camp and chest?"’
There are a great many pamphlets constantly appearing here on the
American question, as it is called.
All of them (silly Monde
Gasparin's excepted) favor our side and advocate a recognition of our independence.
’
